Human Rights Careers

5 Essays About Xenophobia

The word “xenophobia” has ties to the Greek words “xenos,” which means “stranger or “guest,” and “phobos,” which means “fear” or “flight.” It makes sense that today we define “xenophobia” as a fear or hatred of strangers or foreigners. Xenophobia has always existed, but the world has experienced a surge in recent years. The essays described in this article provide examples of xenophobia, its ties to anti-immigration and nationalism, and how diseases like COVID-19 trigger prejudice.

“These charts show migrants aren’t South Africa’s biggest problem”

Abdi Latif Dahir  | Quartz Africa

Between March 29-April 2 in 2019, violence broke out in a South African municipality. Foreign nationals were targeted. Even though people were killed and businesses looted and destroyed, the police didn’t make any arrests. This represents a pattern of violence against foreigners who are mostly migrants from other places in Africa. Reporter Abdi Latif Dahir explains that these recent attacks are based on a belief that migrants cause South Africa’s economic and social problems. In this article from Quartz Africa, he outlines what people are blaming migrants for. As an example, while politicians claim that migrants are burdening the country, the data shows that migrants make up a very small percentage of the country.

Abdi Latif Dahir reports for Quartz Africa and speaks multiple languages. He also holds a master’s of arts degree in political journalism from Columbia University.

“Opinion: A rise in nationalism could hurt minorities”

Raveena Chaudhari | The Red and Black

Nationalism is on the rise in many countries around the world, including the US. The election of Donald Trump signaled a resurgence in nationalism, including white nationalism. In her essay, Raveena Chaudhari explains that far-right politics have been gaining steam in Western Europe since the 1980s. The US is just following the trend. She also uses the terms “patriotism,” which is an important part of the American identity, and “nativism,” which is closely linked to a fear of immigrants and diversity. Xenophobia easily emerges from these ideas. Minorities feel the consequences of a rise in nationalism most keenly. Raveena Chaudhari is a junior accounting major and staff writer for The Red and Black, a nonprofit corporation that circulates the largest college newspaper in Georgia. For 87 years, it operated under the University of Georgia but is now independent of the college.

“The Deep Roots of Trump’s Anti-Immigrant Policies”

Daniel Denvir | Jacobin

In this essay, author Daniel Denvir digs into the background of President Trump’s anti-immigration policies. At the time of this piece’s writing, the Supreme Court had allowed the administration to exclude certain groups from entering the United States. The travel ban has been labeled the “Muslim ban.” Where did these anti-immigrant views come from? They aren’t original to Donald Trump. Denvir outlines the history of racist and xenophobic policies that paint immigrants as a threat to America. Knowing that these views are ingrained in American society is important if we want change.

Daniel Denvir is the host of “The Dig” on Jacobin Radio and the author of All-American Nativism, a critique of nativists and moderate Democrats.

“Nationalism isn’t xenophobia, but it’s just as bad” 

Jeffrey Friedman | Niskanen Center

If you’re unsure what the difference is between nationalism and xenophobia, this essay can help clarify things. Written in 2017, this piece starts by examining surveys and studies measuring how xenophobic Trump supporters are. They also explore the reasons why people oppose illegal/legal immigration. The core of the essay, though, takes a look at nationalism vs. xenophobia. While different, Friedman argues that they are both irrational. The distinction is important as it reveals common ground between Trump supporters and Trump opponents. What does this mean?

Jeffrey Friedman is a visiting scholar in the Charles and Louise Tarver Department of Political Science at the University of California. He’s also an editor and author.

Xenophobia ‘Is A Pre-Existing Condition.’ How Harmful Stereotypes and Racism are Spreading Around the Coronavirus 

Jasmine Aguilera | Time

As COVID-19 spreads throughout the world, there’s been a surge in racism against people of Asian descent. In her essay, Jasmine Aguilera relates examples of this discrimination, as well as responses as people take to social media to combat xenophobia. Reacting with racism to a disease is not a new phenomenon. It’s happened in the past with SARS, Ebola, and H1N1. Society always looks for a scapegoat and minorities usually suffer. This has an impact on a population’s health, livelihood, and safety.

Jasmine Aguilera is a contributor to Time Magazine. She has written several articles about COVID-19 for the publication.

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What Is Xenophobia? Types & Effects

Olivia Guy-Evans, MSc

Associate Editor for Simply Psychology

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MSc Psychology of Education

Olivia Guy-Evans is a writer and associate editor for Simply Psychology. She has previously worked in healthcare and educational sectors.

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Saul Mcleod, PhD

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BSc (Hons) Psychology, MRes, PhD, University of Manchester

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On This Page:

Xenophobia refers to the fear, hatred, or prejudice against strangers or people perceived as foreign or different from one’s community or culture. It involves hostility and perceived conflict towards those considered an “outgroup.”

Xenophobia originates from the Greek words “xenos” meaning “stranger” and “phobos” meaning “fear.” So, in literal terms, it describes fear of strangers.

However, in common usage, xenophobia also encompasses general discrimination, negative attitudes, and hostile behaviors towards immigrants, foreigners, and cultural outsiders.

a woman looking sad while several hands point towards her

What is Xenophobia?

Xenophobia is the fear or hatred of people perceived as being different from oneself. This can be based on a person’s race, ethnicity, nationality, religion, or other distinguishing characteristics.

Xenophobia can often lead to discriminatory behaviors and attitudes, such as prejudice, racism, and even violence. It is important to recognize and address xenophobia, as it can have harmful effects on individuals and society as a whole.

This can typically stem from the deep-rooted belief that there is a conflict between the individual’s ingroup and the outgroups.

Someone xenophobic may feel uncomfortable being in the presence of people from a different group, refuse to be friends or associate with these individuals, may not take outgroup individuals seriously, or may believe their ingroup is superior to the outgroup.

While racism is the belief that one race is superior to another, xenophobia is the hatred of outsiders based on fear, which could then result in feelings of superiority over those outsiders.

Xenophobia is an issue as this type of thinking separates people into insiders and outsiders, which can ultimately cause attitudes such as fear, hate, and humiliation.

Xenophobia could also result in people feeling excluded from the culture they wish to live in or even violence in the most extreme cases. Xenophobia can, therefore, lead to negative experiences at the individual and the social level.

Is it a Mental Disorder?

Xenophobia is not recognized as a mental health condition since there are no criteria for it in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5).

Some researchers have debated whether xenophobia should be given its own criteria or made a sub-type of another condition. Poussaint (2002) suggested that extreme xenophobic attitudes should be considered a sub-type of delusional disorder.

The reasoning behind this is that extreme violence because of xenophobia should be indicative of a mental health condition, and not viewing extreme xenophobia as pathological can normalize and legitimize these views.

The researcher, therefore, proposes there be a ‘Prejudice type’ under the criteria of delusional disorder, which can account for extreme xenophobic attitudes and behaviors.

In contrast, others have maintained that extreme xenophobia should not be labeled as a mental health condition, as they argue it is a social problem rather than a health issue (Bell, 2004).

While xenophobia contains the word ‘phobia,’ a diagnosable mental health condition, it is not suggested to be as extreme as other clinical phobias people may experience, such as agoraphobia or claustrophobia.

While it is possible to have a clinical fear of strangers, these individuals would fear all strangers, including those that would be of the same race, ethnicity, and culture as them. People with a fear of all strangers would experience anxious symptoms associated with phobias even while only thinking of strangers.

They would also try to avoid all strangers as much as possible. Therefore, the condition would be significantly detrimental to their lives.

While xenophobia is not a diagnosable mental health condition, it can become a symptom of other mental health conditions. For instance, extreme racist views which stem from xenophobia could be a symptom of psychotic disorders such as schizophrenia.

Likewise, xenophobia could be because of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). If someone develops PTSD after experiencing terrorism and violence in another country, they could then develop xenophobia attitudes because of that experience.

Types of Xenophobia

There are two main types of xenophobia:

Cultural Xenophobia

Individuals who have culturally xenophobic views may reject objects, traditions, or symbols which are associated with another group.

For instance, this could be clothing that is traditional of another culture, different languages, or traditional music of another culture.

Culturally xenophobic people may believe their own cultures and traditions are superior to those belonging to other groups.

This type of xenophobia may present as people making negative remarks about culturally traditional clothing or making derogatory comments when people speak another language around them.

Immigrant Xenophobia

Individuals who express immigrant xenophobia may reject people or groups of people who they believe do not fit in with their ingroup society.

This may involve rejecting people who have different religions or nationalities and avoiding people who have different skin colors to them.

Individuals with this type of xenophobia may consider people in their own social or cultural group as being superior to others, avoid places heavily populated by immigrants, or make negative comments about people who belong to other cultures or countries.

The cause of xenophobia can be complicated. Evolutionary psychologists may argue that xenophobia may be a part of the genetic behavioral heritage because fear of outside groups protected ancestral humans from threat.

Due to this, we may still have a predisposition to being wary of outgroups and may feel more inclined to spend our time with those who are like us. This has also been demonstrated in experiments using the ‘Strange Situation.’

In these classic studies, infants were shown to have anxiety (e.g., crying, not wanting to go near the stranger) when left in a room with a stranger compared to someone familiar.

Factors that affect xenophobic attitudes are mainly considered internal and external. Internal factors are genetics and personality traits, while environmental factors are within the range of intergroup relations and education.

A study by Kocaturk and Bozdag (2020) investigated the relationship between personality traits and xenophobic attitudes. They found that those who had high scores of ‘agreeableness,’ which is associated with compassion and kindness, had lower levels of xenophobic attitudes.

In comparison, those who scored highly on narcissism and psychopathy were shown to be linked with higher levels of xenophobic attitudes.

While some people may be more predisposed to be xenophobic, a lot of the attitudes are a learned response. For instance, if people grow up with families who are xenophobic, they will likely pass on these beliefs to their children.

Similarly, if people are brought up in areas with little diversity or went to school with primarily people who were of the same culture and race or spoke the same language as them, they may not be as knowledgeable of people outside of their own culture or nationality.

This lack of knowledge may also affect the tolerance someone may have of other people, and there may be a stronger sense of ingroup and outgroup.

Social media and news outlets could also fuel xenophobic attitudes, such as politicians using political propaganda to weaponize xenophobia to manipulate emotional tensions within a community to further their agenda. Social media can make it easier than ever to find like-minded individuals and communities who have the same xenophobic attitudes.

Also, social media could influence individuals’ opinions if something is presented to them in a way that can sway views.

Previously tolerant individuals might become exposed to intolerant views, which can shift their opinions in the same way that those with intolerant views may find information that makes their views more extreme (Bursztyn et al., 2019).

Xenophobic attitudes can have a wider impact on societies, including cultural attitudes, economics, politics, and history.

Xenophobia has been linked to the following:

War and genocide

Hostility towards ‘others.’

Decreased social and economic growth for outgroups

Discrimination

Hate crimes

The spread of false information about certain cultures

Controversial policies

Those experiencing xenophobic attitudes towards them may find it difficult to live in their society. They may have fewer job opportunities, housing access, and rights than others.

This could negatively affect their mental health, making them feel socially isolated or depressed.

They may also feel unsafe, dismissed, disconnected, and constantly feel like they are being threatened.

A study on experiences of xenophobia among U.S. Chinese older adults found that they had increased levels of depression, poorer health, an increased risk of isolation, and was more likely to have suicidal ideation (Dong, Chen, & Simon, 2014).

On the other hand, those who express xenophobic views may also face negative impacts. They could lose friends with people who do not share their views or even lose their job, in extreme cases, if their xenophobic actions are reported. This may also result in these individuals feeling socially isolated or depressed.

Current issues could also strengthen xenophobic attitudes and cause negative impacts. For instance, the increase in immigration over the years on a global scale may have strengthened xenophobic attitudes (Yakushko, 2009).

The terrorist attack of 9/11 in New York was followed by anti-Muslim xenophobia. Likewise, the European Union referendum in Britain in 2016 also saw a significant increase in xenophobic attitudes towards immigrants, with a 41% reported increase in racially aggravated offenses in June 2016 compared to June 2015 (Home Office, 2016).

More recently, the outbreak of COVID-19 sparked an increase in xenophobic attitudes towards Asian communities, with more than 1700 anti-Asian hate incidents documented across the United States between March and May 2020 (Le, Cha, Han, & Tseng, 2020).

Combating Xenophobia

For those who have xenophobic attitudes, it may be beneficial to undergo a type of therapy that would alter the incorrect and harmful perceptions they have of others.

A lot of xenophobia could have stemmed from deep-rooted core beliefs that may be difficult to change. If someone with these beliefs wants therapy, the therapists should provide a non-judgemental approach to help the individual.

Cognitive behavioral therapy

Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) utilizes methods to challenge unhelpful thoughts and beliefs and aims to adjust these to more realistic or helpful ones.

This could also work if the person with xenophobia experiences anxiety or irrational fears of other people.

Anger management

Also, anger management could be an option for those who are more prone to violent or threatening outbursts towards those who are not a part of their ingroup.

Through anger management, individuals can learn skills to manage their negative emotions like fear and anxiety to overcome this.

Broaden experiences

Otherwise, those who recognize and want to change their xenophobic attitudes may benefit from broadening their experiences. They could travel to other parts of their country or another country where the culture and language are different to help them with their tolerance of people who they consider different from them.

This could relate to exposure therapy, a common practice used with people who have phobias, with the idea that the more exposure one has to something fearful, the less fearful one will be over time.

Individuals could also educate themselves in other ways, such as watching documentaries that discuss other cultures, reading informative books, attending talks, or joining social groups for those wanting to learn more about different cultures, ethnicities, languages, etc.

Consider similarities with the ‘outgroup’

Additionally, when talking to individuals that would have been considered part of the ‘outgroup,’ it may be useful to search for similarities with that person, such as shared interests.

This could increase how much they relate to others as they may notice that there are a lot more similarities between people than they originally thought.

They could also try to learn something from people they encounter, such as understanding situations from another’s perspective.

The less unknown people become, the less likely the individual will feel uncomfortable around them.

Coping With Xenophobia

If someone has experienced xenophobic comments directed towards them and this is affecting their mental health, they may also consider therapy depending on how severely affected they feel.

If individuals are experiencing depression or anxiety because of xenophobia, they could be prescribed anti-depressants to help combat some of the symptoms. However, this may not always be recommended as the first response to mental health issues.

