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Sociological Perspectives on Identity

Last Updated on August 30, 2016 by Karl Thompson

If there’s one central idea in this chapter (IMO) it’s this – ‘In today’s society, we have little choice but to be tied into a project of the self in which the self becomes something to be worked on – and it is in this way that power works through us.’

Becoming ourselves: governing and/ through identities

In the contemporary West it is hard to avoid the idea that the self is a project to be worked on. We see this everywhere, but especially in self-help books, therapy, the various experts promising to guide us through different stages of our lives and, of course, in the media: in chat-shows and ‘make-over’ programmes for example.

All of this is presented as freeing, as if working on the self involves freeing us of the oppressive influences of others.

What Nikolas Rose calls the ‘norm of autonomy’ has become an orthodoxy in many discussions about identity – but we should consider the argument that when we are incited to be ‘free’, we are then the most enmeshed in in the workings of power – the relationship of the self to itself within a contemporary project of self-actualisation, self-awareness and self-improvement has become a norm which ties us to relentless self-scrutiny, in which we watch ourselves for signs of deviancy and wrong doing.

We can only perceive such a project of the self as being about autonomy if we perceive power as a repressive and denying force.

An alternative perspective, associated with Michel Foucault, envisages power as a force which works positively through our desires and our selves, which sees categories of subject as produced through forms of knowledge.

(A legitimate question to ask would be why are we so obsessed with the idea of individual autonomy when we live such complex, interdependent lives.)

Power/ knowledge

The E nlightenment view = ‘knowledge is power’ – if we obtain knowledge this will free us from the workings of power. This assumes a true self which lies outside or beyond power and self-knowledge, realised through reason.

Foucault – opposes the view that knowledge is power – one of the ways in which power works is through producing ‘truths’ about the world. These truths come to seem obvious, necessary and self-evident, they form part of the coherence of the social world and place the self within it.

Foucault argues that there has been a gradual shift in the uses and forms of power in the last 150 years in the West –

From juridical , or law-like power – which uses the language of rights and obligations.

To form s of normalising, or regulatory power – which uses the language of health, normality and self-fulfilment.

Juridical power says ‘obey me or you will be punished’, regulatory power says ‘obey me so that you can be happy’. This is a form of power which doesn’t rely on coercion, but one in which we scrutinise and regulate ourselves, the self comes to act on itself.

For Foucault, power is at its most powerful when it is its least repressive – power works not just though denying but through offering ways of being and pleasure.

As Tom Inglis puts it – ‘power announces truth’ – its truths are forged on the basis of knowledge, but this refers not to knowledge about a set of facts but rather to what might be termed ways of knowing, or in Foucauldian terms discourse .

Discourses define what can be said and thought, and how these things can be said and thought. – they are verbal or non-verbal ways of organising the world, creating ways of conceptualising that are seen as axiomatically obvious – they are epistemological enforcers (Said, 1991). (I guess they’re sort of like paradigms!)

An example of a discourse today is to understand present emotional problems as stemming from a troubled childhood, rather than because you’ve been cursed by a witch-doctor – the later would just not be taken seriously, it is outside of the discourse of understanding negative emotions.

Discourse differs to the concept of ideology because ideology presupposes a real which is beyond ideology which the ideology obscures – to speak of discourses is to speak of the knowledges which produce the truth. Foucault, in fact talks of the politics of truth.

What this line of questioning opens up is the possibility that who we and who other people are is an effect of what we know ourselves and others to be, that it is discourses which have produced categories of person and that this is how we understand ourselves.

Making people up

A good example of how categories of people are produced can be found in the way many Westerners think about sexuality – many people don’t just think of sex as something they do, they think of sex as something they are.

Foucault argues that this way of brining together sexuality and identity is relatively recent. In the 19 th century, same-sex relations occurred, but there was no special consideration given to ‘being homosexual’.

It was throughout the 20 th century, along with the new pseudo-science of Sexology in which people categorised the minutiae of sexual activity, that the category of the homosexual became created as a subject, and thus the identity of the homosexual was produced (or you might say, invented/ constructed) . Alongside this, the category of heterosexual also needed to be produced, because homosexuality has no meaning without it.

These new categories of knowledge in fact produced what they aimed to describe – categories of person.

Foucault wants to challenge the ‘sexual liberation’ discourse – especially the idea that new apparent sexual freedoms bring with them an absence of power and control. With increased interest in sexuality in the 20 th century came new forms of scrutiny as more experts emerged – and while the invention of sexual subjects has clearly been liberating for some, it has also become a means whereby we increasingly scrutinise ourselves for signs of abnormality and unhealthiness.

This legacy goes beyond sexual identity to extend into every area of our lives and our identities.

Technologies of the self

One way in which power works is through categorising people in terms through which they come to understand themselves – in this sense subjectivities are created in regimes of knowledge and power.

In explaining the relationship of the self to itself, Foucault uses the term subjectification . There are two meanings of the word subject – subject to someone else through control and dependence and tied to one’s own identity by a conscience or self-knowledge. Both meanings suggest a form of power which subjugates and makes subject to, according to Foucault.

Through subjectification, people become tied to specific identities, they become subjects, but they also become subject-ed to the rules and norms engendered by a set of knowledges about these identities.

We have little choice but to be tied into a project of the self in which the self becomes something to be worked on – and it is in this way that power works through us.

We are subjected subjects across many forms of identity – parent, worker, citizen, for example, all of which demand a level of scrutiny to maintain. The way government works today is through establishing normal-abnormal categories along these various dimensions of identity and then people employ technologies of the self in order to stay within the boundaries of normality (usually) – (the struggle is to keep up, or stay ahead, if you like!)

Psy knowledge, expertise and authority

Psy knowledges includes such disciplines as medicine, psychiatry, psychology and pedagogy, which produce ‘truths’ about the self and its relation to others. These have gained ascendancy in the West, especially since these knowledges have escaped the boundaries of academia and inform a whole of host of professional practices (social work and teaching for example) and our daily lives through such things as chat-shows and gossip magazines.

Nikolas Rose argues that it is hard to conceive of person-hood today without reference to ‘psy.’

Psy governs through using regulatory or normalising power – not working in spite of our desires, but through them – and generating specific kinds of desire in the first place.

This process started about 150 years ago through the development of ‘technologies of responsibilisation’ – when the home became perceived as the counterweight to the state, new experts in the fields of medicine and education emerged to regulate private life – and these experts govern through making assertions about the way we should act as subjects, which go largely unquestioned.

Over the years subjects have come to understand themselves as people who should be morally responsible for their own actions by monitoring the minutiae of daily-life – two examples of how this is achieved in the context of education are the teaching of English literature in schools and more recently circle time – both of which encourage the development of a self-reflecting, moral, responsibilised subject.

The norm of autonomy and the scrutiny of the soul

Rose argues that we now live in a psychotherapeutic society in which the self is understood as an inner state, to be sought out, understood, and actualised. This doesn’t so much manifest itself as narcissism, but is rather something we are stuck with – most of us can’t imagine attempting to understand ourselves without the discourses of psy.

Therapy has now become the norm for many areas of social life – that is reflecting on inner states is seen to be a cure for all sorts of social ills. Rose’s task is show how this therapeutic culture which stresses autonomy actually ties us more closely to the workings of power.

Foucault suggested that abnormal and normal manifestations of sex became axes around which people’s behaviour could be judged – Rose has broadened this out – now it is not normality which is the goal, but rather autonomy, and he applies this to much more than the sexual dimension of identities.

