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presentation on residential schools

RESIDENTIAL SCHOOLS

Residential schools thomas moore before and after his entrance into the regina indian residential school in saskatchewan in 1874. notice any changes – powerpoint ppt presentation.

  • Thomas Moore before and after his entrance into the Regina Indian Residential School in Saskatchewan in 1874.
  • Notice any changes?
  • Every Aboriginal child between the ages of 5 to 15 years old.
  • Over the decades, thousands of Aboriginal children across Canada First Nation, Métis and Inuit passed through these schools.
  • The first schools opened in the 1840s and the last one closed in 1996
  • Assimilation
  • Cultural genocide the destruction of cultural heritage.
  • They learned skills such as farming, carpentry and domestic skills.
  • The federal government created the Department of Indian Affairs, which gave responsibility for the schools to the Anglican and Catholic Church in Canada.
  • The aim was to civilize, assimilate and educate the Aboriginal children into the Canadian way of life.
  • The following poem by Rita Joe, a Mi'kmaq poet, is about her experience attending a residential school in Shubenacadie, Nova Scotia
  • I Lost My Talk
  •            I lost my talk          The talk you took away.          When I was a little girl          At Shubenacadie school.           You snatched it away          I speak like you          I think like you          I create like you          The scrambled ballad, about my world.          Two ways I talk          Both ways I say,          Your way is more powerful.          So gently I offer my hand and ask,          Let me find my talk          So I can teach you about me.
  • Well, I'll give you a little example. When we started to go there, and I'd say we were nine or ten years old, we used to watch the movies every Sunday night. When we first saw the Indians getting killed, we were traumatized by that. Like how could they do that.., not knowing even that this is a movie and this is just a show. So we would cheer for the Indians because those were our people. Well, I don't know how many years later, it would be maybe three or four years later, when the Indians and the white guys were fighting, we were cheering for the white guys."
  • - Residential School survivor
  • The following are examples of the type of punishments given to aboriginal children at residential schools
  • For failing a test - no food for a day
  • For not working hard enough - 4 hours of extra work (in school or garden)
  • For disobedience, and rude or disorderly conduct - no food or water for a day, a beating (with a stick on the back), extra garden work
  • For speaking native language - (first offence) no supper - (second offence) no supper and beating - (third offence) considered disobedience and punished as such
  • For going off by yourself (without another student present) - several hours of kneeling alone on a rock floor where all can see.
  • The children suffered years of excessive physical, emotional and sexual abuse in the schools.
  • For Survivors, the hurt comes back
  • The government tried to fix the problem by taking control away from the Church in 1969.
  • The Government of Canada delivered a Statement of Reconciliation (March 1998) to all Aboriginal peoples that included an apology to those who had experienced sexual and physical abuse while attending a residential school.
  • "As a country, we are burdened by past actions that resulted in weakening the identity of Aboriginal Peoples, suppressing their languages and cultures, and outlawing spiritual practices."
  • In 1999, the Government sponsored discussions across Canada that provided former students, government officials, and church representatives the opportunity to sit down together and develop solutions to residential schools issues.
  • It is estimated there are 86,000 people alive today who attended Indian residential schools, according to Statistics Canada.
  • 14,477 Aboriginals have filed lawsuits against the Government of Canada
  • November 2005 government offered 2 billion in payments to victims of residential schools
  • Paul Martin had gathered aboriginal leaders to discuss aboriginal education, housing, health care and economic opportunities
  • Under the KELOWNA ACCORD, each survivor would have
  • been eligible for 10,000 lump sum payment (plus 3000
  • for each year spent in schools)
  • 125 million offered to fund a healing program to help deal
  • with psychological issues
  • This plan was supposed to erase all lawsuits against the government (still sue the government if dont accept the lump sum payment)
  • BUT then....
  • On June 11, 2008, Prime Minister Stephen Harper apologized, on behalf of the sitting Cabinet, in front of an audience of Aboriginal delegates, and in an address that was broadcast nationally on the CBC, for the past governments' policies of assimilation.
  • http//archives.cbc.ca/society/education/clips/401 1/
  • The Prime Minister apologized not only for the known excesses of the residential school system, but for the creation of the system itself.
  • From 1996 to 2006, the aboriginal population has grown by 45 per cent. That is nearly six times faster than the non-aboriginal population.
  • 73.7 per cent of all Aboriginal Peoples live off-reserve in Canada.
  • 72.1 per cent of all non-reserve Aboriginal Peoples live in urban areas.
  • Ontario has the largest concentration of Aboriginal Peoples at 242,495, or two per cent of the province's population.
  • Winnipeg is home to the largest urban aboriginal population at 68,380 (10 per cent of the city's total population). Edmonton and Vancouver follow close behind.
  • Almost half, or 46 per cent of the aboriginal population, is aged 24 or under, compared with 31 per cent of the non-aboriginal population.