They may also consider counseling or group therapy to discuss how they are feeling and to find ways to manage their negative feelings.

Online communities and support groups are another way to find like-minded individuals who may have had similar experiences. These groups can provide a safe space to be heard and reminded that they are not alone.

For anyone who is noticing xenophobia in society, it may be useful to call out xenophobic comments or intervene if safe to do so. This can inform the person who is being xenophobic that their behavior is problematic, and they may be less likely to repeat their behavior.

Since xenophobic attitudes can begin in childhood, it may be beneficial to educate children at a young age to help prevent deep-rooted xenophobia from taking form.

Speaking honestly with children about xenophobia could help them learn to challenge this behavior if they notice it, such as speaking up for a child in their class who may become a target.

Finally, other ways to tackle xenophobia are to report incidents if safe to do so, both in public and online, share stories about xenophobic experiences to increase awareness, call out news outlets if they are using xenophobic language, and support human rights organizations.

Further Information

Choane, M., Shulika, L. S., & Mthombeni, M. (2011). An analysis of the causes, effects and ramifications of xenophobia in South Africa. Insight on Africa, 3(2), 129-142.

Baumeister, R. F., & Leary, M. R. (1995). The need to belong: desire for interpersonal attachments as a fundamental human motivation. Psychological bulletin, 117(3), 497.

Bell, C. (2004). Racism: A mental illness?. Psychiatric Services, 55(12), 1343-1343.

Bursztyn, L., Egorov, G., Enikolopov, R., & Petrova, M. (2019). Social media and xenophobia: evidence from Russia (No. w26567). National Bureau of Economic Research.

Corcoran, H., Lader, D., & Smith, K. (2016). Hate Crime, England and Wales . Statistical bulletin, 5, 15.

Dong, X., Chen, R., & Simon, M. A. (2014). Experience of discrimination among US Chinese older adults. Journals of Gerontology Series A: Biomedical Sciences and Medical Sciences, 69 (Suppl_2), S76-S81.

Kocaturk, M., & Bozdag, F. (2020). Xenophobia among University Students: Its Relationship with Five Factor Model and Dark Triad Personality Traits. International Journal of Educational Methodology, 6 (3), 545-554.

Le, T. K., Cha, L., Han, H. R., & Tseng, W. (2020). Anti-Asian xenophobia and Asian American COVID-19 disparities .

Poussaint, A. F. (2002). Yes: it can be a delusional symptom of psychotic disorders. The Western journal of medicine, 176 (1), 4-4.

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Xenophobia: The Fear of Strangers

Adah Chung is a fact checker, writer, researcher, and occupational therapist. 

simple essay on xenophobia

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  • Fighting Xenophobia

What Is the Opposite of Xenophobic?

Xenophobia, or fear of strangers, is a broad term that may be applied to any fear of someone different from an individual. Hostility towards outsiders is often a reaction to fear. It typically involves the belief that there is a conflict between an individual's ingroup and an outgroup.

Xenophobia often overlaps with forms of prejudice , including racism and homophobia , but there are important distinctions. Where racism, homophobia, and other forms of discrimination are based on specific characteristics, xenophobia is usually rooted in the perception that members of the outgroup are foreign to the ingroup community.

Whether xenophobia qualifies as a legitimate mental disorder is a subject of ongoing debate.

Xenophobia is also associated with large-scale acts of destruction and violence against groups of people.

Signs of Xenophobia

How can you tell if someone is xenophobic? While xenophobia can be expressed in different ways, typical signs include:

  • Feeling uncomfortable around people who fall into a different group
  • Going to great lengths to avoid particular areas
  • Refusing to be friends with people solely due to their skin color, mode of dress, or other external factors
  • Difficulty taking a supervisor seriously or connecting with a teammate who does not fall into the same racial, cultural, or religious group

While it may represent a true fear, most xenophobic people do not have a true phobia. Instead, the term is most often used to describe people who discriminate against foreigners and immigrants.

People who express xenophobia typically believe that their culture or nation is superior, want to keep immigrants out of their community, and may even engage in actions that are detrimental to those who are perceived as outsiders.

Is Xenophobia a Mental Disorder?

Xenophobia is not recognized as a mental disorder in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5). However, some psychologists and psychiatrists have suggested that extreme racism and prejudice should be recognized as a mental health problem.

Some have argued, for example, that extreme forms of prejudice should be considered a subtype of delusional disorder .   It is important to note that those who support this viewpoint also argue that prejudice only becomes pathological when it creates a significant disruption in a person's ability to function in daily life.

Other professionals argue that categorizing xenophobia or racism as a mental illness would be medicalizing a social problem.  

Types of Xenophobia

There are two primary types of xenophobia:

  • Cultural xenophobia : This type involves rejecting objects, traditions, or symbols that are associated with another group or nationality. This can include language, clothing, music, and other traditions associated with the culture.
  • Immigrant xenophobia : This type involves rejecting people who the xenophobic individual does not believe belongs in the ingroup society. This can involve rejecting people of different religions or nationalities and can lead to persecution, hostility, violence, and even genocide.

The desire to belong to a group is pervasive—and strong identification with a particular group can even be healthy. However, it may also lead to suspicion of those who are perceived to not belong.

It is natural and possibly instinctive to want to protect the interests of the group by eliminating threats to those interests. Unfortunately, this natural protectiveness often causes members of a group to shun or even attack those who are perceived as different, even if they actually pose no legitimate threat at all.

Xenophobia vs. Racism

Xenophobia and racism are similar in that they both involve prejudice and discrimination, but there are important differences to consider. Where xenophobia is the fear of anyone who is considered a foreigner, racism is specifically directed toward people based on their race or ethnicity. People can be both xenophobic and racist.

Examples of Xenophobia

Unfortunately, xenophobia is all too common. It can range from covert acts of discrimination or subtle comments to overt acts of prejudice or even violence . Some examples of xenophobia include:

  • Immigration policies : Xenophobia can influence how nations deal with immigration. This may include hostility and outright discrimination against immigrants. Specific groups of people may be the target of bans designed to keep them from moving to certain locations.
  • Displacement : In the U.S., the forcible removal of Indigenous people from their land is an example of xenophobia. The use of residential schools in the U.S. and Canada was also rooted in xenophobic attitudes and was designed to force the cultural assimilation of Native American people.
  • Violence : For example, attacks on people of Asian descent have increased in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. 

Causes of Xenophobia

There are a number of different factors believed to contribute to xenophobia: 

  • Social and economic insecurity : People often look for someone to blame in times of economic hardship or social upheaval. Immigrants and minorities are often scapegoated as the cause of society's ills.
  • Lack of contact : People with little or no contact with people from other cultures or backgrounds are more likely to be fearful or mistrustful of them.
  • Media portrayals : The way immigrants and minorities are portrayed in the media can also influence people's attitudes towards them. If they are only shown in a negative light, it can reinforce people's prejudices.
  • Fear of strangers : In general, people are more likely to be afraid of unfamiliar things. This can apply to both physical appearance and cultural differences.

Impact of Xenophobia

Xenophobia doesn't just affect people at the individual level. It affects entire societies, including cultural attitudes, economics, politics, and history. Examples of xenophobia in the United States include acts of discrimination and violence against Latinx, Mexican, and Middle Eastern immigrants.

Xenophobia has been linked to:

  • Hostility towards people of different backgrounds
  • Decreased social and economic opportunity for outgroups
  • Implicit bias toward members of outgroups
  • Isolationism
  • Discrimination
  • Hate crimes
  • Political positions
  • War and genocide
  • Controversial domestic and foreign policies

Certainly, not everyone who is xenophobic starts wars or commits hate crimes. But even veiled xenophobia can have insidious effects on both individuals and society. These attitudes can make it more difficult for people in certain groups to live within a society and affect all aspects of life including housing access , employment opportunities, and healthcare access.

The twisting of a positive trait (group harmony and protection from threats) into a negative (imagining threats where none exist) has led to any number of hate crimes, persecutions, wars, and general mistrust.

Xenophobia has a great potential to cause damage to others, rather than affecting only those who hold these attitudes.

How to Combat Xenophobia

If you struggle with feelings of xenophobia, there are things that you can do to overcome these attitudes.

  • Broaden your experience. Many people who display xenophobia have lived relatively sheltered lives with little exposure to those who are different from them. Traveling to different parts of the world, or even spending time in a nearby city, might go a long way toward helping you face your fears.
  • Fight your fear of the unknown. Fear of the unknown is one of the most powerful fears of all. If you have not been exposed to other races, cultures, and religions, gaining more experience may be helpful in conquering your xenophobia.
  • Pay attention. Notice when xenophobic thoughts happen. Make a conscious effort to replace these thoughts with more realistic ones.

If your or a loved one's xenophobia is more pervasive, recurring despite exposure to a wide variety of cultures, then professional treatment might be in order. Choose a therapist who is open-minded and interested in working with you for a long period of time.

Xenophobia is often deeply rooted in a combination of upbringing, religious teachings, and previous experiences. Successfully combating xenophobia generally means confronting numerous aspects of the personality and learning new ways of experiencing the world.

While xenophobia describes a fear of strangers, foreigners, or immigrants, xenophilia, or the act of being xenophilic, describes an appreciation and attraction to foreign people or customs.

History of Xenophobia

Xenophobia has played a role in shaping human history for thousands of years. The ancient Greeks and Romans used their beliefs that their cultures were superior to justify the enslavement of others. Many nations throughout the world have a history of xenophobic attitudes toward foreigners and immigrants. 

The term xenophobia originates from the Greek word xenos meaning "stranger" and phobos meaning "fear.

Xenophobia has also led to acts of discrimination, violence, and genocide throughout the world, including:

  • The World War II Holocaust 
  • The internment of Japanese Americans during World War II
  • The Rwandan genocide
  • The Holodomor genocide in Ukraine
  • The Cambodian genocide

Recent examples in the United States include discrimination toward people of Middle Eastern descent (often referred to as "Islamophobia") and xenophobic attitudes towards Mexican and Latinx immigrants. The COVID-19 pandemic also led to reports of xenophobia directed toward people of East Asian and Southeast Asian descent in countries throughout the world.

Suleman S, Garber K, Rutkow L. Xenophobia as a determinant of health: An integrative review . J Public Health Policy . 2018;39(4):407-423. doi:10.1057/s41271-018-0140-1

Choane M, Shulika LS, Mthombeni M. An analysis of the causes, effects and ramifications of xenophobia in South Africa . Insight Afr . 2011;3(2):12-142.

Poussaint AF. Is extreme racism a mental illness? Yes: It can be a delusional symptom of psychotic disorders .  West J Med . 2002;176(1):4. doi:10.1136/ewjm.176.1.4

Bell C. Racism: A mental illness? . Psychiatr Serv . 2004;55(12):1343. doi:10.1176/appi.ps.55.12.1343

Baumeister RF, Leary MR. The need to belong: Desire for interpersonal attachments as a fundamental human motivation . Psychol Bull . 1995;117(3):497-529.

National Cancer Institute. Let's talk about xenophobia and anti-Asian hate crimes .

Klein JR. Xenophobia and crime . In: Miller JM, ed. The Encyclopedia of Theoretical Criminology . Oxford: Blackwell Publishing; 2014. doi:10.1002/9781118517390.wbetc094

Merriam-Webster. ' Xenophobia' vs. 'racism .'

Romero LA, Zarrugh A. Islamophobia and the making of Latinos/as into terrorist threats . Ethnic Racial Stud . 2018;12:2235-2254. doi:10.1080/01419870.2017.1349919

American Medical Association. AMA warns against racism, xenophobia amid COVID-19 .

By Lisa Fritscher Lisa Fritscher is a freelance writer and editor with a deep interest in phobias and other mental health topics.

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The Association for Psychoanalytic Medicine

Of Fear and Strangers: A History of Xenophobia

Tuesday, February 1, 2022 at 8 PM

Presenter: George Makari, M.D.

Discussant: Kwame Anthony Appiah

By 2016, it was impossible to ignore an international resurgence of xenophobia. What had happened? Looking for clues, psychiatrist and historian George Makari started out in search of the idea’s origins. To his astonishment, he discovered that while a fear and hatred of strangers may be ancient, the notion of a dangerous bias called “xenophobia” arose not so long ago.

Coined by late-nineteenth-century doctors and political commentators and popularized by an eccentric stenographer, xenophobia emerged alongside Western nationalism, colonialism, mass migration, and genocide. Makari chronicles the concept’s rise, from its popularization and perverse misuse to its spread as an ethical principle in the wake of a series of calamities that culminated in the Holocaust and its sudden reappearance in the twenty-first century. He then investigates attempts to psychologically understand the rise of xenophobia through the writings of innovators like Walter Lippmann, Sigmund Freud, Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, and Frantz Fanon. Weaving together history, philosophy, and psychology, Makari offers us a unifying paradigm by which we might more clearly comprehend how irrational anxiety and contests over identity sweep up groups and lead to the dark headlines of division so prevalent today.

Historian, psychoanalyst, and psychiatrist  George Makari  is the author of the newly released  Of Fear and Strangers: A History of Xenophobia , a New York Times Editor’s Choice. He is also the author of  Soul Machine: The Invention of the Modern Mind  and the widely acclaimed  Revolution in Mind: The Creation of Psychoanalysis . His essays have won numerous honors, including twice winning the JAPA Essay Prize, and have also appeared in The New York Times, the Los Angeles Review of Books, and other publications. Director of the DeWitt Wallace Institute of Psychiatry: History, Policy, and the Arts, Dr. Makari is Professor of Psychiatry at Weill Cornell Medical College and Adjunct Professor at both Rockefeller University and the Columbia University Center for Psychoanalytic Training and Research. He attended Brown University, Cornell University Medical College, and the Columbia Psychoanalytic Center.

Discussant Kwame Anthony Appiah  is Professor of Philosophy and Law at NYU. He was born in London, but moved as an infant to Kumasi, Ghana, where he grew up. He has BA and PhD degrees in philosophy at Cambridge and has taught philosophy in Ghana, France, Britain, and the United States. He has been President of the PEN American Center and serves on the boards of the York Public Library and the Public Theater and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. In 2012 he received the National Humanities Medal from President Obama. He has written the New York Times column  The Ethicist  since 2015. His most recent book is  The Lies that Bind: Rethinking Identity .

simple essay on xenophobia

Xenophobia – The Fear of Foreigners Essay

Introduction, illustrations of xenophobia.