We live in an era where dependency now means pathology – but the path to autonomy means adhering to the strictures of psy expertise and watching and monitoring ourselves more closely.

Rose argues that there are four principle sets of concern around the goal of autonomy:

A subjectification of work – work is understood as significant in terms of identity
A pyschologisation of the mundane – life events such as marriages and births are seen as having a potentially transformative role in life.
A therapeutics of fininitude – chapters in our life ending are now seen as times of potential danger but also possibility for personal growth.
A neurotisation of social intercourse – social ills have come to be understood in terms of problems stemming from the ways we interact with others.

Across these four dimensions, we see the production of a particular kind of self – ideally autonomous, self-actualising, exercising choice, and a project to be worked on.

For Rose, in a therapeutised culture, social ills become personal problems to be worked on. We are not necessarily free, because we are now obliged to live our lives as projects.

The state of the therapeutic

States still exercise regulatory, normalising power through the deployment of expertise. This is most notable in expert knowledge surrounding the child.

The state takes a special interest in producing the right kind of citizen – citizens who believe themselves to be free and who believe there are equal opportunities. This is primarily done through exploiting the desire of parents to be ‘good parents’, especially mothers. For example:

– parents are enjoined to turn learning into play

– they should evoke reason and rightness

– states employ numerous professionals which subject parenting to scrutiny

Parents are encouraged to engender a sense of autonomy in their children, but this autonomy is a myth – the belief that children can do anything will not reduce structural barriers to their achieving certain goals in life.

The state also retains its ability to use coercive measures, though these are rarely deployed, such as:

– parenting orders

– parenting contracts

– Those who are subjected to these things fall into the category of ‘failed parent’ (or ‘failed human’) and if people are subject to these things, the failures are understood as their own or their parents’ fault, not because of social ills. The discourses of psy rest on these categories of exclusion.

Resisting these discourses is not straightforward – Foucault offers no straightforward method, other than to constantly question the desirability and legitimacy of such categories.

Evaluations of this perspective

The strength of this perspective lies in highlighting the myth of individual autonomy and the fact that your ‘identity’ isn’t really your own – you are a product of social categories, which in turn are products of power relations.

One problem is that this perspective cannot explain why people make such intense investments in their selves.

Lawler finishes the chapter by recommending Barry Smart’s ‘Michel Foucault’ (1985) and Michele Barret’s ‘The Politics of Truth: From Marx to Foucault’ (1991) as good introductions to Foucault’s work.

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Sociological Theories

Still talking about identity

When I started my PhD in September, I set up a Google alert for “identity politics.” What this means is that, more or less every day, I receive an email listing the most prominent articles which have mentioned the phrase. Unsurprisingly, with few exceptions, these mentions consist of off-hand references to identity politics as a self-evident accusation to be brought against politicians, organizations, academics, or artists. Perhaps less obvious, but still not unexpected, this usage is shared across the political spectrum. Identity politics may have been picked up in “ The 1776 Report ” as the greatest danger facing honest Americans today, but it fares little better in Newsweek , The Guardian , or the World Socialist Web Site .

My research question is whether identity politics and issues of class and poverty are as incompatible as this use of the phrase in leftist circles might make them seem to be. As I have delved deeper into both the academic literature and the virulent invocations of identity in media, I have sometimes stopped and wondered whether the hill I have chosen to die on is really worth it. The problem is not that this constant onslaught has managed to extinguish my sympathies for identity politics’ conceptual and practical relevance. But I cannot help but ask myself whether the phrase itself is not lost – whether the convergence of both conservative and progressive critics on scapegoating identity politics has not managed to irremediably taint the term. In other words, what is the point of talking about identity when what would be heard both in academia and beyond is empty diversity, sectarianism, and futile cultural squabbles?

There is some consolation in the fact that this fraught reception of identity is not new. Identity was a contested term since its appearance as a political motif in the 1970s (the phrase “identity politics” was first coined in 1977 by the Black feminist Combahee River Collective ). But, as Asad Haider notes , the controversies around it have taken on a completely new life since the “culture wars” of the 1990s. The disputes shifted from elucidatory debates within identity politics (around essentialism, intersecting identities, alliances, and so on) to debates about identity politics and whether it merited to exist tout court. They became part of a family of quarrels which includes outrages over political correctness, wokeness, and the recent flurry against critical race theory . From an assortment of strategies and discourses, identity politics was transformed into a falsely unitary object of dispute.

The culture wars, as much as they existed as a coherent event, did not spare academia. Their challenges were not only about new social movements, lifestyles, and diversity quotas, but also about a theoretical framework that was becoming more and more mainstream. From the start, identity politics blurred the boundaries between practice and analysis. The members of the Combahee River Collective were both activists, politicizing their identities, and theorists, showing how identities are always politically constructed. Both proponents and detractors of identity politics straddle these divides. The former emphasize that the intellectual is never a neutral observer and make no secret of their own normative commitments. The latter, in editorials or academic articles, vociferate not only against social movements, but also against the academics whose theories they see as creating and perpetuating something that is wrong in contemporary society. If identities are political, then so are the disputes about them, and the disputes about the disputes. It’s identity politics all the way down.

One of the most influential (and brilliant) essays about the matter, written by Stuart Hall in 1996, was titled “ Who needs identity? ”. In it, Hall wrote that identity was a necessary concept for our understanding of political and social movements. At the same time, it was undergoing radical, swift changes which, when Hall was writing, had not yet reached their conclusions. Identity, for Hall, was “an idea which cannot be thought in the old way, but without which certain key questions cannot be thought at all.”

In that sense, little has changed in the 25 years since Hall wrote his essay. Identity has become even more of a mainstay of public discourse. But the political underpinnings of this (ab)use seem to have remained muddled and unfocused. Both because and despite its negative popularization, identity is as necessary and as contested a concept now as it was in the 1990s. Given this seeming lack of development, I must again ask myself: why am I still talking about identity?

There are a few reasons why I have chosen to hold on to the concept. I do not think that identity is a word we are better off without, despite influential calls to the contrary . First of all, while mediatic mentions seem to rarely go beyond derogatory invocations, academic work on identity has not been static. In the time since Hall wrote his essay, sociology, philosophy, literary theory, and other disciplines have developed new, interesting, and important ways of thinking about and with identity. I will highlight only two of them, which have influenced me and convinced me that the subject is worth considering in depth.

One is the realist theory of identity, as put forward by Satya Mohanty , Paula Moya , Linda Martín Alcoff , and other scholars who at some point coalesced around the Future of Minority Studies Research Project . What this theory proposes is an understanding of identity as a socially situated framework of understanding the world and acting within it. The explicit purpose of these writers is to overcome both essentialism (the idea that one’s race or gender determines one’s behaviour) and postmodern relativism, the two accusations brought most often against identity politics. The other theory of identity which I would like to mention is philosopher Allison Weir’s concept of identification (which echoes Hall’s own usage of the term). Weir’s work goes against identities as determinist pigeonholes which leave little room for choice and lead only to sectarianism. She proposes that we understand identity not as static belonging to a category, but as an agential process of forging connections and solidarities with others.