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The National Residential School Crisis Line 1-866-925-4419

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Residential School History

For a period of more than 150 years , First Nations, Inuit and Métis Nation children were taken from their families and communities to attend schools which were often located far from their homes. More than 150,000 children attended Indian Residential Schools. Many never returned.

The first church-run Indian Residential School was opened in 1831. By the 1880s, the federal government had adopted an official policy of funding residential schools across Canada. The explicit intent was to separate these children from their families and cultures. In 1920, the Indian Act made attendance at Indian Residential Schools compulsory for Treaty-status children between the ages of 7 and 15.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) concluded that residential schools were “a systematic, government- sponsored attempt to destroy Aboriginal cultures and languages and to assimilate Aboriginal peoples so that they no longer existed as distinct peoples.” The TRC characterized this intent as “cultural genocide.”

The schools were often underfunded and overcrowded. The quality of education was substandard. Children were harshly punished for speaking their own languages. Staff were not held accountable for how they treated the children.

St. Anthony's Sacred Heart building

We know that thousands of students suffered physical and sexual abuse at residential schools. All suffered from loneliness and a longing to be home with their families.

The schools hurt the children. The schools also hurt their families and their communities. Children were deprived of healthy examples of love and respect. The distinct cultures, traditions, languages, and knowledge systems of First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples were eroded by forced assimilation.

The damages inflicted by Residential Schools continue to this day.

For a great many Survivors, talking about their experiences in residential schools means reliving the traumas they experienced. For years, many told no one about what they had endured.

In 1996, the landmark Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples drew attention to the lasting harm that was done by the residential schools. A growing number of Survivors and their descendants came forward to tell their stories and demand action.

Through their courage and persistence, an eventual legal settlement was reached between Survivors, the Assembly of First Nations, Inuit representatives and the defendants, the federal government and the churches responsible for the operation of the school. The Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement included:

  •  A commitment to a public apology . On June 11, 2008 then Prime Minister Stephen Harper issued a formal Statement of Apology on behalf of Canada. The Apology stated that, “There is no place in Canada for the attitudes that inspired the Indian residential schools system to ever again prevail.”
  • Financial compensation to Residential School Survivors including a lump sum Common Experience Payment, the Independent Assessment Process for the most serious forms of individual abuse, and a Commemoration Fund.
  • The creation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to inform all Canadians about what happened in the Residential Schools by witnessing and documenting the truth of Survivors, families, communities and anyone personally affected by the Schools. The TRC issued an extensive report on the history of residential schools as well as Calls to Action and Principles of Reconciliation .

It is important to acknowledge that the Settlement Agreement was not comprehensive. The Métis Nation Survivors were not part of the Settlement Agreement. A separate settlement was reached with Survivors from Newfoundland and Labrador in 2016. A settlement agreement with Survivors of federal Indian Day Schools was not reached until 2019.

The NCTR is carrying on key aspects of the TRC’s work, including safeguarding and adding to the archive of Survivor statements and other records and building a registry of the thousands of children known to have died in residential schools.

In September 2020, Parks Canada announced that Residential Schools had been designated an event of national historical significance. Such designations mark aspects of Canadian history, whether positive or negative, that have had a lasting impact on shaping Canadian society.