Someone somewhere is afraid of wolves while another one is afraid of spiders. There are people who are afraid of water, plants, light, bad smell and even other people. People live in constant fear of diverse things, actions and even emotions. Some of these fears are normal while others are quite abnormal. Why do people develop fears? People develop fears because as they interact with various things in the universe, they tend to develop some psychological detachments that may end up producing a certain kind of antipathy towards some objects (Bourne 9). This kind of fear generates hatred towards the specific object and any encounter with the said object will elicit irrational behaviors from the subject.

Fear is also called phobia and one of the most common phobias is called Xenophobia. Xenophobia is associated with foreigners. It is also associated with guests and even strangers. The feeling of high levels of antipathy or fear towards foreigners is called xenophobia (Wolpe 111). This fear is usually irrational and is associated with some emotional problems though sometimes it can be exhibited by people who are emotionally sound. People with post-traumatic stress disorder are likely to exhibit this irrational fear. In most cases, this fear is connected with past associations with members of the grouping that the foreigner or the stranger comes from.

For example, there was a white woman in the UK who was brutally attacked by two black men. They left her with a deformed wrist. After the incident, whenever she came across any black person, she would develop panic attacks and run away from the people (Kessler 12). This fear is irrational because it tends to associate people of a certain group with a past action. This reaction of the woman is xenophobic because it highlights fear and hatred of people of another race emanating. Xenophobia is not just a fear of persons whom the subject considers foreigners or strangers. It also entails any aversion to the cultures, the norms, values, belief systems and the practices of the strangers or the foreigners in question.

This means that it is a very wide concept that entails things like origin, linguistic conventions, ways of life, habits and even religious dispositions (Latimer 45). Xenophobia is not racism, but racism is a subset of xenophobia. This is because not all people of a different race are foreigners but someone may hate a foreigner just because of his or her racial background. Xenophobia in most cases has to do with nationalities though in some cases, the issue of race creeps in.

There are cases where xenophobia and racism are used to refer to the same thing especially in Eastern Europe where there are very few natives from other races. In this case, every person of another race is considered to be a foreigner and the fear and hate directed to that person is actually based on racial grounds. However, Xenophobia transcends race and culture because this irrational fear can be extended to people on very many other grounds.

Xenophobia is a concept of fear that has two vital components. The first component is a sub-set of a population that is usually not part of a larger society. This subset represents the immigrants. The immigrants may be recent immigrants or past immigrants that have already been integrated into that society. Xenophobia emanating from this component is very dangerous because it can degenerate into violence or even genocide. There have been cases of mass expulsion of immigrants and foreigners due to this fear of foreigners in some parts of the world recently. The best example of xenophobic reactions was witnessed in South Africa, where foreigners were expunged from major cities by the locals.

The reason behind these xenophobic attacks in South Africa was that the immigrants had taken over the jobs that were meant for the natives and these foreigners were also creating competition for business and economic activities.

The success of the immigrant populations in South Africa intimidated the locals and they feared that the foreigners were going to eclipse them economically. The xenophobic tensions lasted for the better part of the year 2000 leading to hundreds of deaths and massive displacements of immigrants from other parts of Africa (Audie 23). The main targets were Zimbabweans who had run away from the economic crisis that had hit their country then. Other targets of the xenophobic attacks included Somalis, Kenyans and Zambians who were excelling economically in South Africa.

The second component of xenophobia entails the fear of cultures and the main target of this form of xenophobia is some behaviors and practices that are considered to be strange. Every culture has some influences from the outside. There are some cultures that are considered impure because they do not conform to the native cultures and the owners of these cultures can be victims of xenophobia. This is one problem that faces Indians.

Their cultures and practices are usually considered strange in many parts of the world and they have increasingly become victims of xenophobia especially in Europe. However, this type of xenophobia is mild and in most cases, it does not elicit aggression.

The fear of foreigners from a racist perspective is another common form in the world. The form of racism that the Anglo Americans suffer in the United States of America is not xenophobic. There is no fear in this racism. However, the form of racism that is extended to the Latinos in the United States of America is xenophobic. The Latinos are feared and loathed by the natives in the US and they are usually regarded as criminals. This xenophobia emanated from the concept of illegal immigration. Most of the Latinos that are in the United States of America are illegal immigrants mostly from Mexico, Puerto Rico, Cuba and many other Central and South American countries.

Illegal immigration is considered a crime in the US and anyone who gets to the country without the required immigration paperwork is considered to be a criminal. This means that the Latinos, because of the fact that most of them are illegal immigrants, are viewed as criminals by the natives of the United States of America. This has presented a big problem to the Latino population in the United States of America because the natives have developed an irrational fear of the Latinos and in case of an incident of crime, the Latinos are usually implicated.

This fear of the Latinos has generated hate that has seen a lot of negative stereotypes emerge about the Latinos in the US. Apart from the criminal stereotype, Latinos are also considered to be very unintelligent and this stereotype emanates from the fact that most criminals are people who never made it to school. This means that the people of the United States of America believe that Latinos are not intelligent because they are criminals.

Is xenophobia justified, especially in the 21 st century? This is the time that the world should be celebrating cultural diversity but lurking in the shadow is this black menace called xenophobia. The future of the world lies in the acceptance of diversity that is there in the universe and showing utmost tolerance to other people, their practices and belief systems. The world we are living in is different from the world that was there a century ago. In the past, people used to live under geographical confines and it was hard to come across foreigners or people whose values and practices were not in tandem with those of the locality.

However, the world has changed and in this era of globalization, movement from one point of the world to another is very common. This means that the chances of having an encounter with a foreigner are very high. The world has reached a point where it is inevitable to live without foreigners which means that if there is to be peaceful co-existence in the world, then the tolerance of other foreigners and their entire cultural systems must be practiced. There are some forms of fear of foreigners that are justifiable because of the psychological connections that are there but there are some that can be fought (Crozier 67).

This is because some instances of xenophobia emanate from attitudes that are formed against people of certain origins. This means that if these attitudes are quashed, these forms of xenophobia can be eradicated. For example, the fear of foreigners especially people from specific African countries by South Africans was a result of the formation of attitudes towards those people. Instead of appreciating that these people are working hard to uplift the economy of their country, they develop fears that the increasing numbers of African immigrants in South Africa are threatening economic and business opportunities.

The fear of the Latinos in the United States of America is also based on a false belief that all Latinos are criminals because they entered the country in a manner that is considered criminal. Xenophobia is very harmful to a society or a country. It can easily lead to violent reactions or even genocide. This is because intensive fear generates hate which leads to anti-social practices against the targeted population (Audie 23). The genocidal killings that took place in Europe during the Third Reich were partly because of the irrational fear of the Jews and their geographic expansion which led to a war against them that saw their near extermination by the Nazi regime.

The fear of foreigners is something that is supposed to be unheard of in the 21 st century yet cases of xenophobia are increasingly being reported. In the UK and the US, xenophobia or the fear of foreigners has taken a religious twist and it has become Islamophobia. Their fear of Muslims nationalities has heightened and this has led to the development of a climate that is unconducive for the Muslims in the two countries.

Muslims have become targets of antisocial behaviors including exclusion and even bullying. In the UK, this fear was aggravated by the London bombings in the middle of the last decade while in the United States of America, this xenophobia widened after the catastrophic terrorist bombings of September 11, 2001. In the two countries, a person from an Islamic background is always viewed as a potential terrorist. The fear of the Muslims in the two countries is evidenced by the specialized checks that the Muslims undergo at the airports before they can be allowed into the United Kingdom and the United States of America.

This action by the two countries has elicited the same kind of response towards American citizens living in Islamic countries. Americans living in Islamic countries have been victims of xenophobic attacks. To start with, the Americans are usually considered to be spies sent on a mission to track terrorists meaning that the nationals in the Islamic countries especially in the Middle East live in fear of the Americans who live in their countries. Secondly, the tensions between the Islamic countries and the United States of America have generated hatred towards the Americans living in those countries and this has heightened xenophobia that is directed towards them.

In conclusion, human beings will continue to live in fear of different things depending on the nature of interactions between them and those things but the worst form of fear is the fear of the other human beings. This is because this is the fear that can have the most dangerous consequences.

Apart from the emotional trauma arising from the aftermath of the actions that are triggered by this fear, xenophobia has led to the wiping off of millions of people from the face of the earth during various instances of genocides. In the 21 st century when the world is said to be a global village, the levels of hatred and intolerance that are brought by xenophobia can be very dangerous especially towards the dream of integration of cultures that is expected to unite the people of the world.

Audie, Katherine. “International Relations and Migration in Southern Africa”. Institute for Security Studies: African Security Review Vol 6 no 3, 1997.

Bourne, Edmund. The Anxiety & Phobia Workbook. New Jersey: New Harbinger Publications. 2005.

Kessler, Edward. Prevalence, Severity, and Comorbidity of 12-Month DSM-IV Disorders in the National Comorbidity Survey Replication , 2005, Archive of General Psychiatry, Volume 20.

Crozier, Ray. International Handbook of Social Anxiety: Concepts, Research, and Interventions Relating to the Self and Shyness . New York: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 2000.

Latimer, Paul. Phobia and psychology: NY: Sage. 2009.

Wolpe, Joseph. Psychotherapy by reciprocal inhibition. Washington: Stanford University Press.

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Essay on Xenophobia

Students are often asked to write an essay on Xenophobia in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Xenophobia

Understanding xenophobia.

Xenophobia is the fear or hatred of strangers or foreigners. It’s a complex issue that can lead to discrimination, violence, and social conflict.

Causes of Xenophobia

Xenophobia can stem from various factors like cultural differences, economic competition, or historical conflicts. It’s often fueled by stereotypes and misinformation.

Impacts of Xenophobia

Xenophobia can harm individuals and communities, leading to social division and conflict. It can also hinder cultural diversity and mutual understanding.

Addressing Xenophobia

To combat xenophobia, it’s important to promote tolerance, diversity, and understanding. Education and open dialogue can play a key role in this process.

Also check:

  • 10 Lines on Xenophobia

250 Words Essay on Xenophobia

Defining xenophobia.

Xenophobia, derived from the Greek words ‘xenos’ (strange) and ‘phobos’ (fear), is the irrational or unreasoned fear of that which is perceived as different or foreign. It is a social phenomenon that manifests in numerous ways, primarily through attitudes of prejudice and discrimination.

The Roots of Xenophobia

Xenophobia is deeply rooted in human psychology and societal structures. It can be traced back to our evolutionary past, where in-group favouritism and out-group hostility were survival mechanisms. In modern times, xenophobia often arises from economic, political, and social insecurities, creating scapegoats for complex issues.

Xenophobia’s Impact on Society

Xenophobia’s impact is far-reaching and detrimental. It fosters social division, fuels hate crimes, and hinders cultural exchange and mutual understanding. Additionally, it can lead to policies that are discriminatory and violate human rights.

Combating Xenophobia

Addressing xenophobia requires a multi-faceted approach. Education plays a crucial role in challenging stereotypes and fostering understanding. Policies promoting diversity and inclusivity can also help. Moreover, media has a responsibility to portray diverse groups accurately and sensitively.

In an increasingly globalized world, xenophobia is a hurdle to unity and progress. As we strive for a more inclusive and understanding society, it is paramount to confront and challenge xenophobic attitudes wherever they appear.

500 Words Essay on Xenophobia

Introduction.

Xenophobia, derived from the Greek words ‘xenos’ meaning ‘stranger’ or ‘foreigner’ and ‘phobos’ meaning ‘fear’, is an intense or irrational dislike or fear of people from other countries. It manifests in many ways, ranging from bias and prejudice to violence and hate crimes. Xenophobia is a complex and multifaceted issue that has significant socio-cultural and political implications.

Historical Context and Causes

Xenophobia is not a new phenomenon. It has been prevalent throughout history, often exacerbated during times of economic hardship, political instability, or when a society feels its identity is under threat. The causes of xenophobia are multifaceted, often rooted in ignorance, misinformation, and fear. It can stem from a perceived threat to a community’s economic status, cultural identity, or social cohesion.

The impacts of xenophobia are far-reaching and destructive, affecting individuals and communities on multiple levels. At an individual level, victims of xenophobia can experience psychological trauma, social isolation, and economic disadvantage. On a societal level, xenophobia can lead to social division, conflict, and can undermine social cohesion. It can also negatively impact a nation’s reputation and relationships with other countries.

Xenophobia and Globalization

In the age of globalization, where the world is more interconnected than ever, xenophobia poses a significant challenge. As people move across borders for work, education, or refuge, they often encounter unfamiliar cultures and societies. This increased diversity can lead to tension and fear, fueling xenophobia. However, globalization also provides an opportunity for increased understanding and tolerance, as exposure to different cultures can challenge pre-existing stereotypes and biases.

Addressing xenophobia requires a multifaceted approach. Education plays a crucial role in combating ignorance and misinformation that often fuels xenophobia. Schools and universities should promote cultural understanding and tolerance, encouraging students to challenge their biases and stereotypes. Governments have a responsibility to enact and enforce laws that protect individuals from hate crimes and discrimination. The media also plays a critical role in shaping public opinion and should strive to present balanced and accurate depictions of different cultures and communities.

Xenophobia is a complex and pervasive issue with significant implications for individuals and societies. It is a product of fear and ignorance, often exacerbated by economic hardship and political instability. However, through education, legislation, and responsible media representation, it is possible to challenge xenophobia and promote a more inclusive and tolerant society. In the age of globalization, it is more important than ever to address xenophobia and strive for a world where diversity is celebrated rather than feared.

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By Khadija Patel and Azad Essa

photography by Ihsaan Haffejee

Running small convenience stores in the townships is a dangerous business for foreigners.

Often serving their customers through locked gates, they are accused of spreading disease, stealing jobs and sponging off basic government services like electricity, running water and healthcare.

But as violence against them continues, the South African government insists that criminality is behind it, not xenophobia.

simple essay on xenophobia

No place like home

Xenophobia in South Africa

THE FOREIGNERS

THE ACTIVISTS

  foreigners

Xenophobia in South Africa | Chapter 1

In a haze of violence in late January, an angry mob approached a convenience store belonging to Abdikadir Ibrahim Danicha. They pried open its iron gates and looted everything inside. Even the large display refrigerators were carried away.