So the academic conversation around identity has not only continued, but progressed. There also is, of course, a growing flurry of books and articles which attack the concept, some with more merit than others. Which brings me to my second reason for choosing to research identity: I believe it is a concept worth defending, which holds valuable potential for sociological theory. The scholarly developments that I have mentioned do not only further an academic debate. They propose new and essential ways through which we can look at ourselves and at the place we occupy in relation to others. There are perennial sociological dilemmas such as those around agency and structure, universalism and particularism, change and stasis. Identity can offer frameworks which cut through them and help us understand these different levels of analysis.

The importance of this thinking has been proven again and again by the movements which have formed around identity claims in the last years, but also by the acerbic reactions which they have gathered – most prominently and recently the Black Lives Matter movements. Asad Haider, himself a prominent critic of identity politics, proposes a historical “demarcation” between the radical politics of the Combahee River Collective and these “neutral” and cultural identity struggles of today. But the continuity is there: in March, Barbara Smith, one of the authors of the Combahee River Collective Statement, reasserted the importance of the phrase against the “people of all political stripes [who] have distorted” it. The distortion this time was Meghan McCain’s jumbled diatribe on The View about “identity politics” and “representation” becoming more import than “qualifications for the job.”

And this is the last, but certainly not the least reason for which I am still talking about identity. Whatever the faults of the culture wars (and whatever the culture wars actually are), what they prove is that concepts such as “identity” cut across the institutionalization of knowledge. They are part of everyday life, of media, of entertainment. People do not only enact identities; they talk about them . They produce and consume theories about what it means to be of a certain gender, race, sexuality, and how that matters. Some of them might be bad theories, but they are theories nonetheless. From the start, analyses of identity politics were not the monopoly of scholarship and, for better or for worse, that is still the case today. If we as academic sociologists stop talking about identity politics, if we stop producing what we consider to be good theories about it, it does not mean that identity politics will disappear. But it does mean that we will be left out of an ongoing conversation.

Sociology: Identity

Identity has been defined as ‘a sense of self that develops as the child differentiates from parents and family and takes a place in society.’ (Haralambos et al., 2008, p665) The communities are widely considered to have gone through multifarious fundamental alterations; namely, from urban industrial capitalism economy to post-industrialism economy; from modernity to postmodernity. This essay will critically examined the view with regard to contemporary individuals are no longer firmly bound into fixed communities rather having a greater choice as to identify with each other. Initially, the nature of communities’ shift will be analysed, followed by discussions of the factors and manifestation of theories inherent.

Industrial capitalism seems to be eventually steered to urbanization of society. In particular, construction of manufactories and basic transportations such as railways had contributed significantly (Fulcher and Scott, 2007, p501). In days gone by, manufacturing sector which emphasized on production and consumption of goods, involved great deals of physical and nature resources; thus, it acquired numerous manual workers, as a result of which industrial societies were emerged to be neighbouring factories due to long working period. The workers socialized within centralised area and had shared basic lifestyle and culture (e.g. folk culture), which gradually formed permanent identity and sense of solidarity; for instance, through inter-marriage, education, religion, occupation and family. High degree of immobility and interaction stimulated them attached into distinct social class. Isolated areas which had inadequate amenities including institutions and communication, subsequently conducted to social isolation, absence of community and suggested by Marx, the ‘false class consciousness’.

‘Industrial societies not only produce and distribute goods and services, they also produce and distribute information and entertainment.’ Industrialism has created mass production as well as mass media (ibid, p370). Instant communication has made information available to the societies promptly, conveniently and precisely. Contents interpreted by media are said conditioning media audience, for instance, magazine virtually supervise consumption tendency which interrelated with individuals’ identities. Besides, excessive violence and obscenities on screen may results in loss of innocence in childhood and increase of crime rate. Moreover, advent of it seems to have profound influence in the sustained and rapid growth of post-industrialism as well as globalization and consumerism.

Since 1980s, the old industrial societies that had manufacturing as fundamental economy was argued to be phased out and superseded by post-industrialism. It appears probable that development of mechanism, communication and information technologies were the constituent elements which spurred the rose of innovation, long distance trade and transport ameliorations (e.g. canals and roads); correspondingly, led to the downward trend of manufacturing sector (working class) and unprecedented increment of service sector (middle class) including widespread of institutions such as education, law and healthcare.

This is a preview of the whole essay

Giddens and Castells argued that globalization is ‘a central driving force behind the rapid social, political and economic changes that are reshaping modern societies and world order’ (In Held et al., 1999). Globalisation seem to demolish barriers within and amidst the communities which ‘intensification caused by interconnectivity’ (Rantanen, 2004, p11). In economic globalisation, transnational companies (e.g. IT and fast food industries) are observed to infiltrate into region states, which bring about the issues as local economy being undermined consequently increasing international inequality. Global culture is seen as challenging the importance of national and local cultures, and nationalism as a source of identity. A clear shift in the nature of social relationships is believed to arise. ‘Close intimate and thus genuine relationships are being replaced by new mass-mediated experiences’ (ibid, p11). Robertson (1992, p8) defined globalisation is ‘the intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole’ (In Held et al., 1999). Greater global awareness through media coverage might have stimulated global tourism and established new consumption patterns.

Ease and frequency of the internet technology and communication spurred consumption extended across national boundaries. The emergence of consumerism was claimed not only about institutional change but also involved shifts in attitudes and behaviour. ‘The decline of class and community as sources of identity and the growth of individualism meant that consumer goods were seen increasingly as an expression of personal identity.’ (Fulcher and Scott, 2007, p695) In other words, individuals could manipulate their identities through personal appearance that the flexibility and diversity of choices gradually form individuals’ fluidity and fragmented identities.

Global communication has assisted the growth of transnational movements (e.g. labour movement) by enabling them to spread messages and mobilize international opinions (ibid, p653), which virtually embolden the rise of sub-culture (e.g. homosexual sub-culture) and positive identification. Moreover, the world capitalist economy has indirectly encouraged immigrations that resulting in ethnically diverse societies and demographic effect; for instance, Chinese in Britain which has formed a sub-culture, shares ethnic and racial characteristics and Johal (1998) suggested they may adopt ‘hybrid identities’(In Aiken et al., 2008, p56).

There are manifest alterations in women’s tendency, which Wilkinson called as ‘genderquake’ (ibid, p52). In old communities, women were generally expected to have lesser education and engaged in domestic work (e.g. housewives); whereas in contemporary communities, women are gaining equality rights as men. General account of women could be seen held higher qualifications and entered the paid employment, which the growth subsequently led to the recruitment of labour (e.g. maid) from other countries.

These have eventually driven to the radical alteration in family structure; whereas Woodward believed, including the decline in marriage and increases of divorce rate (Haralambos et al., 2008, p694). Primary socialisations which occurred within family and kinships connection appears to have profound influence in shaping youth behaviour and identities. In detail, child abuse and single parenthood, which are increasing in contemporary societies, could lead to anti-social behaviour. Correspondingly, intermarriage between ethnicities might undermine certainty of national identity whilst contemporary technology could undermine biological aspects of identity.

There are various sociological theories which may have conflict perspectives. Amongst the most influential ones are postmodernism, ‘death of class’, Marxism, functionalism and feminism. Modernity is claimed to be fragmenting and dissolving, and being superseded by postmodern world (Aiken et al., 2008, p27). Characteristics of postmodernism have been identified in various aspects such as work (e.g. rise of service sector), culture, identity, globalisation and knowledge. The two main characteristics are ‘the search of truth is abandoned as denotative language-games fall into disrepute’ and the latter are superseded by technical language-games (Haralambos et al., 2008, p892). Postmodernism, according to Lyotard, rests upon ‘miniaturization and commercialization’ of machines whereas computer technology has become the principal ‘force of production’ (ibid, p892).