The Canadian Parliament passed legislation, Bill C-5, to create a national day of commemoration to honour residential school Survivors and promote understanding of residential school history. The TRC called for such commemoration in its Calls to Action (Call to Action 80). The first National Day for Truth and Reconciliation took place September 30, 2021.

Residential School Timeline

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  • I identify as a * Survivor Intergenerational Survivor Family member of a Survivor Educator Academic Student Ally Rather not say

NCTR’s spirit name – bezhig miigwan, meaning “one feather”.

Bezhig miigwan calls upon us to see each Survivor coming to the NCTR as a single eagle feather and to show those Survivors the same respect and attention an eagle feather deserves. It also teaches we are all in this together — we are all one, connected, and it is vital to work together to achieve reconciliation.

NCTR is located on the original lands of Anishinaabeg, Cree, Oji-Cree, Dakota, and Dene peoples, and on the homeland of the Métis Nation.

The National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation sits in the heart of Turtle Island and as a national organization we strive to represent and serve all of Turtle Island’s people.

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How to Teach About Canada's Residential Schools: A Model for Truth and Reconciliation

Posted by Cheryl Payne-Stevens on June 3, 2015

At the release of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada ’s final report, the call to educate all Canadians about the treatment and legacy of Residential Schools was loud and clear.

Facing History high school teacher Cheryl Payne-Stevens embarked on this important (and daunting!) task with her students and shared her experience with us:

The responsibility for learning this history must be held by all Canadians, but educators are critical to ensuring that this history is taught in a safe and honest way; where the complexity and humanity in our history, and the contemporary legacies of the Residential Schools are confronted. In teaching this difficult history, students must recognize that the responsibility, and agency exists in each of us to be a part of moving reconciliation forward.

An Essential Question for Exploration

The essential question that students grapple with in this series of lessons on Canada’s Residential Schools is this: “ What evidence from the history and legacies of Canada's residential schools supports the application of the legal charge of genocide? What actions can individuals and groups take today to address the legacies of attempted erasure, loss and injustice? ”

Facing History and Ourselves' Scope and Sequence approach to historical case studies

Beginning with Identity

Using Facing History’s Scope and Sequence to frame my approach, students start with an examination of the numerous identities found within the Indigenous communities in Canada as well as their worldviews. We begin with identity rather than launching right into the history of the Residential School system and this is an essential step in the lessons.  Ojibway (Leech Lake) author David Treuer reminds us:

“Maybe it’s because I”m a literature professor but I feel like in a really simple way, that words shape the world.  Stories shape the reality that we inhabit -  and by only telling certain kinds of stories, that means we can only see certain things, which means consequently we can only imagine certain futures and no others.  And this is political but it’s also really personal.  

…We could focus on that laundry list of pain and we have reason to do that.  But we have been existing as more than victims of history.  We have been making our own history.  We have been actors in our own lives…”

It is imperative that students encounter many historic and contemporary stories before, and throughout a unit examining the history of residential schools. It enables my class to see Indigenous people as individuals with whom they can connect, as opposed to as victims. As a result, students are more empathetic and willing to seriously consider the short and long-term impact of having their own identities denied and destroyed.

Understanding the Historical Roots of Canada’s Residential Schools

Then we examine the creation of “we” and “they” in the early 20th century. We explore who was a member of the dominant culture, their rights and privileges alongside the rights denied to those considered “other.” Today, Canada is often ranked one of the top countries in the world to live. Students struggle to understand how a country that is often praised by the international community for its living standard and advocacy of human rights could create a program that would deliberately destroy these rights for a segment of its population. So we look at the roles that prejudice and systemic racism played in the creation of the Residential School System, a system that was created to assimilate Indigenous children into a mainstream culture with the hope that this would end Canada’s “Indian problem.” We can also examine the active resistance of Indigenous peoples to land encroachment and systemic racism. For example, highlighting the work of the 1906 BC Delegation to Ottawa and London, UK.