Danicha's life was upended.

"South African people don’t like us," Danicha, a 29-year-old Somali national, told Al Jazeera, while sitting on his bed in a small room he shared with three others in Mayfair, a suburb popular with foreign nationals in Johannesburg.

The violent outburst that led to the looting of

Danicha’s store began in Snake Park, in the

western reaches of Soweto, when 14-year-old

Siphiwe Mahori was allegedly killed by another Somali shop owner, Alodixashi Sheik Yusuf.

Mahori, a South African, was allegedly a part of a group of people who attempted to rob Yusuf’s store on January 19. His death sparked a week of mob justice, which appeared to be inflamed by xenophobia.

Scores of people were injured and hundreds of stores were looted. As the violence spread to nearby Kagiso, a South African baby was trampled to death.

For the foreign nationals affected by the violence, the actions of the mob were inexplicable.

"I don’t even have clothes … I lost all my things," said Masrat Eliso an Ethiopian national, four days after his shop in Protea Glen, a suburb of Soweto, was looted.

Mofolo Central, Soweto

I don't have money.

I don't have anything

and I'm scared for my life"

MASRAT ELISO

Calm was eventually restored and most foreign-owned stores reopened. Shelves were restocked and customers returned, poking their arms through the closed metal gates of the stores to buy a loaf of bread. Groupsof children clamoured to buy lollipops, while tired looking men eyed the fridges for energy drinks.

It appeared to be business as usual, but to the foreign nationals who returned to their stores in Soweto, there was a shared fear that they may soon be the subject of another attack.

Danicha returned to his shop in Mofolo, another suburb of Soweto, three weeks after the violence subsided.

"I don’t feel safe," he said in early March, outside his partially restocked shop.

He is one of a few hundred thousand Somali refugees in South Africa who have found some measure of success in operating small stores in townships around the country. He is also one among thousands of foreign nationals here who report multiple incidents of persecution.

But Danicha's life in South Africa has been filled with hardship. And the scars, which run across the entire left side of his body, act as a stark reminder.

In June 2014, he and a friend were running a small store in the Johannesburg suburb of Denver, selling groceries and basic cosmetics when their store was set upon by an angry mob.

"The first day, a group of people came to the shop. They wanted to loot us. We closed the doors but then they started stoning us," he said. "Then, on the second day, they just came and threw a petrol bomb at the shop.

I was inside the shop."

Danicha was one of four people who sustained severe burns in Denver on that day.

I came to South Africa in 2012 and I thought life would be easy . "

ABDIKADIR IBRAHIM DANICHA

Abdikadir Ibrahim Danicha

"Everywhere, everywhere I am burned," he said. "I was in hospital for three months."

After being treated at the Charlotte Maxeke public hospital, Danicha was then forced to rely on the Somali community in Johannesburg for assistance.

“A brother of mine helped me out by giving me a share in a shop in Soweto.”

Two months later, another mob attacked his store.

"Unless I have the capital to start another shop, I don’t know what I can do."

Estimates suggest that more than 50,000 Somalis have fled to South Africa since their home country erupted into civil war in 1991.

Many of them have settled in townships across the country, operating small businesses among the poorest South Africans.

While the store in Mofolo has reopened, and Danicha helps his co-owners periodically, he has not been able to contribute to the capital needed to get the store sufficiently restocked.

It is very difficult

to start again

and again"

IBRAHIM DANICHA

From Soweto and Kagiso the violence in January spread to Sebokeng in the Vaal delta, Eden Park in Ekurhuleni and Alexandra, in northern Johannesburg.

As researchers begin to unpack the stories of yet another bout of violence against foreign nationals in urban South Africa, many of the victims are beginning to feel that the pain caused was not just the loss of goods, earnings and trading days.

“We came to South Africa because we needed to save our lives,” Mohamed Rashad, an Ethiopian national from the Oromo community says. He runs a store in Snake Park and is angered by the lack of justice in cases involving foreign nationals.

“The law is forgetting us so soon we will also forget the law,” he warned.

Back at the store in Mofolo, Danicha watches as his

co-owners serve customers through a gate. He is not

sure what the future holds for him.

 “At first I had a plan but the plan has been destroyed two times now,” he said.

With Somalia still reeling from conflict, he has nowhere

else to go.

Despite the ongoing violence, South Africa

Ismail Adam Hassen

Muhammed Hukun Galle Hassan

I came from Somalia in 2009. And the South African government is good, they let us work for ourselves. I say the government thank you very much and I was working myself and I was looking my food and to trade.

Some people come to South Africa by plane. Others come with taxis and busses.  But I took a very long route to South Africa.  I came to South Africa in 2010 and it took me three months to get here.

READ THE REST OF MUHAMMED'S STORY

This is how I started, I worked and got together some money, and I put this money together with other people. Then I acted like a supervisor.

I would go to a place and see the owner of the property where I think we can make a shop and  I say can you give us the lease I’m going to work in the building here. Then when we make money I don’t take it all, we are sharing. So if it is, 18, 19, 20 thousand rands ($2,000)

profits, it is shared between five people. That is how we work. When we make this money here we working hard.

In Somalia there is no peace there. When I ran away from there, I was not the only guy. And I run because from Somalia there was no government and I came here where I can stay and make a life in peace.

I got the family there but I don’t have the choice to go back. That time if I stayed in my country there was no law and order, I was scared. That one time they shoot me inside the leg, they come here they help us that time my father passed away. This is the problem in

I want to ask government to look after our safety. We are businessmen.

We are not attacking  anybody by coming here. I really really like the government in South Africa because they allow us to stay here but we need safety. They must do something about  these people who are attacking our business and take everything. I think other people are

My shop was closed for 10 days after the attack.

After my shop was looted, we came back, and we fixed it. We bought a new fridge, we made a new gate and we put new shelves. So now people think we have a lot of money here, we don’t have the money because

they took everything. Because  we also have to buy food, we have families to feed. But even when I came back, I was told I could not open my shop.

I went to the police station and complained and told them that some people have given me this paper that says I must close my shop or they will kill me.

They give this letter to all the shops. They told us not to open, to go back to where we come from. They asked me why I am coming here. I said I live here. They said close your business, go back to where you come from. They are fighting us.

We called in the police. The police did not care. They did not listen, they did nothing. They said, “Voetsek!”

We are not feeling safe right now.  It’s the police who are supposed to  look after our safety but they say they don’t care.

They listen to other people only. If someone attacks us they don’t care.

But we are feeling scared still. We don’t know what we can do, where we can go, but we stay. We will see if we die or what.

It’s happening because: We don’t know, they say we don’t want any foreigners coming here.

I did not have the problem before and I have the the shop for 5 years.

The people here around my shop know me. They know who I am. We are friends, they know us, we are staying here for  a long time.  they all know the area and you can speak we are business people. We are the good people because we are living nicely. You can see, there  is the good people and the bad people, they are taking our customer away, how you see this people.

There have been crooks who come and steal. We saw like that before. But not like this, where they come and break the shops and taking everything that wasn’t sold.

Despite promises of help, the situation on the ground is disastrous and rebuilding almost non-existent.

With help hardly getting through, and so many in need, building materials are scarce and flats for rent even scarcer - and expensive too.

READ THE REST OF ISMAIL'S STORY

From Juba province in Somalia, I went to Mombasa in Kenya. I spent some time in Mombasa. But things in Mombasa are not good for Somali people.

And one day the police came and they were arresting all the Somalis but they left me because I was very, very thin then. So I heard them say, “Leave him, he’s too small.” And then from Kenya I went to Tanzania.

Then I went Malawi. From there I went to Mozambique. And from Mozambique, I went to Zimbabwe and then I came to South Africa.

My family is all dead. I am the only one left.

My shop is open again. With the little goods I saved from the looting I started again but the shop is still not 100%. We are trying. I am trying to get credit from the Somali-owned cash n carry to buy more goods. I don’t feel safe, but what can we do? It’s life.

On the day that my shop was looted, I was sleeping. Snake Park, where all the trouble started, is not far from my shop. So these boys, many boys, came to our shop. I was sleeping. And my “brother” saw these boys coming to the shop. He woke me. These guys took our money, our clothes, everything.

We ran away through the back entrance. They took everything. And then the police came past there. And the police looked at these boys taking the things from our shop and they did nothing. I saw the police giving bread to a mama.

I asked the police why they are giving our stock like this. And they told me to keep quiet or they will give more. Other police I saw coming into the shop and they took airtime, Grandpas (headache tablets) and other things. If I had a camera at that time I could take

the photos of the police. It was almost five cars of the police.

The police were asking us for our guns, saying, “Where is your gun?” But we don’t have a gun.

I remember, when when we were leaving, the police told us, to give them a “cold drink”  if we want them to help us.  When I told the police that we don’t have money, we are suffering, the police said, “You are living here in our place and you are foreigners.”

So we gave the police R200 ($20). So then the police helped us, and I saved a little goods but most of it was already damaged. I did not even have clothes. I came to Mayfair with just my little stock.

South African people don’t like us. The government allow us to stay but the people don’t like us.

They call us names. And I believe this looting and things will happen again at any time. We don’t have power to stop this. Only the government has power. We don’t do anything criminal. We are serving the community. We keep our shops open till late so that people who come home late after work can come to our shop and buy things. It’s only government that can stop this trouble.

Salat Abdullahi

We can be attacked anytime here in the shop.

It is like an ambush attack. We are not safe here.

We can’t even say that we will sleep peacefully tonight because we don’t know what we will face tomorrow.

I am in South Africa as an asylum seeker.

You see, in my country, Bangladesh, there are political problems. We are suffering. So we’ve come here honestly. We’re not robbing anybody. We are not doing any crime. We just come here  to do business. And we hope to help South African people also.

READ THE REST OF SALAT'S STORY

The South African government is not bad. But the people… they really don’t like us. Even when they come to the shop, we are giving them big discounts because we sell everything very cheap. But they are abusing us.

Even the police when they come to help you they first take money from you.

There is nobody that helped us to get so far in South Africa.

We did by ourselves. I am here for almost two years but I can’t leave South Africa.

We have problems in South Africa but it is still better than Somalia.

I am from Kismayo. If my country has peace I want to go back to my country. It is my country. I love my country.

Family? (His face creases with deep emotion) I don’t think I have any family any more.

They have all passed away. You see, the problem in Somalia is if you want to be safe you have to join Al Shabaab, or else they will kill you. And I can’t join Al Shabaab. They kill innocent people. I’ve seen this.

There is no law.

What we need is more security from government. We just want to be safe.

READ THE REST OF NASSER'S STORY

As a Bangladeshi in Soweto, I don’t know of any Bangladeshi who has made problems in Soweto. We have never fought with anybody and we have never shot anybody. From our side, nobody can complain about us.

This shop wasn’t affected by looting. The shop across the road was looted but we managed to close our shop before the looters got here.

Right now it’s okay but I have three, four other shops in other places in Soweto that were looted. So now I’ve joined a group called Township Business Development South Africa (TBDSA), who have been speaking to

government in Pretoria so now we are hoping to fix the problems with the local people here.

We do not want to complain about anybody. We just want to open our shops and do business. I’ve never been affected by violence in my businesses like this before. I’ve been robbed a few times. Just the other day my uncle was robbed of R20,000 ($2,000) on his way out of Soweto.

We stay here, we have to have a good relationship with the people who come to our shops.

But we need more protection from the police. I’ve been in South Africa for seven years.

If, in future, government says we have to pay taxes, I will pay tax but government must give us safety. My business has been registered already.

I’ve never had a bad experience with the South African police. The Diepkloof police have been honest with us, they don’t take money and things from us.

I don’t hire South Africans in my business because they steal, or others work for a day and ask for goods from the shop, saying they don’t have food at home and then I don’t see them again.

When we have hired South African people they do wrong things with us. If government says I have to hire South Africans then I will, but I don’t think it will work. But I won’t complain. I think I could hire two South Africans.

I will never shoot a tsotsi (thief) stealing from my shop. Look, say a tsotsi steals a can of Red Bull from my shop. That Red Bull costs R18. I must shoot him for R18? No, nobody’s life is worth that.

Ebrahim Khalil-Hassen,

Public Policy Analyst in Johannesburg

Al Jazeera:

Is it hard to do business in South Africa?

READ HASSEN'S RESPONSE

I wouldn’t say there are many obstacles starting up an informal business, particularly if you’re just going be trading. You are buying stuff and then selling it; there are no real obstacles. You just wonder why more people don’t do it.

The ease of starting up a business in a township depends largely on how legal you want your business to be. There actually is not much that needs to get sorted out. My understanding is that, procedures

like securing premises, particularly in townships, are not at all difficult. I think the key thing there is that the businesses are not all in busy areas, they’re all over. Some businesses are even run from people’s homes.

The success of foreign owned stores in the townships is owed to the business models that a lot of the foreigners bring through to their businesses. Collective buying is one trick. But if you look at the innovation that has been used in a lot of these foreign owned

businesses, it’s the small things but make a huge difference in terms of running a successful business. So you don’t sell half a kilo of salt, you sell one hundred grams of salt, in poorer communities that’s particularly the case - single serving.

The other issue is around credit, most foreign owned businesses do provide credit and they don’t charge interest, so that assists low earning households.

Xenophobia in South Africa | Chapter 2

In May 2008, 62 people were killed in a wave of xenophobic attacks across townships.

Foreign nationals, mostly migrants from Somalia and Ethiopia,  were dragged through the streets of Alexandra, barely a few kilometers from Johannesburg’s plush Sandton suburb, and “necklaced” -  a throwback to the summary execution tactic used in the Apartheid days.

A rubber tyre, filled with petrol, is forced around a victim's chest and arms, and set alight.

In an instant, the story of South Africa’s much-touted rainbow nation of black, white and brown people happily living together, fizzled away in an outburst of vengeance.

Tens of thousands of people were displaced, forced to seek refuge in churches, mosques and even police stations. In the end, it took military intervention to quell the violence.

South Africa is a nation of multiple ethnicities, languages and nationalities. From the Zulu and Xhosa, to the Dutch and the British. Somali and Tutsi to Indian Tamil and Gujarati, Chinese and Zimbabwean.

However divided, unequal, and structurally flawed, South Africa is home to a very diverse population of people. A country with deep pockets, it remains attractive as a home for migrants, some of them seeking greener economic pastures, others safety and security.