Postmodern culture is about ‘mixing and matching seemingly contradictory styles’ (Aiken et al., 2008, p27). Popular culture is said should be seen as valued and worthwhile as high culture is; howsoever, contemporary society is observed being ‘media-saturated’. Hall and Bauman claimed relatively stable identities which based upon social factors (e.g. class), have moved towards more fragmented identities. People no longer possess a single unifies conception of who they are, but instead possess ‘several, sometimes contradictory or unresolved identities’, as Bauman identified, four postmodern life strategies are the stroller, vagabond, tourist and player. In additions, consumption is suggested being determine our identity, which are possessions, lifestyle choices, personal preferences and sexuality (Haralambos et al., 2008, p696-699). Contemporary individuals is said to be ‘more pessimistic about the future’ including lost faith in science power, inevitability of progress and perfectibility of humanity.

Pakulski and Waters believed that social class has losing its significance and only exists if there is a ‘minimum level of clustering or groupness’ (ibid, p84). It is no longer relevant as having influence in individuals’ identity (e.g. marriage-partner choice, occupational (im)mobility and home-ownership). Contemporary societies have changed from being organized class societies to a recent phase, ‘status conventionalism’, which demonstrates inequalities are the result of distinctions in status(prestige), lifestyle and consumption patterns favoured by related status groups, mainly due to globalisation. Property ownership has become dispersed which making property ‘a decreasing source of power’, wealth gradually became more identically distributed in capitalist societies (ibid, 85).

Apparently, inequality still remaining due to groups attempt to achieve higher status, wealth and power; whereas consumer power has increased. The underprivileged, Pakulski and Waters referred as ‘ascriptively disprivileged underclass’, being marked out by their inability to engage in ‘status consumption’. It could be said that consumption and income perceive individuals’ status and identity. ‘Symbolic values’ is crucial factor that shapes stratification instead of economic inequalities. Alteration in stratification system in status conventional societies has four key features that are ‘culturalism, fragmentation, autonomization and resignification’. Class politics is dead due to ethnicity, gender, religion and cultural differences are more vital (ibid, p84).

Marxism conducted society as based on infrastructure, with superstructure rising above it. Relationship between classes, ruling class and subject class, is based on conflict and antagonism. Marx expressed the idea that proletariat has been exploited by bourgeoisie and described them as ‘wage slaves’. Social classes and social control are argued to be involved in relations to exploitation as institutions preserve capitalism thus led to false class consciousness. Religion is a reflection of a more fundamental source of alienation. Exploitation of women in marriage and family life are acknowledged and emphasized on the relationships between capitalism and family (ibid, p466).

‘Functionalism views society as a system: that is, as a set of interconnected parts which together form a whole.’ (ibid, p856) The sum of all social relationships is the structure of society, which major aspects including family, education and work. These social institutions have concessions on socializing individuals with values and norms to maintain the social order and stability of society (ibid, p857). However, it tends to ignore coercion and conflict and concerned with structure not individuals.

There are several feminist approaches. Radical feminism blamed the exploitation of women on men and observed society as patriarchal. Marxist and socialist feminism related women’s oppression to the production of wealth and emphasized on exploitation of women in paid employment. Liberal feminism is based upon male assumptions and norms, whereas black feminism see the difference between women are as vital as similarities and shared interests (ibid, p101-104). Some feminists argued that gender remains the dominant source of identity, and that media content sustains and perpetuates the capitalist system and the support role of women.

Taking everything into consideration, certain conclusion can be drawn. Globalisation, which is cultural, political, technological and economic, interrelated with consumerism seem to be the main force that has stimulated the growth of ‘cultural supermarket effects’ which has made cultural identities detached from a specific times, histories, traditions and places, and appear ‘free-floating’ that subsequently lead to fragmented identities. Individuals consequently no longer firmly attached to fix communities. Howsoever, identities tend to be grounded in inequalities, social divisions and differences.

(1648 words)

Aiken, D., Chapman, S. and Moore, S. (2008). Sociology AS for AQA (3 rd edn.). London: HarperCollins Publishers Limited.

Haralambos, M., Holborn, M. and Heald, R. (2008). Sociology Themes and Perspectives, Collins (7 th edn.). London: HarperCollins Publishers Limited.

Held, D. and McGrew, A., Goldblatt, D. and Perraton, J. (1999) Global Transformations: Politics, Economics and Culture , Cambridge: Polity Press. Retrieved, November 8, 2010 from

Fulcher, J. and Scott, J. (2007). Sociology (3 rd edn.). New York: Oxford University Press Inc.

Rantanen, T. (2004). Media and Globalization . p 5. London, GBR: SAGE Publications Inc. (US). Retrieved, November 8, 2010 from

Rantanen, T. (2004). Media and Globalization. p 7. London, GBR: SAGE Publications Inc. (US). Retrieved, November 8, 2010 from

Bibliography

Bilton, T, et al. (2002). Introductory Sociology (4 th edn.). p29. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.

Engels, F. ( 1845 ). ‘The Condition of the Working-Class in England’ From Personal Observation and Authentic Sources (Engels)’, Marxist internet achieve, 4: 295-597. Retrieved, November 7, 2010 from

Giddens, A. (2006). Sociology (5 th edn.). p308. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Marsh, I. (2002). Theory and practise in sociology, Essex: Pearson Education Ltd. Retrieved, November 9, 2010 from

Suarez-Orozco, Marcelo M. and Qin-Hilliard, D. (2004). Globalization: Culture and Education in the New Millennium. Ewing, NJ, USA: University of California Press. Retrieved, November 9, 2010 from

Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. (n.d.). Post-industrial society. Retrieved, November 8, 2010 from

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Word Count 2083
Page Count 6
Level AS and A Level
Subject Sociology

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Narrative About Identity

Categories: Intersectionality

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Words: 500 |

Published: Mar 19, 2024

Words: 500 | Page: 1 | 3 min read

Introduction:, conclusion:, 1. the power of narratives:, 2. cultural narratives:, 3. personal narratives:, 4. the intersectionality of identity:, 5. challenging narratives:.

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Sociology- Culture and Identity

CULTURE AND IDENTITY This essay will aim to critically analyse and evaluate the contribution of modern and post modern perspectives to a sociological understanding of culture and identity. This will be achieved by analysing similarities and differences between three contrasting sociological theories and evaluating their strengths and weaknesses. Studies will be included as the debate is developed further and their contributions will also be explained. Culture is defined simply as the way of life of a group of people. This relates to how they live their lives, the patterns of social organisation and the ‘norms’ they are expected to follow.

Culture varies between societies and across time. It is an extremely important part of everyday life and is the focal point in the study of sociology. Therefore, sociologists are interested in how culture is patterned, maintained and why it is the way it is. American Anthropologist, Ralph Linton states that, ‘The culture of a society is the way of life of its members, the collection of ideas and habits which they learn, share and transmit from generation to generation’ (Haralambos & Holborn, 2008, p. 2). There are various other ways in which to define culture, with many more complex definitions.

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However, the above definitions provide a useful starting point from which to explore. Although culture may be shared within a society, there is often more than one culture which results in smaller ‘subcultures’. Different types of culture have been identified by sociologists. These include high culture, low culture, folk culture, mass culture, popular culture, subculture and global culture. Further analysis of these concepts has led Sociologists to examine to what extent culture constrains the individual and to question if humans are puppets of culture or if they have free will (Livesey, 2008).