Creating a Historical and Human Understanding of Residential Schools

To bring this history alive, I take my students to The Woodland Cultural Centre in Brantford. Here, students take a tour with a survivor of the former Mohawk Institute Residential School that operated from 1831-1970.

presentation on residential schools

Before going, I prompt my class to consider how we might reconcile with the injustices of the past and create a better society. A survivor testimony is essential to building the understanding necessary for students to answer this question. The residential school survivor who gave her testimony during our recent visit helped my students understand that the physical, emotional and sexual abuse perpetrated in residential schools not only destroyed the lives of children and families during the time of the Residential Schools, but that the abuses still have implications on Indigenous communities today.

Learning from a survivor humanizes this history and motivates our students to make a change. Hearing familiar stories of childhood and friendship, stories of resistance, and forming a relationship with a living person enables students to situate stories of trauma and injustice within the context of a human experience and living survivor. During our last trip, the survivor thanked our students for listening and helping her along her healing journey. Several of the students were incredulous and one had the courage to question her about this. She explained to him that every time that she tells her testimony, she heals a little more. Not only does she heal but she is empowered by the youth that listen to her because she knows that they will educate others and will help create a more cohesive and caring society. The students were impressed. In fact, when we came back to the school to debrief they all wanted to discuss her healing journey and their place within it.

Debriefing the Visit

As a debrief activity, I use a modified Found Poem strategy. Instead of working with a text, I have students in small groups create a found poem based on the survivor testimony. Students also take time to reflect on their experience with the survivor in their journals before answering the essential question.

Entrusting Students with Agency and Responsibility for Reconciliation

I am a big proponent of asking students to share their learning beyond the classroom. The learning is deep and I want a meaningful activity to showcase this. As a class we decided to highlight the legacies of the Residential School system for the school and to encourage others to join the class in making a difference.

Students worked in small groups to create VERY big graphic organizers addressing the intergenerational impacts of the Residential School system - mental health issues, loss of language, distrust. For example, one group examined the legacy of abuse while another chose to examine the impact of emotional trauma. On each organizer, students brought the voices of the past to our hallways and also highlighted the stories of upstanders like Wab Kinew and Gabrielle Scrimshaw .

photo 2

As part of the Choosing to Participate segment of Facing History’s Scope and Sequence, students also prompted readers to make a difference – one group provided information on The Woodland Cultural Centre’s fundraising efforts to restore the former residential school, while others directed students to sign a petition from Amnesty International asking the Canadian government to create a National Action Plan to investigate missing and murdered Indigenous women and to stop this violence. Once all of the posters were hung in the hallway of our school, our hallway became a call to action.

The survivor we met thanked us for helping her along her journey. We would like to thank her for starting ours.

At Facing History and Ourselves Canada, we are committed to facing this important history and bringing it into high schools. In the fall we will be publishing a new teacher resource book and providing online resources that will help teachers bring the history of Canada’s Residential Schools into classrooms. We will also be offering educator workshops. Please leave a reply or email [email protected] if you would like to learn more.

Topics: Choosing to Participate , Facing History and Ourselves , History , Canada , Genocide and Crimes Against Humanities Course , Lesson Ideas

presentation on residential schools

Written by Cheryl Payne-Stevens

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An introduction to Canadian Residential Schools

July 7, 2021

An introduction to Canadian Residential Schools

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Event details.

“This story deserves to be told; all stories do. Even the waves of the sea tell a story that deserves to be read. The stories that really need to be told are those that shake the very soul of you.” Lee Maracle
“A good leader looks at things from a different angle, always changes the conversation and attempts to build a good foundation and work themselves out of existence.” Dr. Leroy Little Bear
“Starting now, we all have an opportunity to show leadership, courage, and conviction in helping heal the wounds of the past as we make a path towards a more just, more fair, and more loving country. This is our beginning; begin that journey of healing.” Sen. Murray Sinclair
“We have a responsibility to keep the Treaty alive in our lifetimes for our future generations.” Giizis-Inini, Anishinaabe Elder Harry Bone

We acknowledge that we meet and work on Indigenous lands across this nation. We pay respect to Elders, past and present, and acknowledge the pivotal role that Indigenous Peoples continue to play within Canada.