The economy relies heavily on migrants, be it to make up for a massive skills shortage or as cheap labour in farms and mines.

Despite the violence meted out to foreign nationals, tens of thousands continue to seek asylum there, as many as 60,000 to 80,000 per year.

According to the UNHCR , there were almost 310,000 refugees and asylum seekers in the country as of July 2014. By the end of 2015, this number is expected to top 330,000.

Xenophobia in South Africa is not new. Some, like Michael Neocosmos, Director of Global Movements Research at the University of South Africa (UNISA), recall anti-migrant sentiment in the early nineties, when the new government was in the midst of planning new economic policies and politicians of all stripes began drumming up anti-immigrant sentiment.

“It is important to recognise that xenophobia can exist without violence. And it’s not sufficient to simply recognise it when people start killing each other,” he said.

A survey in 1997 showed that just six percent of South Africans were tolerant to immigration. In another survey cited by Danso and McDonald in 2001, 75 percent of South Africans held negative perceptions about black African foreigners.

In a most painful of ironies, many South Africans associate foreign black Africans with disease, genocide and dictatorships.

The ills of Apartheid: skin colour, complexion and passes, in this case citizenship, are still the determinants of a better life, or discrimination.

Little illuminates this disparity more than the infamous Lindela Repatriation Centre, built in 1996 for undocumented foreign nationals entering the country. Lindela, outside Johannesburg, has been a scene of abuse, corruption and incessant overcrowding. But the undocumented are also held at police stations, even army bases.

“There is evidence that even in 1994, the records have shown that foreigners were thrown out moving trains because they are killed of bringing diseases, taking jobs, the same rhetoric we hear today,” Jean Pierre Misago, a researcher at the African Centre for Migration and Society at the University of Witwatersrand, said.

“It didn’t start or end in 2008. It had been building up,” he said.

And build up it did. In 1998, three foreign-nationals were killed on a train, between Johannesburg and Pretoria. In 2000, a Sudanese refugee was thrown from a train on a similar route. The reasons were all the same: blaming foreigners for a lack of jobs, or economic opportunity . In 2007, a shop in the eastern Cape was set alight by a mob.

The violence that escalated in 2008, was distinctive and decisive. It affected black, African foreign nationals; poor and disenfranchised South Africans; in the townships, but there is no evidence to suggest white Europeans were attacked,  or those from the Indian subcontinent.

A very particular demographic paid the price, but researchers remind us that at least one third of the victims were actually South African. Xenophobia is not a problem unique to South Africa.

With so many economies battling recession for the better part of the past decade, the deadly triad of competition-survival-blame has seen fear of the foreigner rise across the globe.

“Xenophobia is experienced in the north and the south, in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) regions and other countries. It’s a worldwide phenomenon,” Misago said.

But, contrary to popular belief, xenophobia in South Africa is not just a problem of the poor.

A national survey of the attitudes of the South African population towards foreign nationals in the country by the South African Migration Project in 2006 found xenophobia to be widespread: South Africans do not want it to be easier for foreign nationals to trade informally with South Africa (59 percent opposed), to start small businesses in South Africa (61 percent opposed) or to obtain South African citizenship (68 percent opposed).

The violence of 2008 was still shocking.

The country fell into mourning; South Africans understood that the innocence of democratic transition, purposefully packaged in cotton and celebrated with confetti, had finally been taken. The mask had fallen.

This was a country now reverberating under the internal schisms of rising dissent and desperation. The South African government, for its part, refused to label the violence as ‘xenophobic’.

Then President Thabo Mbeki, at the very end of his second term in office, said those who wanted to use the term were “trying to explain naked criminality by cloaking it in the garb of xenophobia”.

When I heard some accuse my people of xenophobia, of hatred of foreigners, I wondered what the accusers knew about my people, which I did not know ... and in spite of this reality, I will not hesitate to assert that my people are not diseased by the terrible affliction of xenophobia which has, in the past, led to the commission

of the heinous crime of genocide."

FMR. PRESIDENT THABO MBEKI

The government attempted to reduce the perception of the terror meted out on foreign nationals as benign, unexceptional acts of criminality. If they were orchestrated attacks, they said, ‘a third force’ was behind the violence, apartheid parlance for acts perpetrated by outside forces, or intelligence agencies.

“Of course violence against foreign nationals is criminal. But it can be criminal and xenophobic, it doesn’t have to be either or,” Misago said.

And even before the onset of the latest wave of violence in 2015, there was more to come.

In early 2013, a young Mozambican man named Mido Macia was tied to a police van and dragged through a street close to Johannesburg by officers. He had parked his taxi on the wrong side of the road.

The violence was captured on video

and spread across social media. Resounding condemnation from the middle classes in South Africa and the international community followed. President Zuma himself condemned the incident, but there was still no acknowledgement that these incidents constituted ‘hate crimes’.

When the riots broke out in Soweto in January 2015, it surprised no one.

Jean Pierre Misago

Researcher at the African Centre for

Migration and Society at the University of Witwatersrand

Michael Neocosmos

Professor and Director UHURU

Unit for the Humanities at Rhodes University

Does South Africa have a history of violence against foreign nationals?

How different is South African xenophobia different to what we see in Europe, for example?

READ MISAGO'S RESPONSE

What’s happening now is not new. It’s happened long before 2008, but it peaked in 2008 when so many people died and many people were

displaced. It never stopped since then.

So that we are seeing violence again in different areas of the country is no surprise to us. The way we see it is that government has always tried to call it criminality,

insisting that there is no xenophobia behind it but from a research point of view that’s not correct.

Because, of course violence against foreign nationals is criminal. But it can be criminal and xenophobic, it doesn’t have to be either or.

READ NEOCOSMOS' RESPONSE

It’s not all that different in what was happening in other countries in Europe where those in power have been creating precisely an exclusionary understanding of who the nation is. People who migrate from elsewhere are outsiders who come here to steal…including

apparently stealing our democracy. It’s within that context that we have to understand this rise of xenophobic violence and attitudes more generally. The violence couldn’t take place if the attitudes are not there, and we have to insist on  the fact that xenophobia is not a problem of the poor.

How is it xenophobic?

Who in SA is xenophobic?

What’s happening now is not new. It’s happened long before 2008, but it peaked in 2008 when so many people died and many people were displaced. It never stopped since then.

You can see from various survey, attitude surveys taken through the years, that in fact xenophobia is widespread throughout all racial and ethnic groups, all gender groups, all political party groups- supporters throughout the country. In other words, xenophobic attitudes are prevalent irrespective of who you  are talking to.

And there is also a culture. When various individual politicians speak, they don’t just simply speak and then everyone forgets about it. It creates a culture. It creates  a culture in the same way as the people in the media create a culture by repeating discourses over and over again. And in the media,  there was a systematic targeting of immigrants, has calmed down,  except for one or two well known cases. But in the 1990’s even supposedly serious newspapers were going on and on about Nigerians all being drug dealers. This creates a culture.

Do we know how it was created culturally? And what’s currently feeding it?

There are different accounts and scholarly accounts on what’s causing xenophobia. And one thing I can say is that xenophobia is not unique to South Africa. It is experienced everywhere, in rich and poor countries, in the north and the south, in the SADC regions and other

countries. It’s a worldwide phenomenon. Migrants, especially poor migrants are affected by these kinds of feelings and sentiments.

One account is that xeno or the tendency to fear the stranger is inherent in human nature.  Some scholars give the example that when you go to visit family and you touch a kid and the kid doesn’t know you the reaction is what? To cry, as in “to put away, and I want to go back to my mum”. By this theory, the feeling is natural.  But the other theory says that it is actually a social construction.  So, this suggest that yes, even if there might be initial fear of the norm, after a while the kid is going to warm up to you once realizing you are not a danger.

It becomes a problem when there is something that perpetuates that fear, the feeling that this person is bad. And that’s where the social

construction comes in. And from that perspective in South Africa, we see the legacy of the past, for instance where the movement of people was perceived as a threat to residents and their livelihoods.

People were told to stay where they are: this is where you live, this is where you get your livelihood. Don’t move. The current dispensation has not been able to shake off that legacy. Movement is seen as a problem, as a threat to peoples’ lives, and we have to remember it’s not just about foreigners.

And so in South Africa the main explanations are the legacy of segregation; this legacy has not been addressed. And even the current leadership keeps using that kind of rhetoric: but calling immigrants or outsiders as criminals as bringing diseases, and blaming them for all sorts of socio-economic ills we face. From the national level to local level where local leaders blame the presence of foreigners for

the shortcomings of service delivery. "We can’t deliver because so many people keep flocking here". "Hospitals can’t cope because we are too many Zimbabweans coming in". "Not enough housing because too many foreigners". "Not enough jobs because foreigners are stealing them".

That kind of rhetoric forces that feeling that foreigners are here to take what is ours, what we deserve, and what supposed to be ours. And we don't have what we want,  "because of the presence of outsiders".

Xenophobia in South Africa | Chapter 3

On a busy Monday morning in mid-March in Soweto, Mphuti Mphuti, the acting head of the South African Spaza and Tuckshop Association, appeared on national TV, waving his South African identity document.

“Your government is saying this document means nothing. They are saying foreigners are equal to you,” Mphuti said.

In the weeks following a wave of attacks against foreign-owned businesses in Soweto earlier this year, groups similar to this association and claiming to represent some 3,000 businesses, have been particularly vocal about the presence of foreign nationals in the townships.

“There is tension, there is anger, especially amongst those who fear competition from the so-called foreigners,” said William Veli Sithole a 56-year-old food vendor in Dobsonville.

But while the gall of the mob shocks other South Africans, their activities have also managed to escape censure.

However, business owners in the country are not likely to be found hurling petrol bombs, or rocks, at foreign owned shops. Often it is a mob, made up of the township mainstay of unemployed youth that form the front lines of service delivery protests, vigilante justice, and repeated attacks against foreign nationals.

“At the time of looting the mob rule takes over, you do not have time to reason; you (only) have time to do what others are doing,” Sipho Mamize, a representative of the NGO Afrika Tikkun's Wings of Life Centre, in Diepsloot, told the national broadcaster.

Mphuti, however, said that at the heart of these township battles is the dereliction of government’s duty to its people that has spurred the resentment of foreign nationals here, culminating in the violent looting of foreign owned stores in January.

The people expect a lot from the government, he said.

For others, like Cynthia Khanyile, a street vendor in Jabulani, the blame lies elsewhere.

“I hate foreigners. I really don’t like them. They take business away from us. We work hard, but then the foreigners come and take our business and our jobs,” she said.

According to 2015 figures released by Statistics South Africa, 21.7 percent  of all South Africans live in extreme poverty. At least 53.8 percent survive on less than $75  a month.

It is the politics of survival.

The close knit structures of migrant communities which foster micro-lending and bulk buying schemes popular among Somalis, for example, has only served to disempowerment among locals. The upward mobility of those “from the outside” amidst local inertia is frustrating.

“As South Africans, we still cannot speak about the fruits of this democracy,” Mphuti said.

Sociologist Devan Pillay said that despite the redistributive rhetoric of the ruling-party, the new South Africa has “unleashed a socio-economic system of market violence against the majority of the population.”

Here, the perpetrators of xenophobic acts are victims of the violence meted out by the market.

“Whereas in other instances this might have taken a gendered form, or an ethnic form, in this instance, the convenient scapegoats were easily recognisable foreign nationals,” Pilay writes in “Go Home or Die Here”.

South African townships are a scene of daily pandemonium with residents protesting against poor service delivery, low levels of development or improvement to their lives. Twenty years on, the majority of  South Africans continue to live on the margins.

It is this desperate level of inequality, social scientists have warned, that continues to drive resentment and instability.

The attacks on foreigners do not happen in

a vacuum, nor can they be explained simply by hatred of all things foreign. This, after all, is a country still searching for social and economic reconciliation.

We have seen very little government intervention and upliftment of small businesses in the township,"

MPHUTI MPHUTI

“And that’s why we are saying before government can say we are equal with foreign nationals, government must empower small South African businesses. But the critical thing is, South Africans must in the interest

of people who carry the ID book, the green ID book is our license to get preferential treatment from government.”

Days later, a formal agreement between foreign traders and South African business leaders was eventually reached.

The drama of Mphuti’s TV soliloquy was perhaps necessary to assert the will of a subdued population. He understands the discontents in Soweto, and he also knows how those discontents spill out onto the streets.

Orlando East

Jameel Buhle Gobile

Dobsonville

Kwanele Godfrey Gumede

The trouble started in Snake Park and the violence spread everywhere. We were here in the city, and each and every shop is owned by the Somalians. You see what started this, we don't want these people here.

I was born in Soweto, I know what is going on here. There is a way of dealing with this problem. I don’t want to blame government but people are hungry. Me too, I’m hungry. And people will do anything when they are hungry.

READ THE REST OF KWANELE'S STORY

Because when we see lots of shops owned by this people and when we see the shops that was owned by our peoples have been closed.

Each and every shops that was owned by our people has closed. Our brothers our sisters had shops, but when these people come, nobody was buying from our shops, for example: you can sell less price, our people will seek products that's high cost prices, so we feel it's not fair.

I looted their shops, I took the stuff from the shop. We were many, many people, young people, older people, men and women, everybody was angry. There was no leader, it was just us fighting them. We broke their shops and took everything. We were all over Soweto. We went this side, and then go another side, finish that side and go another side.

We were busy looting  all over the place.

I didn’t get caught by the police but some of my friends were locked up. Then the police released them after two, or three days.

But now the Somalians are all back and we feel angry, angry, angry, we feel the law is failing the citizen. Because all of them they do business, and we know for sure they don't pay taxes, because they pay taxes to the police. The police they come here and they demand

cold-drinks, biscuits, snacks, sweets, and cigarettes from them. The police are involved in everything, because the police they come here and they demand.

I was working before  but this year I don't have a job.

In this township there are a lot of young guys who have a matric certificate but no jobs.  I don't have a matric, but when I see my friends, there are many people living here who are not employed. So I’m staying here, each and every day I can see things are not the same. All of my life I was staying here in Soweto. There are a lot a

lot of people without work, I can't say that they don't want to work, but many of them they are trying, but, there is no change. I can't see change.

I can say even if  one shop, they hire maybe two, or three people, it will make a big change in our country, I can't say in our country in our city. Because in our city there is full of them.