Identity is different from culture, although they are inextricably linked. While culture focuses on how humans behave as a group, identity relates to how we think of ourselves as people, how we think about others, and what other people think about us (Haralambos & Holborn, 2008). Culture often establishes our sense of identity. However, sociologically, they are seen as two separate concepts. Culture is representative of society as a whole and is macro in origin, whereas identity represents the smaller, micro aspects of us as individuals.

As with culture, identity can be linked to the socialisation process that occurs from birth. Sources of identity include nationality, gender, sexuality, ethnicity and social class. Although identity is individual, it also relates to the social and cultural groups people become part of and identify with. Therefore, social and cultural identity may become a key aspect of the individuals’ personal identity. A person’s social identity may also conflict with their personal identity. For example someone perceived by others as a heterosexual male, may see himself as homosexual.

In contemporary sociology, the concept of identity allows humans to be seen as taking an active role in their lives within the cultural constraints of the society they live in. Early, sociologists, such as Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim, Auguste Comte and Max Weber were interested primarily in social class identities. Their initial interest in social change came as a result of industrialisation. In addition, this era, known as Modernity was characterised by the enlightenment of the 18th century and the progression of scientific rationalism.

Karl Marx and Emile Durkheim agreed that culture and identity are shaped by the structure of society. They also believed that society was developing progressively. For Marx, towards a communist utopia, while for Durkheim, society was moving towards organic solidarity (Haralambos & Holborn 2008, p. 666-667). Their competing perspectives will be explored further. Karl Marx did not believe that culture and identity were innate or as a result of nature. He believed that the social structure of society shaped humans identity, primarily through socialisation.

For Marx, culture was an ideology of the ruling class, who use their unequal, economic power to achieve and maintain order. He proposed that individual identity should be exchanged for group identity to overthrow the oppressive structure of capitalism. However, this could only happen when the working class became fully aware of the nature of their oppression and developed what he termed as a class consciousness. This would allow the movement from a class ‘in itself’, to a class ‘for itself’. Marx saw this realisation as crucial in the development of a class identity which would ensure solidarity of the masses.

The true reality and problems of society would then be revealed as the false consciousness of the past was exposed (Haralambos & Holborn 2008, p. 669). According to Marx, this ruling class ideology of culture is socialised among the members of society in various ways such as through religion and education to ensure social cohesion and maintain order. Marx famously referred to religion as ‘the opium of the masses’ and argued that it justified the oppression of capitalism (Haralambos & Holborn 2008, p. 399). He viewed education as a way for the ruling class to legitimise their wealth and maintain their power.

For the working class, education only serves to produce labour for the future. This is achieved by conditioning the future workforce to be docile, motivated, obedient and hard working. Bowles and Gintis (1976) support this argument in their study of the relationship between capitalism and education. They refer to how the structure of social relationships in education relate to those at work and propose that the syllabus and exams taken by pupils are not as important to capitalist society as the ‘Hidden Curriculum’ is.

The organisation of education as a whole, and specific forms of teaching and learning are essential in capitalist societies and they conclude that they provide subliminal conditioning to ensure an obedient, subservient workforce in the future. This is an extension of earlier socialisation and shapes the identities of individuals further as their role within school life is conditioned in preparation for the labour market (Haralambos & Holborn 2008, p. 688). The study also aims to show how different social groups are taught different values which also contribute to the shaping of identities (Sweeney et al 2003, p. 03). In a study of 237 pupils conducted in a New York school, Bowles and Gintis concluded that teachers were giving higher grades based on what could be termed personality and not necessarily academic ability. Those pupils who were punctual, obedient and dependable etc received higher grades than pupils who displayed independence or aggressiveness. They also propose that education operates on a form of hierarchy where the pupils are under the control of the teachers, subjects learned etc.

Their argument is developed further as they claim that as pupils move from one subject to the next throughout the day it doesn’t allow them time to focus on one subject in any depth. This relates to how the workforce is fragmented, with individual workers carrying out specific tasks. This ensures that workers never get a proper insight into the entire production process, which makes it difficult for them to set up production of their own in competition with their employer (Bowles & Gintis, 2001).

Although this study aims to highlight the inequalities in a system that is supposed to be equally accessible to all, it has been criticised for assuming that the working class are passive and do not take an active role in their education or working environment. Bowles and Gintis clearly highlight how educational establishments socialise individuals and contribute to shaping identity. However, the study ignores the fact that there are many sub cultures within groups of pupils who form their own identities.

Paul Willis has similar views which are discussed in his book, ‘Learning to Labour’ (1977) and provides insight into the nature of sub cultures, social class and gender within the education system. In contrast to Bowles and Gintis, he suggests that people may have some understanding of their treatment at school and try to resist. He conducted a study with twelve boys who were considered to be opposed to the structure of education and authority in school and observed that these boys formed a ‘sub culture’ characterised by their opposition to this.

The boys recognised that there were no equal opportunities in a capitalist society and felt that they would never have the same chances of success as middle class children. Therefore, loyalty to their group was far more important than commitment to school. There were many aspects to this study that support the idea that no matter how hard you work to achieve good grades, individual effort will do little to assist in achieving decent career prospects for the working class. As a result, the alienation of male working class could be related to working class culture where the pupils actively participate in their own failure.

Although ‘Learning to Labour’ provided more insight into the inequalities in education for working class, it has been criticised for using a small sample which may not be representative of society as a whole and ignores the existence of variety of sub cultures within the school environment. However, Willis’ study has been influential and provided a basis for further research into culture within education. On the whole, Marxism provides awareness of the conflicting interests between working and ruling classes.

However, it has been criticised for being economically deterministic and ignores the fact that humans can exercise their free will. It also seems to place more importance on groups rather than individuals. Marxism ignores the uniqueness of the individual and their ability to form varying identities based on their different experiences. Like Marx, Emile Durkheim believed we could find an objective truth about reality. He proposed that culture and identity are structural and are a result of a human need to classify and distinguish between things.

He argued that post industrialisation had led to a division of labour which in turn led to people developing the use of classification systems further. Through studying more primitive societies, Durkheim concluded that individuals had a sense of solidarity based on their similarities, known as ‘Organic Solidarity’. However, in industrialised societies, this solidarity is lost as hierarchy takes over. The division of labour that arises from this, does, however, ensure solidarity within groups as they become reliant on each other.

This concept is known as ‘Mechanical Solidarity’ (Haralambos & Holborn, 2008). For Durkheim, although individual identity existed, and was based on position in the division of labour, collective consciousness and a common culture developed because of this dependence on each other which maintains social order. Durkheim said a state of ‘anomie’ or ‘normlessness’ occurs if cultural norms and values break down. Therefore, cultural constraints are positive as they allow humans to live and think naturally about the world around them.

Durkheim agreed with philosopher, Thomas Hobbes that individuals are selfish and greedy by nature and argued that culture and socialisation made it possible for humans to develop a collective social consciousness, with collective morals and values. Durkheim proposed that religion plays an extremely important role in social cohesion. He argues that society divides the world into what is ‘sacred’ and what is ‘profane. He developed this argument further by using an Aborigine religion which he called Totemism as an example.