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  • Open access
  • Published: 02 March 2017

Residential schools and the effects on Indigenous health and well-being in Canada—a scoping review

  • Piotr Wilk 1 , 2 , 3 ,
  • Alana Maltby 1 &
  • Martin Cooke 4 , 5  

Public Health Reviews volume  38 , Article number:  8 ( 2017 ) Cite this article

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The history of residential schools has been identified as having long lasting and intergenerational effects on the physical and mental well-being of Indigenous populations in Canada. Our objective was to identify the extent and range of research on residential school attendance on specific health outcomes and the populations affected.

A scoping review of the empirical peer-reviewed literature was conducted, following the methodological framework of Arksey and O’Malley (2005). For this review, nine databases were used: Bibliography of Native North Americans, Canadian Health Research Collection, CINAHL, Google Scholar, Indigenous Studies Portal, PubMed, Scopus, Statistics Canada, and Web of Science. Citations that did not focus on health and residential school among a Canadian Indigenous population were excluded. Papers were coded using the following categories: Indigenous identity group, geography, age-sex, residential school attendance, and health status.

Sixty-one articles were selected for inclusion in the review. Most focused on the impacts of residential schooling among First Nations, but some included Métis and Inuit. Physical health outcomes linked to residential schooling included poorer general and self-rated health, increased rates of chronic and infectious diseases. Effects on mental and emotional well-being included mental distress, depression, addictive behaviours and substance mis-use, stress, and suicidal behaviours.

The empirical literature can be seen as further documenting the negative health effects of residential schooling, both among former residential school attendees and subsequent generations. Future empirical research should focus on developing a clearer understanding of the aetiology of these effects, and particularly on identifying the characteristics that lead people and communities to be resilient to them.

The effects of colonization are apparent in all aspects of Indigenous peoples’ health and well-being [ 1 ], affecting not only their physical health, but the mental, emotional, and spiritual wellness [ 2 ]. It is well established that Indigenous peoples in Canada experience a disproportionate burden of ill health compared to the non-Indigenous population [ 3 ]. In large part, these health disparities have been a result of government policies to assimilate Indigenous peoples into the Euro-Canadian ways of life, leading to physical and emotional harms to children, lower educational attainment, loss of culture and language, and the disconnect of family structures [ 4 – 6 ]. Many of the illnesses and conditions that are disproportionately experienced by Indigenous peoples, including obesity, diabetes, and cardiovascular disease, have therefore been attributed to the lasting effects of colonialism, including the Indian Act, the reserve system, and residential schooling [ 7 ]. Loppie Reading and Wien [ 8 ] note that colonialism, a distal determinant of health, is the basis on which all other determinants (i.e. intermediate and proximal) are constructed.

Among colonial policies, residential schooling has stood out as especially damaging to Indigenous peoples. The residential school system was intended to eradicate the language, cultural traditions and spiritual beliefs of Indigenous children in order to assimilate them into the Canadian society [ 5 , 6 , 9 , 10 ]. More than 150,000 First Nations, Métis, and Inuit children attended the church-run schools between their establishment in the 1870s and the closure of the last school in the mid-1990s [ 11 ]. As admitted by government and church officials, the explicit purpose of the residential school system was “to civilize and Christianize Aboriginal children” [ 10 ]. In addition to the cultural and social effects of being forcibly displaced, many children suffered physical, sexual, psychological, and/or spiritual abuse while attending the schools, which has had enduring effects including, health problems, substance abuse, mortality/suicide rates, criminal activity, and disintegration of families and communities [ 5 ]. Moreover, many of the residential schools were severely underfunded, providing poor nutrition and living conditions for children in their care, leading to illness and death [ 5 ].