Yes, when I can see our people they don't have enough strength to open their shops again because everyone buys from the Somalians shops. Yes, I also still buy bread, milk and airtime from the Somalians’ shops.

I can buy the bread from South Africans shops for R12, for example, but the bread by the Somalian people is  R11. Everyone will go to Somalian people, because of what, one rand. That's it.

READ THE REST OF JAMEEL'S STORY

People have listening to many false promises from people to employ them, or to create employment. And then on the other side the foreigners are trading and they are successful here among people who are hungry.

And then when there are problems it is usually sparked by service delivery because when protests against service delivery happens, people begin to take advantage of foreign owned shops and then they

drink. If you look into it, after the looting has taken place, two days later, that service delivery protest also dies down because there’s nothing left to loot, nothing to burn, no property to damage, or ransack. What we saw happening in January, we saw young and old,

carrying things from foreign shops like they have just gone shopping. You see, people are hungry and they are unemployed.

For me the solution lies in foreign nationals, who are large in number, to hire a South African in each shop they run. So now, if we estimate, there are 5,000 foreign owned shops on the East Rand, then 5,000 South Africans can be employed there.

People wait for an excuse to raise their issues, like we see what happened here in Soweto after the child was killed in Snake Park. One child was killed by one foreigner but all foreigners were affected. So you see, people wait for an excuse to express their frustration against foreigners.

But you see, if we say the foreigners must go, but if we do that, I think we are bringing economic sanctions to our our country. We depend on foreigners and on imported goods also.

William Veli Sithole

In January,  it started when they said a schoolchild was killed by foreigners. Anger boiled, and then it sort of took over even some criminal elements who saw a way of destabilizing the shop owners.

READ THE REST OF WILLIAM'S STORY

My community was drastically affected because in the aftermath of the attacks and looting, people suffered. They were forced to go to faraway places like Shoprite and other shops to go buy food.

We have gotten used to foreigners, they supply most of the things that we use in our houses and they are not far from us. But now there is a criminal element you must know of. The drug addicts, they are the ones

who are being used by certain local shop owners who fear competition from the foreigners.

I don’t fear competition. The foreign shopkeepers are like my brothers. Why should I fear them? They are as human as I am.

I tell you what though, the government and the governments of those foreign nationals struck a deal of which we know nothing of, to have these people, to be brought in, because one morning we woke up they were here, hiring buildings, making shops in people’s houses, even though the rents are exorbitant but they are paying. It’s their own deal the shop owner and the owner of the house.

Foreigners are also trying to make a living for themselves, even though somewhere, somehow they don’t pay tax, while it’s a government issue to handle, its not for me to question how the government goes

about their own stuff regarding taxes.

Our government also knows, the State Security people, know who the perpetrators of the violence are, and they looking the other way sometimes. And mostly, it’s because of power hungry people that cause all those conflicts that only if they could, they should sit around the table and resolve their differences for the sake of peace.

But our government, must address poverty. It is poverty that makes people lose their minds.

We are a peace loving nation. And we accommodate people from outside.

We need to work together to keep things running smoothly for the sake of peace because no parent would like to see their child perish in a war.

Who is responsible for the violence? Individuals or groups?

It’s a group of people coming together and deciding to attack. Most of the time violence happens after a general public meeting, organised by the community leaders, where foreigners are discussed, and then a decision is taken to remove them from the community. In those meetings, it a matter of taking charge: "this is the situation, we can’t continue like this", or "there is nobody else to take care of this issue," or "It’s now us who has to deal with it".

So there is clear evidence that violence happens after local leaders, and they don't have to be local government leaders, meet and decide. And this is another issue: often local resident groups are more

powerful than the local government.

Local council members are often reminded there are other powerful groups calling the shots, and those are the ones they listen to, and in some instances, these informal leaders or groups have specific incentives in the removal of foreign nationals because it consolidates their power and their power comes with economic benefits.

We tend to think that community leadership is a voluntary kind of business, but it’s not. It’s paid, it’s a form of income generation, because community leaders charge you for a service. If you have a problem, they don’t hear the problem before you give them something.

They locate space for big sharks; they locate land, they resolve conflicts and for that everybody pays. So the more legitimacy, the more clients, and the more economic avenues they have. So that’s why we often conclude that the violence we see is politics of other means because it has political and economic motives behind it.

Even if the general communities say we have no problem with foreign nationals because actually we benefit from their presence, their voice gets drowned out. And the police and everybody doesn’t do anything about it. And the problem is, those are not the amongst those arrested. Only those caught in looting and taking things from the shops. But the true perpetrators who are behind the violence are not touched and they continue to influence the next…whenever they feel it

suits their interest. That’s why we have seen some areas have become scenes of repeated violence because the perpetrators are still there, the investigators are still there…there didn’t do anything about the focus…

Who are behind the looters?

We haven’t seen any investigation beyond the looters to look at who is behind the violence; who organised and who reaps the benefits. So people get caught looting, they are released after a few days but the

instigators are still on the streets. The same will happen in Soweto.

So generally speaking, there hasn’t been any systematic sustained will from government, the political leadership and the police to fix this. And it sends out a very bad message. And when there is no political will, there is noone you can call for protection. So what do you do? You try many many things, and that’s where we are now.

Does the larger community never ever intervene?

In some instances, very few, but in very interesting cases, community members have resisted saying that we cannot attack foreigners because we been living with them for a long time. They actually protected them. Even Landlords organising to protect the people who are renting.

But in some of these cases, foreigners have also been forced to agree to certain conditions. Like not selling goods cheaper than the locals, or not opening a certain number of shops.

Xenophobia in South Africa | Chapter 4

Mxolisi Eric Xayiya, an aide to Gauteng Premier David Makhura, took photos of the fridges and assortment of goods covered in thick plastic at a Somali-owned wholesaler in Mayfair.

He was being ushered through the area west of the Johannesburg city skyline days after foreign traders were attacked in Soweto some 20 minutes away.

Foreign owned stores were looted, foreigners were attacked and their lives threatened.

There, the parking lot of Awash Cash & Carry appeared to be overrun with the salvaged remains of foreign-owned stores.

simple essay on xenophobia

“We only saw the foreigners leaving but we didn’t know where they were going,” Xayiya said in late January.

At the time, police were still battling to contain the violence and more than 100 alleged looters had been arrested. The violence threatened to spread even further.

And in an impassioned address to more than 500 affected migrants that day, Makhura condemned the violence, but insisted that it should not be seen as anything other than an act of criminality.

“What we have seen happening, ladies and gentlemen, is not xenophobia, it’s criminality,” Makhura told the crowd. “We have gone out to the community to talk, telling our community members that nobody in our communities must try to defend criminality.”

As Makhura continued to condemn the violence, he also commended the police for moving migrants out of what he called “difficult areas”.

A day after Makhura addressed migrant traders, flanked by senior police officials, the City Press made a shocking allegation.

The Johannesburg-based Sunday broadsheet said that people arrested in connection with looting foreign owned stores in Soweto that week claimed local police had spurred them on.

“Cops told us to loot,” the headline said.

Ten Soweto residents in various parts of the township, who had admitted to looting, told the paper that the police had either join in the looting, or looked on while they helped themselves to goods and fridges from foreign-owned stores, while victims raised allegations of police complicity, corruption and neglect.

Two days later, speaking on SAFM, a talk radio station owned by the public broadcaster, Lieutenant General Solomon Makgale, spokesperson for the South African Police Services vehemently rejected City Press’ claims. He said all allegations had to be registered as complaints to be investigated.

However, Makgale admitted that one particular police officer who had been caught looting toilet paper in a widely disseminated video had been identified and action had been taken against him.

“Unlike previous administrations, we don’t brush things under the carpet,” he said. “Any complaints of misconduct by police officers will be investigated without prejudice.”

The South African Human Rights Commission said its research has shown that “negative perceptions of and attitudes to justice and the rule of law abound at the level of affected communities”.

This then points to a “poor relationship between communities and the police and wider judicial system”.

Attacks against foreigners have continued. Researchers say recent bouts of violence against foreign nationals have already outstripped the carnage of 2008. Still no official mention of ‘hate’, or ‘xenophobia’; the language carefully coiled.

In fact, language goes to the heart of the problem, with South Africa conflating rights with nation-state citizenship, despite the promises of the Constitution, to protect all. When the South African government speaks of justice, rights or solutions, the emphasis on citizenship is marked. In so doing, Zuma’s administration, time and time again descend to the very games engendered to create outrage on the street.

In February, following January’s attacks, President Zuma spoke of a “need to support local entrepreneurs and eliminate possibilities for criminal elements to exploit local frustrations.”

And even as Minister of Small Business Development Lindiwe Zulu, recently established a Task Team to look at the underlying causes of the violence against foreign-owned businesses, her point of departure left observers beleaguered. Zulu was reported to the Human Rights Commission for inferring that foreign-business owners in South Africa’s townships could not expect to co-exist peacefully with local business owners unless they shared their trade secrets.

“Foreigners need to understand that they are here as a courtesy and our priority is to the people of this country first and foremost,” she was quoted as saying .

Minister Zulu later clarified her remarks, but the damage it seems, had already been done.

 Analysis

Is there a vacuum of governance that contributes to the problem?

Even before these actions are instigated,  organisers weigh up the costs to the benefits. And if the benefits outweigh the costs it is because governance in that specific locality allows it. So there is no accountability, nobody is held accountable, the police do not intervene, the local councillors are not going to help the police and this and that.

The socio-economic and legal controls are in favour of the instigators. In literature they say this happens when social controls are weak. But this is not always the case. Sometimes we see strong leadership is actually behind the violence, using the same social controls to actually mobilize communities toward violence.

The point here is that: violence doesn’t happen if the governance of that area does not allow it. And when I say governance I refer to what is what is broadly defined: moral, legal, social, police, everything

combined. So that kind of governance allows for what is known as a political important structure for violence to take place.

Where do we see violence?

We see violence in areas where… the “official” leadership- from government is either directly involved, as in they’re the ones telling communities to attack foreigners, or complicit with the organisers.

The leadership does not want the state to stand in its way because they, the fear of losing their political positions. That’s the second.

The third scenario is when the leadership is completely weak and has been taken over by those other informal groups who see the use of violence as benefiting them, or responding to their socio-economic interests.

That’s why we see violence not happening in all localities where we see the similar conditions- you have poverty, inequality, poor service delivery in many areas, but we don’t see violence in all areas.

Xenophobia in South Africa | Chapter 5

Addressing a group of around 300 migrant traders in early March, Amir Sheikh, the chairperson of the Somali Community Board in South Africa, appeared confident. Weeks after violence against foreign nationals erupted in Soweto, he was relating news of progress.

"We have had three meetings with the Minister of Small Business Development and we have given her a briefing of the challenges you face in the township, and what we think is the cause and the solution," Sheikh said.

We know that things are much better now but we don’t want this to happen again."

AMIR SHEIKH

Most of the displaced foreigners had been restored to their stores and a fragile calm had been negotiated. Representatives from both the community and the South African business community in Soweto continued to meet with government to negotiate sustainable conditions for foreigners and South Africans to coexist. Sheikh told the assembled migrants that a cohort of lawyers had offered to take up the case of traders who were affected by the violence in Soweto earlier this year.

The victims of the Soweto violence certainly have a case.

The South African Constitution, along with various international treaties ratified by the South African government, ensures the protection of all persons who reside within the country from violations to the right to liberty and security of person.

And when it comes to cases of violence against foreigners, the state is particularly obliged to protect the victims from individuals who perpetrate the violence.

This time, however, legal redress is not being sought.

Sheik said its the safer, more practical option. He said that two years ago, Ethiopians, Somalis and Bangladeshis were attacked in Duduza in Nigel (east of Johannesburg).

“They actually interdicted the councillors, and the chairperson (of ANC Youth League), and these people were even all detained for up to one week .… But today you go to Duduza and and there is not even a single shop belonging to us there.”

Foreign nationals are reluctant to seek legal redress because of the consequences court cases often inspire. After all, how does justice protect the returning migrant looking to reintegrate into a society already hostile to foreigners?

Lessons learned, leaders of the migrant communities are now determined to prevent a mass exodus of foreign traders from Soweto. With more than 1000 foreign-owned shops in the township, Sheik says: “As long as we can co-exist and agree on certain terms, we don’t want to go the legal route.”

A South African Human Rights Commission report in 2010 (pdf below)

found that “the judicial outcomes for cases arising from the 2008 violence have limited the attainment of justice for victims of the attacks and have allowed for significant levels of impunity for perpetrators”.

About 180 people were arrested in connection with the looting and violence in January. It’s unlikely any of these will result in convictions.

Neocosmos says that the lack of convictions in cases of violence against foreign nationals in South Africa strips the government’s approach through the criminal justice system of any efficacy.

“I know one person was convicted for throwing a guy off a balcony in Durban. How many people are in prison now as a result of those murders? These are murders that were committed on camera in front of everyone. How many people have been convicted?”

The best known case of xenophobic violence in 2008 is of “The Burning Man”, Mozambican national, Ernesto Alfabeto Nhamuave, who was burned alive in the Ramaphosa settlement in full view of the world’s media.

The case was closed in October 2010 with the conclusion that there were no witnesses and no suspects. According to the Sunday Times newspaper, a single sheet of paper indicates detective Sipho Ndybane's investigation :

"Suspects still unknown and no witnesses.” The lack of political will screamed through the short conclusion.

Just over a month after January’s violence against foreigners in Soweto, reports emerge of a petrol bomb thrown at a foreign-owned store in Doornkop.  This time, it’s an Ethiopian national that has incurred severe burns. Police say they arrested nine people in connection with the incident.

Two months later this man is still in hospital. No word about his belongings or livelihood. The work of ‘a mob.’

Meanwhile, Abdikadir Ibrahim Danicha,the Somali national who was burned after his shop was petrol bombed in Johannesburg last year, is determined to have his case solved in court.

“I’ve been to court six times already for the one case about public violence and damage to property,” he said. “But the other case, about me burning, I’ve not yet been called to court about it.”

Danicha was one of the traders in the crowd that was addressed by Sheikh and the leaders of the newly-established “Township Business Development-South Africa” group. He is confident that the route chosen by the leadership, the choice of negotiations with government and Soweto business leaders is the right option.

“We have to try to work together,” he said. “Because there is nowhere else we can go.”