Here, he suggests that the totem is sacred because it is symbolically representative of the group, and by worshipping the totem, people are essentially worshipping the group, or society. For Durkheim, religion is not about individual belief; it is about collective rituals, ceremonies and worship, bringing people together and defining the group. He argues that religion gives emotional comfort, social solidarity, guidelines for everyday life and support for the status quo and develops his theory of the sacred and the profane further. The sacred can be viewed as the symbols and ceremonies, with the profane being present in everyday life.

In this respect Durkheim viewed the sacred as society and the profane as the individual. For Durkheim, religion is the celebration of society, where people share a common belief. Societies do not have an empirical existence. Therefore, people need to be encouraged to feel that they belong to something. Religion is a way of doing this as a system of common values is created, encouraging social cohesion and integration. This reinforces collective identity and provides a sense of belonging. It also shows that identities may be shaped socially through the cultural norms of society (Haralambos & Holborn, 2008).

Religious institutions create and maintain a sense of order and continuity in society, with their main function being to provide individuals with a set of meanings or values to help them make sense of the world. Durkheim’s ideas can be said to be influential. They explain the socialisation process and how culture can create order. However, his ideas about religion and its place in society are based on studies conducted on a small number of groups, which do not necessarily reflect the ideas of larger, modern societies, where there are many different religions and subcultures.

He also overlooks the fact that religion can be a source of conflict or social change. Durkheim also ignores the possibility of human creativity and the individual’s role in creating their own culture and identity. He can also be criticised for treating society as more important than the individual. It is proposed that the postmodern era comes after modernity. The focus of society is shifted away from production and is based on the consumption of culture, identity, economy, lifestyles etc.

Postmodern theorists reject scientific methodology and have adopted qualitative methodologies such as interviews, discourse analysis and naturalistic observations. They aim to find meaning and appreciation instead of the blanket explanations of the past. Postmodernists reject the hopes and dreams of Enlightenment thinkers and disagree with the Grand Metanarratives of the classical theorists. For postmodernists, there are no absolute truths and they see knowledge as another commodity and a source of power. They claim that there are too many choices available which all claim to be true.

Religion, politics, and science for example all claim to give insight to the truth. However, they cannot all be true. People can no longer be pigeon holed as society is so dynamic and chaotic. Postmodernist theorists argue that identity cannot be defined by one factor and believe that humans take control of, and manipulate their own identities. Ultimately, individuals choose their own lifestyle. This results in a plurality of identities. The idea of the change in consumption is developed further by the French postmodernist Jean Baudillard. He proposes that the purchases of commodities are now consumed as signs or symbols.

The physical nature of the object and its intended purpose no longer matters as people are more concerned with how the object represents them in their culture. This is evident in today’s society, especially in relation to sportswear. For example, the Nike symbol on trainers or a tracksuit says more about the image people wish to portray than the physical activity the items are intended for The postmodern idea of individuals changing their own identities is supported by Zygmunt Bauman. He agrees that identities were clear and fixed during the age of modernity.

However, in postmodernity, Bauman argues that every aspect of society is subject to change, with the workforce in particular lacking direction in their attempt to maintain flexibility. Therefore, identities are constantly being altered to adapt to these changes in circumstances. The shift in identity from the modern to postmodern eras is described by Bauman as the change ‘from Pilgrim to Tourist’. During modernity, identity could be compared to a pilgrimage with the person knowing exactly what their goals etc are and what is required to reach them. However, in postmodern times, individual’s identities are compared with the ‘tourist’.

People are now able to try out a number of identities to see if they ‘fit’ before assuming them. The rapid change in society also makes it impossible to maintain long term stability (Haralambos & Holborn, 2008). The Frankfurt School of Sociology was founded in 1923 and proposed the idea that mass culture was moving towards a mass society. Theorists form this school such as Adorno and Marcuse supported modern theorist, Karl Marx’s perspective of culture and identity. They both argued that the working class were subjected to low mass culture in accordance with Capitalist ideology.

Adorno argued that the mass media and its commercial development has led to mass culture which was based on one level of intellect and prevented critical thought. For Marcuse, the working class were conditioned to have needs that were manufactured by Capitalism and proposed the notion that ‘bread and circuses’ were used to keep working class in their place. Although postmodernism rejects the ideas put forward by classical sociologists, contemporary sociology has been heavily influenced by their contrasting perspectives which can be seen as the starting point from which postmodern thinking has developed.

Many sociologists favour one theory over another, and prefer either the modern or post modern approaches. However, there are also many theorists, such as Harriet Bradley, who suggests that moving between different perspectives is the most objective way to gain a wider understanding of society and the wider world. For Bradley, modern and postmodern theories of culture, identity and social change cannot accurately analyse these topics on their own. She argues that if all sociological perspectives were brought together, a fuller understanding would be gained.

Bradley agrees that people’s identities are still social and ultimately based in factors such as inequality of class, gender and ethnicity. She also agrees with the postmodern idea that identities are becoming fragmented as a result of the unequal division of wealth, making the gap between rich and poor wider. She proposes that there is increased polarisation, in particular between ethnic groups. This is evident with the growing emergence of fascist groups like the BNP who consistently try to push racism through a political agenda (Haralambos & Holborn, 2008).

The topic of Culture and Identity is extremely complex in nature. The classical sociological perspectives have provided important contributions in terms of their explanations and theories which have provided a starting point for extensive research. Postmodern theorists acknowledge social change in contemporary society and have also offered explanations for the effects this has on individual and group identities within the cultural constraints of society It cannot be denied that while some see the ideas of modern sociologists as outdated, they have been influential to our understanding of society.

Although postmodernists reject the classical ideas, they do not offer solutions and have been accused of having a political agenda as well as a sociological one. The choices offered to the individual are superficial, such as fashion or music, with economic choices still resting in the hands of the middle classes. Therefore, although the contrasting approaches provide persuasive arguments, I have to agree with theorists such as Harriet Bradley in concluding that a merger of both modern and postmodern perspectives is the only way to uncover a wider understanding of these phenomena.

REFERENCES Fulcher, J & Scott, J. (1999) Sociology, Oxford: Oxford University Press Haralambos, M & Holborn, M. (2008) Sociology Themes and Perspectives, 7th Ed. London: Harper Collins Publishers Limited Sweeney, T. Lewis, J & Etherington, N. (2003) Sociology and Scotland, Paisley: Unity Publications Limited Bowles, S & Gintis, H. (2001) Schooling in Capitalist America Revisited. Available at: http://www. umass. edu/preferen/gintis/soced. pdf [Accessed 08 March 2010] Livesey, C. (2008) Theories of Culture. Available at: http://www. ociology. org. uk/cload. htm [Accessed 07 March 2010] Livesey, C. (2008) Identity. Available at: http://www. sociology. org. uk/cload. htm [Accessed 07 March 2010] Multiverse. (2004) Learning to Labour – P. Willis (1977). Available at: http://www. multiverse. ac. uk/ViewArticle2. aspx? Keyword=paul+willis&SearchOption=And&SearchType=Keyword&RefineExpand=1&ContentId=471 [Accessed 07 March 2010] Think Exist. (2009) Herbert Marcuse quotes. Available at: http://en. thinkexist. com/quotes/Herbert_Marcuse/ [Accessed 09 March 2010]

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Social Identity in Social Psychology Analytical Essay

Introduction, low-status groups and class, group distinctiveness and war, self-categorization theory and prejudice, reference list.

Social identity within the discipline of social psychology provides a fundamental way of defining individuals when it is necessary to do. We use this criterion to distinguish between a personal identity and an individual’s different group identities. In this regard, social psychologists have come with several models of social identity theories in their attempts to explain relations between people.