These attempts of forced assimilation have failed, in part due to the resilience and resistance of many Indigenous communities [ 12 ]. Nonetheless, it is apparent that they have had profound effects “at every level of experience from individual identity and mental health, to the structure and integrity of families, communities, bands and nations” [ 6 ]. The concept of historical trauma suggests that the effects of these disruptive historical events are collective, affecting not only individual Survivors, but also their families and communities [ 13 , 14 ]. According to Kirmayer, Gone, and Moses, historical trauma provides a way to conceptualize the transgenerational effects of residential schooling, whereby “traumatic events endured by communities negatively impact on individual lives in ways that result in future problems for their descendants” [ 14 ]. Recent findings suggest that the effects of the residential school system are indeed intergenerational, with children of attendees demonstrating poorer health status than children of non-attendees [ 9 ]. In fact, families in which multiple generations attend residential schools have been found to have greater distress than those in which only one generation attended [ 9 ]. Although this provides important evidence of the role of residential schooling in the current health and social conditions of Indigenous peoples, the links in the causal chain are not well understood, and there are many potential intermediate factors between residential school attendance and its effects on subsequent generations [ 14 ].

The consequences of residential schooling for Indigenous peoples in Canada have been known for some time, having been documented by the accounts of former attendees [ 15 , 16 ]. These effects parallel experiences in the USA and Australia, where boarding or residential schools were also a key tool of assimilation [ 17 ]. In its final report, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada made 94 “calls to action” to redress the legacy of residential schools [ 18 ]. Among those related to health, the TRC admonished federal, provincial and territorial levels of government to acknowledge the effects of Canadian government policies (e.g. residential schools) and, working together with Indigenous peoples, to identify and close the gaps between Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities in health outcomes [ 18 ]. Although there have been some empirical studies of the effects of residential schooling on Indigenous peoples’ health, there has been no previous attempt to synthesize the evidence of these effects. The purpose of this scoping review is therefore to describe the current state of the literature regarding residential school attendance and the health and well-being of Indigenous people in Canada. In particular we ask; what are the health outcomes that have been empirically linked to residential schooling, what are the populations in which these effects have been identified, and whether effects are found among Survivors or also among other family members and subsequent generations. By summarizing the current literature and identifying needs for further research, this effort can contribute to our understanding of the effects of residential schooling on the health and wellness of Indigenous peoples.

Search strategies

The scoping review process for this paper was informed by Arksey and O’Malley’s methodological framework for scoping studies [ 19 ]. A scoping review is an approach used to map the existing literature on a particular general topic in order to understand the overall state of knowledge in an area [ 19 ]. Scoping studies therefore typically have broad research questions and focus on summarizing the available evidence [ 20 ]. According to Armstrong and colleagues, a scoping review also differs from a systematic review in that the inclusion/exclusion criteria can be developed in an iterative process, the quality of studies might not be discussed in the review, and that the synthesis tends to be more qualitative in nature with the review used to identify parameters and gaps in a body of literature rather than coming to a conclusion about the evidence for a specific effect or effects [ 21 ]. Although a scoping review may not describe research findings in detail, it provides a way of navigating the area of research where the range of material is uncertain [ 19 ]. Arksey and O’Malley suggest five stages in conducting a scoping review: (1) identifying the research question, (2) identifying relevant studies, (3) study selection, (4) charting the data, and (5) collating, summarizing and reporting the results [ 19 ]. These five stages were used to inform and guide the current literature review. The intent of this scoping review was to assess the extent and range of empirical research examining residential schooling and health outcomes among Indigenous peoples. This broad research question was established at the outset and was used to guide the subsequent stages of the review. In order to identify relevant literature, we conducted a search of nine electronic databases: Bibliography of Native North Americans, Canadian Health Research Collection, CINAHL, Google Scholar, Indigenous Studies Portal, PubMed, Scopus, Statistic Canada, and Web of Science. The search strategy and search terms were developed with the assistance of an academic librarian who specializes in First Nations studies. Broad search terms were used within these databases and are documented in Table  1 .

The search results were downloaded into the reference management software Endnote (Endnote X7, Thomson Reuters, 2014), from which duplicates were removed. Inclusion was determined using the following criteria: (a) English-language source (or translated abstract), (b) analysis using primary or secondary data, (c) focus on an Indigenous population in Canada (e.g., First Nations, Inuit, Métis), and (d) focuses on residential school attendance and its relation to health. Grey literature addressing residential school attendance and health were also sought out to provide additional support, including government or organization reports, commentaries, or news bulletins.