Marc Gbaffou

Amir Sheikh

CHAIRPERSON, AFRICAN DIASPORA FORUM

I moved to South Africa from Cote d’Ivoire,  in 1997 and in my experience, South Africa can

be very good, and very bad.

CHAIRPERSON OF SOMALI COMMUNITY BOARD IN SOUTH AFRICA.

South Africa is still ahead of many African countries in terms of its economy, its democracy and also the application of the law

READ THE REST OF MARC'S STORY

When you meet people who are not selfish, who know how to liaise with other communities, who know how to regard other communities as an asset, then South Africa becomes interesting.

But South Africa becomes very bad when you have your own brothers and sisters beating you, chasing you away from the community, telling you that you are not part of them. This South Africa is very, very bad.

In 2008, I personally sent 700 people back home because they didn’t feel safe to remain in South Africa.They called on us for help. And with the aid of a local newspaper, we were able to voluntarily repatriate these people.

We strongly believe that the motives behind the attacks against foreign nationals are purely political. It is important that we point out that each time an election is approaching then migrants are being targeted.

We say this cannot continue. Our community members are not scapegoats for the problems of South African communities.

South Africa is very good when you meet with nice people, open minded people who want to change the world, and who want to change the world for everyone, not just for themselves.

I think that we can live together, making use of each other, instead of isolating yourself and being scared of everyone.

READ THE REST OF AMIR'S STORY

Somalia is in turmoil, and that is well known, and when we see some of our other brothers and sisters here, like Ethiopians: they are not even free in their own countries. They can’t talk freely out of fear of being

killed. So in comparison, South Africa has one of the best-written constitutions but implementation is always a problem.

For the Somalis in South Africa who have suffered back home, for the youngsters whose education was disrupted, and who now face persecution in South Africa, it is like being caught between two hells.

But we believe in life after death. But the truth is Somalis in South Africa have a lot of opportunities that we don’t have back at home, despite the problems, the killing, the looting, the maiming, that we face every, single day here.

So between Somalia and South Africa, Somalis have progressed here, some have furthered their education, while others have succeeded in business. We are not in the same state that the first Somali migrants were in 20-years-ago.

Although South Africa has ratified many treaties internationally and in Africa, and also has its own law about the way migrants should be accepted here, we also have to respect the locals, even when they are wrong. We are weak. So even when the Zulu King says all foreigners should leave, we know we can lodge a complaint with the South African Human Rights Commission, or we can criticize it in the media,  but we cannot go that route because he has many followers and we fear reprisals and victimisation.

So we choose the route of dialogue, sitting with people, explaining to them that we are not a threat to them, and at least we can say we have been successful, because our members are back in Soweto and trading.

But we have also learned through sitting at the table with South African business representatives and government, that even if we are naturalised South African citizens, we will still be treated differently; we will always be a foreigner. We have been called names that can lead to ethnic profiling, we have been accused of being terrorists.

We have found that yes, according to the Bill of Rights, the Constitution, the law, we are equal to South Africans and but on the ground we are not equal.

What needs to be clarified through better education that it a legal requirement that foreigners have socio-economic rights here.

What are foreigners supposed to do if justice fails them?

Is there a solution to xenophobia in South Africa?

Some foreigners are now turning to illegal firearms for protection. We have seen in January what happens when they use them. That action then legitimizes the violence we see.

So people say, “They are killing us, it’s now self-defence, and we have to protect ourselves. We can’t allow people coming from outside the country to come and kill us in our country.”

This cannot be sustainable. Today it can be foreign nationals, but tomorrow it can be somebody else. So our leaders must be very very careful, they might not care because foreigners are not their constituency… [but] next time it’s going to be somebody else.

When violence makes political and economic sense, it’s dangerous.

Everybody can be an outsider somewhere. We are all outsiders, and we have seen signs when people march to say people coming from another area cannot get jobs here anymore, we should be getting jobs in this company because this is our area.

That’s my view, everyone should get jobs where they born. It’s dangerous, it’s very very serious, I’m very worried because I don’t see leaders taking the issue seriously. They think it's foreigners, but its more than that.

It’s some section of the population deciding who has the right to live where, and to live in our cities and enjoy the benefits they offer.

And that’s dangerous as I said because everyone is a foreigner somewhere. We are all foreigners.

There are solutions but people have to understand there’s a different way of thinking. The only way is people have to sit down and talk and they not talking, there is no culture of talking there is a culture of violence.

So in those situations in where people have organised politically as defending themselves and attacking others, but to bring various people in the community together and talk. Its important to stress that in some places violence has not occurred around foreigners.

And there are important reasons why this has often taken place its because where violence hasn’t taken place people are organised enough to unify the community around certain issues and bring people together to make the point that violence against

foreigners is no solution to anyone.

So this is possible, this idea of talking and organising communally can take place at different levels

of our political society and that is what’s required. Unfortunately in this country we don’t do enough talking.

simple essay on xenophobia

Photography by Ihsaan Haffejee

Produced by @ajlabs

Mohammed Haddad and Alia Chughtai

BY AL JAZEERA ENGLISH

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Globalization and Xenophobia Argumentative Essay

Introduction.

(Gains the audience’s interest) Xenophobia is defined as a strong feeling of dislike to other people who are from other countries. Thus xenophobia is an absurd fear and refuse to consent people from foreign countries. It is believed that man’s evolution is characterized by xenophobia. With time, psychologists suggest that all forms of discrimination based on nationality, sex, religion and race will be tossed out of man’s reminiscence. These aliens are normally people from diverse ethnicity and cultural background. Al- Rodhan states categorically in his book that aliens are never receive a cordial welcome in xenophobic nations. If such kind of discrimination culminates into serious repercussions such as hatred and violence, then xenophobia will inevitably become a security concern in such nations (Demonstrates the topic’s relevance.).  “When the differences between people seen as a problem they risk becoming the vector of discrimination, violence and conflict” Al Rodhan said.

Globalization is the act of making the whole world accessible in economic, social, political and technological realm. With increased levels of hostility towards foreigners in host countries, there is need to cut down on xenophobia to promote safety and security of aliens in the host countries. (Provides a thesis that clearly contains SOS). Some would say that globalization and xenophobia are likened to robbing Peter to pay Paul.

Background Information

(Incorporates the audience survey results) According to the U.N, it is estimated that the rate of immigration in developed country will reach a steady rate of 2.2 million per year by 2050. How would one feel if all the businesses in town are owned by foreigners? When people meet foreigners in their host country, the question that rings in their minds is what must have made them leave their native country. (Answers most obvious audience questions). The feeling of dislike that crosses one’s mind at such a time is what is referred to as xenophobia. Globalization is the conversion of the world into a global village.( Provides enough background information to establish baseline knowledge) It has been the answer to the increased immigrations in the developed nations. Thus globalization has facilitated xenophobia in the host countries. (Details multiple perspectives) Globalization changed the public societies that made racism, ethnocentrism as well as xenophobia as an unacceptable or inappropriate attitude. Even though, it doesn’t eliminate them, it just made them, to some extent, hidden in the public while the majority of people still hold these attitudes. As have mentioned, globalization have an effect on xenophobia and this effect is contradictory. The contradiction is that globalization can both increase and decrease xenophobia. (Provides a clear statement of the problem.) It increase it by making media that inflame xenophobia such as criminal and hate publication widely available and increasing the chance for different cultures to clash in certain situations. However, globalization also decreases xenophobia by making the learning in immersion much easier.

First Argument

(Provides one argument for your topic from your T-chart.) The media and mass communication has promoted globalization and so dos it to xenophobia. To begin with, the media has made public how different political leaders view other countries. For instance, countries that are known to have high prevalence for HIV/ AIDs tend to be a disgrace to the whole world. So to say that those immigrants from such nations are thought to spread the dangerous malady to the host countries and this impression worsens the already existing xenophobia. (Supports the argument with no less than one valid and reliable source.)

The use of the media therefore has promoted the spread of people’s views, attitudes and perceptions about people from other nations thus aggravating xenophobia, especially the crimes publications or extremist groups. The print media in South Africa for example is known to publish more than what the public can stomach about foreigners. This act of negativity has cultivated a soiled relationship between the native and the foreigners. This is not different from what xenophobia is.

Second Argument

(Provides a second argument for your topic from your T-chart.) Globalization has promoted migration of people from their native countries to other foreign nations. It is thus inevitable that the diversity of culture and international relation will determine whether xenophobia is exhibited or not. For instance, students who get a chance to study in the U.S are looked down upon. They reciprocate the same to the host citizens can become xenophobic too. Supports the argument with no less than one valid and reliable source.

The second type of culture clash, that lead to xenophobia, is not because the cultural differences or ignorant but because of conflict between this cultures or countries. Nations in the Middle East for instance Israelites and Palestinians have war conflict that has culminated into xenophobia. This is not news as such nations cannot have good relation any time soon for obvious reasons. “RAW: Pro-Palestinian protesters clash with Pro-Israelis in Berlin” Published by RT. 

Objection and Responses

Identifies one audience objection to your argument from your T-chart. In contrast, globalization has promoted human interaction in various ways. First, it has promoted a sense of understanding between different ethnic and cultural backgrounds. It is presumed that students who study in foreign countries have a better understanding of the natives and so do the natives get to learn more pertaining the way of life of such students in their respective native countries. According to research conducted by Crampton, Dowell, Parkin & Thompson “Cultural immersion, an approach based on the principle that immersion in culture and language is an effective means of learning about oneself and about another culture, provides opportunities for students to learn some of the principles associated with cultural safety.” These students will understand and learn the culture that they immerged on it as well as give an opportunity to the people in where they study to understand their culture, which will reduce xenophobia in both sides.

However, some cultural differences cannot be immersed. For instance Israel and Palestine. Responds and supports your rebuttal with at least one valid and reliable

On the same note, travelling to foreign countries has promoted cultural immersion among different states. As a matter of fact, xenophobia has been perceived to be a normal way in which man views people on their first encounter. “If we unaware of the cultural system that inform identity and behavior, it can be all too easy to prejudge behavior before we understand the basis of it. This may lead to xenophobia and ethnocentrism.” Al Rodhan. Identifies a second audience objection to your argument from your T-chart.

Globalization has promoted xenophobia by exposing people of different cultures to new cultures through the social media, education system, travelling and other written materials. This exposure is a viable breeding ground for xenophobia as cultural clashes result into hatred and hostility between diverse ethnicities.     The previous video, and too many others, shows examples of the clash cultures because of the conflict between them. These clashes wouldn’t happen before the globalization. Travel, as mentioned, became easy and necessary in some situations, which led these cultures to clash in many in different parts of the world, which increase xenophobia. Language difficulties thus create a complex xenophobia, where both native people and foreigners are xenophobic.

“LEP [limited of English proficiency] made social interactions with Americans difficult… speaking to Americans was reported as nerve-wracking. Some teenagers perceived that their “poor English” could irritate Americans peer.” Hsin and Tsai wrote.  Responds and supports your rebuttal with at least one valid and reliable source.

Best Argument

Provides your best argument for your topic from your T-chart. When you ask people why they dislike foreigners, most of them say that the foreigners are a source of unfair competition to the host citizens. For instance, foreigners who tend to excel both academically and economically in foreign countries are disliked. Imagine all businesses in a close town being owned by foreigners. The natives would miss the opportunities for investments and thus become resentful to the aliens. Some of the well renown public speakers in the U.K such as John Mills, underscores that the foreigners put unabated strains on the local resources and social amenities such as schools and hospitals. “There is a huge immigration flow coming into this country and it puts an enormous strain on all our public services – our hospitals, our (doctors’) practices, our schools,” Mills says.

The strain on resources secondary to increased immigration has bred Xenophobia in many countries. South Africa is best cited example for this. It is documented that  substantial number of the local population ganged up to attack foreigners with the claim that they put strain on the country’s economy and post a stiff competition in the job market to the local population. 

Unique Solution

Reducing the levels of xenophobia will be the best way to foster human interaction. It hurts to say that we cannot reduce globalization to counter xenophobia yet globalization is said to be the mother of xenophobia. The best way to counter xenophobia is by encouraging interaction between different nations through sports and settling the disputes in the most peaceful why possible. This will reduce cultural clashes between nations. More importantly, the number of immigrants and emigrants should be regulated in each state so as to avoid resentful sentiments between states. More evidently, nations such as Britain, France and Australia have opted to reduce the number of immigrants in their countries annually. According to the U.N, it is estimated that the rate of immigration in developed country will reach a steady rate of 2.2 million per year by 2050. Reminds readers of your unique solution from the thesis.  It thus becomes necessary to cut short the number of immigrants to prevent exploitation of host resources. This will reduce xenophobia to zero rates. Presents a source that demonstrates how and why the solution is likely to work.

Identifies the weaknesses in the currently existing solutions. There is no clear record on the existing ways that have been put in place to counter xenophobia. However, improved security to the foreigners has been one of the ways. This has reduced the risks of attacks by the resentful local population. However, provision of adequate security to foreigners may not happen especially for the developing countries. Thus cutting down on the number of immigrants and emigrants should be regulated in each state so as to avoid resentful sentiments between states.

Addresses and responds to any potential objections to the unique solution. In contrast, objection to this idea of limiting immigration and emigration has come up strongly. Some nations say that it will reduce exposure and thus increase the level of strangeness between people of diverse cultural backdrops. However, research has shown that too much connectedness is the major source of conflict just like the way familiarity breeds contempt.

Implementation of Solution

Achieving the goal of zero xenophobia rates is not easy. Bryan S. T. supposes that the struggle needs to come from the state government to limit the number of emigration in each year. Besides, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) will be of great importance if it provided a hand of help to the developing countries about this idea of emigration.

Presents a brief overview of the actions necessary for the implementation of your solutions First, the state government for developing countries would give an order that the citizens who are in foreign countries without a substantial reason to return home. Thereafter, the number of immigrants and emigrants would be recorded and a certain threshold drawn so that it becomes binding to the state on the actual number of immigrants and emigrants that the country can sustain without economic challenges. Social cohesion between nations would as well be encouraged to avoid cultural clashes among nations.

Reduction of emigration can be done by increasing the flight rates to the levels where only a few can afford. This will definitely force the local population to remain in their states due to increased travelling expenses. For those who can afford, a maximum number of emigrants as well as the frequency of travelling should be agreed upon. This will also limit the rate of immigration.