This essay shall use the movie, Grand Illusion to identify and explore three bases of group categorisation and apply social identity theories in order to explain whether the characters transcend or exposed to illusion in the movie.

Tajfel formulated social identity theory consisting of other sub-theories in order to explain why people identify with a given group and or behave as a part of a specific group, or adopt some shared characteristics and attitudes among them.

This theory attempts to analyse both the sociological and psychological elements found in group behaviour. If we take a war scenario, we can identify the striking features of group behaviour. We can use this observation to perceive individuals and their views towards other people (Tajfel, 1978).

Tajfel and other sociologists tried to analyse behaviour from a group perspective as well as individual perspective. They criticised the idea that people could only explain group behaviour from an individual’s psychology. These scholars argue that identity and behaviour take a continuous and seamless approach depending on the situation.

They noted that at one end behaviour was purely interpersonal and unique to an individual (Spears, 2001). On the other hand, behaviour was purely intergroup consisting of common elements within the group. Thus, in social identity theory, every person has different sets of identities, which are both personal and social. As a result, these identities tell individuals who they are and the constituents of these identities.

However, these identities vary depending on social circumstances. Individuals may have salient personal identities and relate with others at an interpersonal level depending on the existing relationship, and character traits. On the other hand, a group identity may dominate depending on the social context (Abrams and Hogg, 2004).

Turner and Tajfel note that we cannot always be members of a group which gives us a positive social identity, and movement to these social groups which give us positive social identity may not always be possible (Tajfel and Turner, 1979). Thus, an individual may decide to move to another social group.

However, this needs social mobility. Mobility may only be possible in scenarios of social class or employment. However, it becomes impossible in cases of race and gender. Thus, social mobility is at an individual’s level in the social behaviour continuum.

On the other side of the continuum, there is a direct competition at the group levels. In order to realise this, we must believe that change is truly possible and needed. At the same time, members of the group must perceive the existing relationships among different groups as unwanted and unjustified.

Lastly, if the above options fail to work, the person who wants to shift his group, may only do so through comparing with other groups he feels comfortable. Likewise, he can also consider various sets of criteria, which he feels may fit his conditions for comparisons.

Still, individuals may decide to decide to redefine their groups or their groups’ identities. These final options are not among the best, but they provide individuals with some level of comfort so as to tolerate the undesired current stands they have of their groups or other groups.

In Grand Illusion , we can look at the idea of class and how it defines a low-status group theory of social identity. There are different characters of different social classes in the setting. There are two leading characters who are aristocrats. The two men, von Rauffenstein and de Boeldieu are men of high social class, well educated, cosmopolitan, and conversant in many languages.

These characters find themselves close to each other because if their shared characteristics, such as high level of education, high regards for social order and rituals. They even feel closer to each other than men of low-class who are of their own countries. Their social circumstances are almost the same.

They flirt with the same woman, dine at the same place, speak German and French, and occasionally English as if they are avoiding the lower class among them. They also have acquaintances who know each other.

Grand Illusion shows a declining status of the aristocrats. There is a new social order consisting of people who were never of high social class. Social class is no longer relevant in the new order, and it no longer controls the national politics. These two aristocrats believe that their services are calls to nation’s duty for a purposeful aim. This social group is dying, but these two characters would not acknowledge that.

They still cling to their old social order and codes, which are disappearing. These characters receive this change differently. Whereas de Boeldieu manages to accept the fate of aristocracy, von Rauffenstein fails to transcend; thus living in illusion.

A part from the aristocrats, there are also characters of lower class, such as the mechanic, Marechal. They share nothing in common, have no education and also different interests. However, they have human feelings gained through worldly experience.

When the aristocrat sacrifices himself for the lower class, it means he has accepted his fate that aristocracy is disappearing. During his last moments, de Boeldieu comments that he pities von Rauffenstein who still struggles to fit in the new social order where his experiences and ways of life are no longer applicable. This is a case of social mobility where the lower class masses change their social status by replacing the aristocrats.

According to social identity theory, people derive considerable level of influence by being in a group which is distinct from others. These people look at themselves in terms of in-groups and out-groups with reference to groups they belong.

This gives them opportunities for discovering the values present within their groups. This also provides group members with opportunities of deriving positive values from being a group member. In some individuals, it may enhance their positive esteem (Sherif, 1967).

Sometimes, discrimination among groups does not happen for any clear reasons, such as a struggle for resources, individuals’ interests, or conflicts of interests from groups. Certain prevailing circumstances may force people relate themselves with various self-identities. These self-identities may cause some individuals feel that they do not belong in a given social environment.

This leads to moving from one group to another, and continuous redefinition of self-identities. This creates disparity between the real self and the limited self others see. This is how occupational or educational background influence formation of self and identities (Ahmed, 2007).

Grand Illusion depicts war as illusion, and by extension, war veterans too. War is an occupation and a service to the nation in aristocracy. Those who believe that war will end problems and provide a better world have failed to transcend and have false perception of war. This is because some characters believed the war will solve all their problems.

Grand Illusion shows no scenes of real war happening. However, we can see prisoners of war from different nations share their common experiences in their occupations (duty to the nation). The movie depicts war as a dangerous occupation. War results into loss of lives. Elsa shows pictures of lost lives in the past wars which made her a widow and lose a brother.

The movie refutes the popular claims that an individual’s sacrifice and bravery can save the entire nation. This shows that the idea of Rosenthal and Marechal to return to war for the sake of fighting to end the war may only result into more loss of lives.

Turner and Tajfel are responsible for the theory of self-categorisation through their works on social identity studies. This theory looks at the relationships that exist among group behaviour, and an individual’s notion of self-concept that defines his social cognitive and results into the creation of social identity effects. This theory attempts to explain how individuals define themselves both at the group level and individual level.

The theory posits that there is a “difference between individual and group identities in self-categorization” (Hogg and Terry, 2000). In this case, a person may bear many and different group identities, such as nationality, occupation, gender and age among others. At the same time, an individual may have many, but different identities depending on the social context.

In self-categorisation, the focus is mainly on hierarchy rather than the continuum. Different identities assume hierarchy in relationships instead of a continuum in social identity theory. Thus, an individual can assume as many identities as he wishes, but this depends on the social context.

The most striking group identity depends on the individual’s accessibility, which depends on the categorisation and how it relates to a social situation. In this case, an individual would be striving to achieve or change their prevailing social contexts using their behaviour. An appropriate instance is where people discuss political issues where matters of nationality interest may be salient (Oakes, 1987).

Grand Illusion has elements of prejudice. Prejudice in this context refers to assuming and drawing negative attributes before we establish the facts for sound judgment. In relationship to social identity theory, there is an existing threat theory of prejudice.

This theory states “four types of perceived threats felt from an out-group act as triggers for inter-group prejudice: realistic threats (those to body and possessions, for example), symbolic threats (those to ways of life), inter-group anxiety, and negative stereotypes” (Turner and Brown, 1978). In studying prejudice from a cultural point of view, we do not necessarily need the four types of threats so that we can identify prejudice.

Studies have shown that realistic threats usually have far-reaching effects in cultural prejudice, particularly among people who highly identify with the in-groups. On the other hand, negative stereotypes or symbolic threats do not have any significant consequences among low and high identifiers.