Selecting the articles for inclusion was completed in two steps. In the first stage, two reviewers screened titles and abstracts and citations that did not meet the inclusion criteria were removed. If the reviewers were unsure about the relevancy of an abstract, the full text of the article was retrieved and reviewed. At the second stage, the full texts of the articles were reviewed for final inclusion. The bibliographies of the full articles were hand-searched to identify further relevant references. Systematic or scoping reviews were not included in this scoping review; however, their reference lists were reviewed for pertinent references. A detailed chart depicting the search results is provided (Fig.  1 ). Following Arksey and O’Malley’s framework [ 19 ], a spreadsheet was created to chart the relevant data that is pertinent to the research question. The papers selected for inclusion were coded following similar categories used by Wilson and Young [ 22 ] and Young [ 23 ] in their reviews of Indigenous health research. The categories used includes: Indigenous identity group, geographic location, age-sex, residential school attendance, and health status. A description of each category is provided below. Data extraction was carried out by one of the researchers in an Excel database and was verified by another team member.

Scoping review search results

Classification categories

Studies were classified according to the health outcomes examined, the Indigenous population affected, the geographic location of the study, and the age and sex/gender categories included in the study, and the type of residential schooling effect investigated.

Health outcomes

Although we distinguish specific types of health outcomes resulting from personal experiences and the intergenerational impacts of residential schooling, it is important to acknowledge that these outcomes do not occur independently, but exist in complex relationships with other effects [ 24 ]. The consequences of residential schools are wide-reaching and, according to Stout and Peters [ 24 ], may include, “medical and psychosomatic conditions, mental health issues and post traumatic stress disorder, cultural effects such as changes to spiritual practices, diminishment of languages and traditional knowledge, social effects such as violence, suicide, and effects on gender roles, childrearing, and family relationships”. Social, cultural, and spiritual effects of residential schools are often associated with physical, mental, and emotional health [ 24 ]. For the purposes of categorizing the types of outcomes described in the studies reviewed, it was necessary to impose somewhat arbitrary categories of physical health, mental health and emotional well-being, and general health, as described below.

Physical health: Health conditions may include arthritis, chronic back pain, rheumatism, osteoporosis, asthma, chronic bronchitis, emphysema, allergies, cataracts, glaucoma, blindness or serious vision problems that could not be corrected with glasses, epilepsy, cognitive or mental disability, heart disease, high blood pressure, effects of stroke (brain hemorrhage), thyroid problems, cancer, liver disease (excluding hepatitis), stomach or intestinal problems, HIV/AIDS, hepatitis, tuberculosis, or diabetes [ 25 ].

Mental health/emotional well-being: Mental health issues may include depression, anxiety, substance abuse (e.g. drugs or alcohol), paranoia, obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), panic disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), sexual dysfunction, personality disorders, stress, effects on interpersonal relationships, psychological or nervous disorders, and attention deficit disorder/attention disability. In addition, for the purposes of this review, suicide and suicide attempts or thoughts were also classified with mental health.

General health: A category related to general overall health was also included for papers that did not make references to a specific health outcome.

Indigenous identity group

Populations were also classified as either referring to a single Indigenous identity (First Nations, Métis, or Inuit) or a combination of identities (a combination of two single identity groups, or Indigenous and non-Indigenous identities).

Geographic location

For this review, we examined two aspects of geography. Firstly, we determined if the studies referred to Indigenous populations living on First Nations reserves, Footnote 1 Northern communities, non-reserve rural areas, or in urban areas. Secondly, we identified the province or territory of focus in the paper.

Age-sex/gender categories

The health outcomes associated with residential school attendance might be different for men and women, or boys and girls. Studies were categorized by the age range and sex/gender of the participants.

Residential school attendance

Residential school attendance was classified as either personal attendance or familial attendance (i.e. parents, grandparents, aunts, uncles).