Provides suggestions for future research. Future researchers have a task to undertake. There is need to determine the various reasons for xenophobia and thus a discussion on how to curb the most common causes. Conferences have to be dealt to aid in brainstorming on how this issue can be dealt with accordingly.

In conclusion, xenophobia is a common kind of phobias that might its root back to human survivor. Xenophobia and its composition has changed nowadays because of the changes of human’s life throughout the history. One of these major changes was globalization. Globalization changed xenophobia in contradictory way, where it increases and decreases it in the same time. Media that publish stuff that inflame xenophobia such criminal and hate publications, which is widely available now, as well as the high chance of clash cultures are increase xenophobia. In contrast, globalization made learning and immersion in cultures easier, which reduce xenophobia. Reminds the audience of the relevance of the problem.  If it is said that xenophobia has its bad and negative effects that may lead to serious consequences every individual should head.  Everyone should unite and cooperate against xenophobia. The media should deal with its publication wisely and focusing on publications that build communities’ awareness and rationality. Also, authorities and governments should provide good educational opportunities such as quality education that give a good picture about the different cultures and studying abroad programs.

This proposed solution if implemented will impact positively by releasing the strains on the natural resources and social amenities in the host countries. Thus the local population is anticipated to resent much less.  Summarizes the benefits of your proposed solution

If this issue remains unattended to, the rate of xenophobia is likely to escalate to levels where every foreigner will be a threat to the host state security thus increased mistrust and suspicion I the entire human race. Identifies potential negative consequences if your solution is not implemented

Globalization has worked to the disadvantage of the developing nations. First, those affluent citizens migrate to foreign developed countries to enjoy their wealth and lifestyle changes. On the other hand, the affluent individuals in the foreign nations migrate to the developing countries to grab opportunities for investments. This has created a vicious cycle and thus multiplied the xenophobia that existed before. As stated earlier, man cannot reverse globalization. Instead, restrictions based on immigrations and emigrations would work for better outcomes as far as xenophobia is concerned. It is also thought that xenophobia, being man’s way of reacting to strangers, will soon submerge with continual connectedness and interactions with people from diverse ethnic and cultural backdrops. (Ties your conclusion to the introduction in a powerful and memorable way)

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Academic Test Guide

PTE/IELTS Sample Essay- Rise Of Xenophobia

Xenophobia has accelerated rapidly in the western countries. According to you what solutions can be proposed by government and individuals?

If racism and xenophobia are attitude that we are taught, not born with, then the problems that come from them can be resolved. Discuss this view and give your own opinion.

Xenophobia means the ‘fear of the foreigners.’ It stems out of ethnic nationalism i.e. a strong affinity towards one’s own nation and ethnicity. In this essay, I will explain the factors that propel xenophobia in the West and suggest possible measures the government can undertake to tackle it.

As a wave of nationalism has swept the West, hatred towards foreigners has increased mainly in Hungary, Poland, Britain and America (Mammone 2016). According to the FBI, hate crimes have increased by 60% in USA (Ansari 2016) while Britain too is experiencing a surge in Xenophobia (Brexit-rise-xenophobia 2016). This is primarily due to distrust or hatred towards foreigners or holding one’s culture, language or ethnicity as superior.

Along these lines the government can adopt a few important measures to tackle Xenophobia; Firstly, criminalize Xenophobia. By outlawing discrimination, the government takes a clear stand on the issue. Also, the executive and the judiciary must be accessible to the immigrants. Secondly, focus on integrating immigrants into the host culture. Lack of knowledge of the host culture and the laws of the nation, limits the social, economic and political opportunities of the immigrants. The main aim should be to assimilate them into the society, not segregate them. Thirdly, encourage cultural sensitization of the host population. Educating native population on the challenges of assimilating is crucial for peace in the society. Due to ignorance and intolerance, it deters the native population in accepting foreigners into their nation. Lastly, creating awareness which must include the factual breakdown of propaganda and stereotypes revolving around one’s nationality.

Contrary to the theories criticising assimilation, the statistics produce proof of the acceptance of host culture amongst immigrants (Manning & Roy 2010) with a decline in poverty rates and education and home ownership becoming more likely with every generation (Myers & Pitkin 2010). One such famous example is that of the immigration of Southern Europeans in America, which led to the rise in Xenophobia and false claims of them being incapable of assimilation. Though, with time the apprehensions were proven wrong.

In conclusion, Xenophobia stems out of ignorance and a lack of trust in the population. If not tackled, it can lead to segregation and extreme distrust within the society. Moreover, social cohesion is integral to the development of a nation. This cannot solely be solved by individual participation. Thus, the efforts of the government play a key role in combating such social evils.

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Gen Z wants student loan forgiveness without any accountability. It doesn't work that way.

Blanket cancellation does nothing to combat the problem of the student loan crisis. it would only serve as a further incentive for students to attend colleges they can’t afford..

My generation has a political problem. We gravitate toward quick fixes for massive problems that plague our country. The generation raised on instant gratification, to little surprise, is looking for the same in politics and government.

On no other issue is this more apparent than the student loan crisis. Rather than targeting the root of the problem of federally subsidized student loans, President Joe Biden has instead pushed forward the Band-Aid fix of blanket student debt cancellation in order to score a cheap political win with America's youth. 

On the 2020 campaign trail, candidate Biden championed his plan to "immediately cancel a minimum of $10,000 of student debt per person." That empty promise appears to have worked the first time around, as he captured 65% of the Gen Z vote , compared with Trump’s 31%.

So is it any surprise that Biden's promise to eliminate student debt went on to be one of his administration's major policy moves? That might be why 77% of voters ages 18-29 said student debt relief was a motivating factor for their turnout in the midterm elections.

Gen Z's support for Biden's student debt plan is maddening

On the issue of student loans, Gen Z broadly favors blanket debt cancellation similar to Biden’s proposed plan. Almost 60% of those born in 1997 or later support the plan that has since been struck down by the Supreme Court , compared with just 46% of all voters in swing states.

Maddeningly enough, that same Bloomberg News/Morning Consult survey reveals Gen Z is far less literate on the details of the plan than other generations, with 42% reporting they had heard “not much” or “not at all” of the plan, compared with just 30% of all other voters in swing states.

Why I'm not voting: I'm not voting for Trump or Biden. You want my vote? Choose better candidates.

I struggle to come up with a term to describe my generation on this issue besides “entitled.” Not only are we broadly in favor of other people paying off our debts, a majority of whom do not hold a bachelor's degree or higher, we don’t even have the decency to be more aware of the issue than generations that are more likely to have already paid off their loans.

A sobering truth for young Americans needs to be heard. You do not have the right to demand other people pay off your poor financial decisions. 

Gen Z should push Congress to find a long-term solution

Biden’s plan was not only unwise but also unconstitutional at its core, as highlighted by the Supreme Court when it struck down the plan last June . While I think this course of action is unwise and immoral, Gen Z has a better chance of accomplishing debt relief through Congress, which is responsible for the power of the purse.

Gen Z isn't going away: Don't believe the narrative that Gen Z will vote Biden. My generation is up for grabs.

Blanket cancellation does nothing to combat the problem of the student loan crisis. In fact, it would only serve as a further incentive for students to attend colleges they can’t afford, obtaining degrees that give them little chance of allowing them to pay off the debt they accrued in the process.

Congressional efforts are much better geared toward legislation curtailing the federal student lending programs that have gotten us into this mess in the first place.

The problem is federal involvement in student loans

Our government’s involvement in the student debt crisis is clearly unacceptable. Federal lending programs now offer aid to the vast majority of students.

A 2017 study from the Federal Reserve indicates that for every dollar of federal student loans an institution receives, it's able to raise the cost of attendance by 60 cents. 

In a time when 37% of graduates report being unable to afford their monthly loan repayment , a short-term fix like cancellation will do nothing to prevent future generations from suffering the same fate. Young voters should look to other methods to sway their vote for actual change on the issue, not false promises attempting to bribe them. 

Gen Z should concentrate our efforts on voting for candidates who promise actual change on the issue, or better yet, take personal responsibility for financial decisions. Understanding your financial decision in attending college, rather than blaming politicians for not stealing other people’s money to pay your debt, is a much better use of your time and will lead to better results for your future. 

Dace Potas is an Opinion fellow for USA TODAY. A graduate from DePaul University with a degree in political science, he's also president of  the Lone Conservative , the largest conservative student-run publication in the country .

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Guest Essay

The Invasive-Species Debate Is Not Always Simple

A flock of starlings fill the sky above a tall tree.

By Margaret Renkl

Ms. Renkl is a contributing Opinion writer who covers flora, fauna, politics and culture in the American South.

Where starlings are concerned, I thought my heart was a stone.

Starlings descend in great flocks on orchards and farms, decimating crops and dining on feed meant for livestock . In the air, they can bring down airplanes . Their excrement fouls city streets and walkways. And that’s just the nuisance they cause to people. European starlings also outcompete native birds for roosts and nest holes. What is there to love about a bird whose presence causes so many problems? A bird who doesn’t even belong here?

And yet, despite my deep environmental convictions, I have somehow fallen in love with starlings.

I love the gorgeous starry plumage that emerges after they molt. I love the way they can mimic nearly anything, including an elaborate array of construction noises that they have learned in this neighborhood of unceasing construction. I especially love the way they gather in great swooping, looping wintertime flocks, turning the sky into an endless blue stage for their endlessly inventive performances.

As the discourse around nonnative plants and animals grows increasingly strident , I’ve been thinking a lot about the starling-softened stone that was once my heart.

In late March, a New York chapter of Wild Ones , a national nonprofit that advocates for native plants and natural landscapes, posted an explanation for why planting spicebush is better than planting forsythia . Like forsythia, spicebush adds a pop of yellow color to the early spring garden. Like forsythia, spicebush can create a natural screen for backyard privacy. But unlike forsythia, which is both nonnative and sterile, spicebush flowers feed pollinators in springtime. Its leaves feed spicebush-swallowtail caterpillars in summer. Its berries feed a host of songbirds in fall.

One of these plants can restore a garden to its original purpose as a biodiverse ecosystem. The other simply offers a brief display of yellow flowers.

These are incontrovertible facts. Native creatures evolved to recognize native plants as food and habitat. At a time when insect populations are plummeting (in part because of the ubiquity of nonnative plants ) and two-thirds of North American birds are at risk of extinction , there is no good reason to plant a flower that offers nothing to the wild world.

But that fact didn’t stop the pro-forsythia contingent from flying into an online rage at the very idea that someone was coming for the flower they learned to love at Granny’s knee. (I won’t link to these posts because I don’t want to add fuel to the conflagration.) In a comment on one post, someone called native-plant advocates “plant racists.”

There was nothing preachy about the Wild Ones post, which after all was aimed at native-plant enthusiasts anyway, but it’s true that environmentalists can sometimes take on a give-no-quarter tone. Sometimes they advocate for a slash-and-burn approach, using literal fire or literal poison to kill off any plant that doesn’t have the right provenance. Sometimes they call for killing introduced birds by any method that works. I can see how unpleasantly similar all this sounds to the dangerous nativist impulses in our culture.

But human beings, whatever their race, belong to the same species. Depending on how you look at it, either all human beings are native to a particular ecosystem or none of us are. Plant and animal species, on the other hand, evolved for a particular landscape — a landscape that in turn evolved to accommodate their presence. Crucial habitat is lost when introduced plants crowd out the native ones that sustain indigenous wildlife.

Despite the scolding tone that native-plant advocates can sometimes take, they are making an irrefutable point. The earth is teetering near a tipping point of no return. In the context of environmental apocalypse, there is no time — and no square inch of garden space — to waste. Every Cassandra in human history has felt this way: desperate to make others see the truth before the towers are on fire.

I am one of those Cassandras. I wrote a whole book about how we can learn to be better neighbors to the wild creatures who share our ecosystems.

But I am also learning how much more complicated this question of who belongs and who does not can sometimes be. Burmese pythons are incontestably devastating the Everglades . But starlings don’t appear to have nearly the negative impact on native cavity-nesting birds that they were long presumed to have. And as the climate changes, we are seeing that it is also changing where specific plants and animals can thrive. Through seed dispersal, introduced creatures can end up being what allows native plants to survive climate change.

Eradicating all the problematic plants that Americans have introduced into their landscapes — not to mention 85 million starlings — is just never going to happen. My husband and I have been rewilding our half-acre lot with increasing urgency for the past 29 years, with only limited success. To return this tiny ecosystem to its pristine origins without using fire or poison would require a level of backbreaking work that neither of us has the back for, and I’m not sure I would risk it anyway. To smother everything in pursuit of a pure yard would mean also smothering the spring beauties and the spring beauty mining bees.

I’m certainly not arguing that what we plant in our gardens doesn’t ultimately matter. It matters very much, and I always want to be on the side of helping rather than harming. Though I have at times been misled by an inaccurate nursery tag, I would never introduce a nonnative plant on purpose. I try to control invasive vegetation, and I will keep on trying, but there is only so much I can realistically do.

Besides, where they are welcomed, wild creatures can find a way to make use of nearly everything. Even plants that feed nobody can serve as a shelter from the cold, or as a nesting site, or as a place to hide from predators. If there’s a plant already in this yard that is doing no harm, I try not to worry about it too much.

Forsythia, for example, is not on any invasive species lists . Since I’ve been honest about my love for starlings, I’ll admit that I love our stand of forsythia, too. My mother started it from a cutting. She planted it here soon after we moved into this house. I had just survived a devastating late miscarriage, and she thought its bright color might cheer me up.

I treasure the native plants that my husband and I have lovingly added to this yard, but I belong to a species that treasures loving memories, too, and I can’t help loving that useless spray of yellow flowers at the end of every fragile gray winter. It reminds me of my beautiful mother, who wanted to save me from my own grief and thought to do it the only way she knew how: by planting flowers.

Margaret Renkl , a contributing Opinion writer, is the author of the books “ The Comfort of Crows: A Backyard Year, ” “ Graceland, at Last ” and “ Late Migrations .”

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

Follow the New York Times Opinion section on Facebook , Instagram , TikTok , WhatsApp , X and Threads .

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    Guest Essay. The Invasive-Species Debate Is Not Always Simple. April 8, 2024. Credit... Gregory Halpern/Magnum Photos. Share full article. 213. By Margaret Renkl.