In addition, social identity is most likely to affect an individual subjected to prejudice. Usually, in in-groups, members approach ambiguous situations cautiously. In this case, they relate circumstances to external conditions rather than internal group activities.

In this context, individuals with in-group attribute and share the same qualities with their potential victims of prejudice rarely experience judgment from in-group members. Likewise, individuals who are morally upright also experience less judgement within in-groups, but can suffer judgments from out-group members (Drury and Reicher 2000).

Grand Illusion briefly depicts the issue of anti-Semitism. Rosenthal is a Jewish and not an aristocratic, but a new breed of wealthy businessmen who runs successful bank. There is a sharp difference between Rosenthal and Rothschild who also runs a bank but happens to be French.

What we observe in Rosanthal is a character trait that goes beyond mere prejudice so as to embrace humanity of all class and masses. Despite the fact that Rosanthal is financially stable, he shares all his foods and parcels with all prisoners.

This is a great comparison to German captors who display open prejudice against their prisoners. This is a realistic threat of prejudice. The movie shows that such negative stereotypes do not help humanity advance.

In some cases, such prejudice may turn into hate. Here there is hostility against people who are not part of your group, culture, sex, race, and religious among others. These characters exploit their racial dominant in support of activities that enhance separation. Individuals may decide to join such group because of the desire to rebel, such for answers or because they like violence

Grand Illusion presents both characters who have managed to transcend as well as those who still stick to their old social orders. We can only understand these characters deeply by relating them to different social identity theories.

We observe that Grand Illusion has different representations of character to show different group identities and the idea of change, social mobility, categorisation, and other elements that define identity formation.

Captain von Rauffenstein orders his soldiers to establish the rank of his prisoners and invites them for lunch. However, these prisoners must be at least the rank of military officer in order to qualify for lunch with the captain.

Captain von Rauffenstein and de Boieldieu have different allegiances. However, they share much in common to enable them form a “group”. These two men relate better than with their fellow countrymen. Through these men, we can see the idea of social mobility as the poor masses have decided to take power from the aristocrats.

These two men are members of the aristocrats. They know that their inherited social status of the aristocracy is gradually coming to an end. Some of them cannot imagine the new social order without the culture, education and experience they once knew from the aristocracy. Some of these characters are able to accept reality and transcend beyond illusion, whereas other characters cannot.

We see the new order through Rosenthal and Marechal. These characters represent the new face of the new social order. However, even this new order is full of illusion. Rosenthal and Marechal believe that they will return from the war and enjoy lasting peace. This illusion is also present in the old order where aristocrats believe in service to the nation.

Abrams, D and Hogg, M 2004, ‘Metatheory: Lessons from social identity research’, Personality and Social Psychology Review, vol. 8, pp. 98-106.

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Drury, J and Reicher, S 2000, ‘Collective action and psychological change: The emergence of new social identities’, British Journal of Social Psychology, vol. 39, pp. 579-604.

Hogg, M and Terry, D 2000, ‘Social identity and self-categorization processes in organizational contexts’, Academy of Management Review, vol. 25, pp. 121-140.

Oakes, P 1987, The salience of social categories, Basil Blackwell, Oxford.

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[CFP] 2024 Situations International Conference: Asian Diaspora in the 21st Century

Call for Papers

2024 Situations International Conference

22-23 November, 2024

Yonsei University, Seoul, South Korea

Asian Diaspora in the 21st Century:

Transnational Hauntology and Affective Production

Scholars have extensively debated the meaning and significance of diaspora . At their inception, classic diaspora studies considered a racial or ethnic group’s dispersal caused by religious difference, the Jewish people being the archetype in understanding diaspora. The scope of modern diaspora studies has been expanded to embrace emancipatory politics and the exploration of various conditions of racial, ethnic, and political minorities. Contemporary diaspora is characterized by fragmentation, dislocation, and globalization, and these new features must be clearly redefined and analyzed. Non-European diaspora experience, Asian diaspora in particular, has not been extensively explored. Raising questions about the magnitude and the limited destinations of Korean migration being identified as a diaspora, Gerard Chaliand and Jean Pierre Rageau argue that “the total number of overseas Koreans lacks the massive proportions of a typical diaspora, such as the Irish case, in which more than half of the population emigrated from their homeland” (1995). Should we define an ethnic group’s diaspora through size or distance? Doesn’t the atypicality of the Korean diaspora call for a retheorization of diaspora today?

A small group of migrants may have felt themselves to be in a precarious situation in the 19th and 20th centuries, but in the 21st century, diasporic subjects have multiple ways of retaining contact with their communities of origin, thanks to advances in communication technology and frequent air travel. Contemporary diasporas in the 21st century can be characterized by varieties of diasporic experience that no longer necessitate a permanent break from one’s homeland. The consciousness of being a diasporic subject may no longer depend as much on a physical and geographic separation from a homeland. What does diasporic consciousness mean then in a world where contact and even return to the homeland is possible? And turning away from the attention of ethnicity or race on diaspora to the emotional experience of being unsettled, displaced, and haunted, may unveil a greater understanding of our being in the 21st century.

Playing on the concept of ontology and resonating with his lifelong project of deconstruction, Jacques Derrida suggests by the term, hauntology, how to engage ghosts and historical remnants from the past. (Hau)ntology is a neologism that reminds us that we are always displaced and unhomed. When diasporic subjects seek to break away from their past, it can always come back to haunt their present experience associated with mixed feelings of melancholia, rage, alienation, anomie, and hopefulness for a better future. The displaced subjects’ affective production transcending the limited ties of kinship and nation can mediate the deterritorialized humanity in the 21st century. Situations (Volume 18, No. 1, 2025) calls for papers that explore concepts of migration and diaspora in the 21st century and/or papers that examine literary and cultural content representing, mediating, or rearticulating the diasporic consciousness of Asian diaspora communities.

Possible topics:

Contemporary diasporas: North Korean defectors, the Zainichi community, the Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia, and the South Asian diaspora in African and Arab states
diasporic consciousness: displacement and lost land, homeland and host land
language barriers and linguistic isolation
citizenship and sense of belonging
the myth and politics of return
refugee camps, resettlement, and national borders
gendered experience within diasporic communities
inter-Asian migration and politics of asylum
the problem of collective memory in diasporic communities
assimilation and de-assimilation in one’s adopted land
diaspora and the “blue humanities” centered on oceans and seas

Confirmed Keynote Speakers:

John Lie, Distinguished Professor of Sociology, U.C. Berkeley

So-young Kim, Professor of Cinema Studies, Korea National University of Arts

Early inquiries with 200-word abstracts are appreciated. By 3 1 August 2024 , we would invite you to submit your 4,000-word Chicago-style conference presentation with its abstract and keywords (the acceptance of the presentation will be decided based on the 4,000-paper).

Each invited participant is then expected to turn his or her conference presentation into a finished 6,000-word paper for possible inclusion in a future issue of the SCOPUS-indexed journal, Situations: Cultural Studies in the Asian Context . All inquiries and submissions should be sent to both [email protected] and [email protected] .

Submissions should follow the Chicago Manual of Style (16th ed.), using only endnotes.

We will pay for the hotel accommodation for those participants whose papers we accept. The presenters will share twin bedrooms.

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contact email: [email protected]. Call for Papers. 2024 Situations International Conference. 22-23 November, 2024. Yonsei University, Seoul, South Korea. Asian Diaspora in the 21st Century: Transnational Hauntology and Affective Production. Scholars have extensively debated the meaning and significance of diaspora.
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