Characteristics of the included studies

As depicted in Fig.  1 , 61 studies were found that discussed residential schools in Canada and the health effects among Survivors, their families, or communities. The details of each study included in the review were provided in a chart and can be found in Table  2 . The majority of papers were published in 2000 and later, with the exception of one published in 1999. Their sample sizes ranged from 1 to 51,080 and involved children, youth, and adults. Often, studies included men and women, various Indigenous identities, several geographic locations, and personal and familial residential school attendance.

The majority of studies, 43, included First Nations. Eighteen studies involved Inuit and 17 included Métis. In 11, the population was identified as “Aboriginal” or “Indigenous” and did not distinguish between First Nations, Inuit, or Métis. Three studies also included “Other” Indigenous populations that were not further defined, two included multiple identities, one undisclosed identity, and two included non-Canadian Indigenous populations (Sami, American Indian).

A total of 14 studies were conducted using national level Canadian data. Seven studies focused on Atlantic Canada; two were conducted in Newfoundland, one in Nova Scotia, one in New Brunswick, and two in the Atlantic region. Six studies were conducted in Quebec, ten studies took place in Ontario, and one in Central Canada. In Western Canada, eight studies took place in Manitoba, eight in Saskatchewan, ten in Alberta, 13 in British Columbia, one in the prairies, and three in Western Canada. Additionally, a few studies were conducted in the territories, with two taking place in the Northwest Territories, and six in Nunavut. Two studies did not specify a geographic location and two were conducted in the USA.

Twenty-four studies considered Indigenous peoples living on-reserve, while 23 involved those living off-reserve. Study participants living off-reserve can be further categorized as living in rural or remote areas, northern communities, or urban areas. Seventeen studies indicated that their participants were from a rural or remote location, 14 included participants in northern communities, and 24 focused on urban populations.

Age-sex/gender

Both males and females were represented in the research with 48 studies including both men and women. Five studies included only women, and one solely looked at males. Also, one study included participants who are transgender, one study indicated “other”, and three did not provide a description of the participants’ sex or gender. Regarding age, 46 studies included individuals over the age of 18, whereas 15 included children and youth under the age of 18. Nine studies did not include information on the age of participants.

In terms of residential school attendance, 42 of the studies reviewed included residential school attendees themselves (personal attendance) and 38 examined the effects of having a parent or other family members who had attended (familial attendance). Four studies did not indicate who had attended residential school.

General health : It is evident from the results of this review that personal or familial (e.g. parental or grandparental) residential school attendance is related to health in a multitude of ways. Twelve papers used self-reported health or general quality of life as an outcome measure and found that people who had attended residential schools generally felt as though their health or quality of life had been negatively impacted. Using Statistics Canada’s 2001 Aboriginal Peoples Survey (APS), Wilson and colleagues found that those who had attended residential schools had poorer overall self-rated health than those who did not attend [ 26 ], a finding that was reproduced with the 2006 APS by Kaspar [ 27 ], who found that 12% of those who had attended residential school reported poor health, compared with 7% of those who did not attend. While this may be attributed to other factors such as aging within the population, the role of residential schools cannot be dismissed [ 26 ]. Hackett et al. found that familial attendance at residential school was associated with lower likelihood of reporting excellent perceived health, even after controlling for covariates such as health behaviours, issues with food security and/or housing [ 28 ] However, while the studies reveal negative effects in relation to the residential school system, this cannot be said for everyone who attended. For example, some studies have found better overall reported health among those with family members who attended (see, e.g. Feir [ 29 ]). Physical health : Physical health problems, namely chronic health conditions and infectious diseases, were also apparent in the literature. Thirteen papers related specific physical health conditions to residential school attendance. These included conditions such as HIV/AIDS, chronic conditions (e.g. diabetes, obesity), tuberculosis (TB), Hepatitis C virus (HCV), chronic headaches, arthritis, allergies, and sexually transmitted infections (STIs). In a study by Ghosh [ 30 ], participants stated that their experiences at residential school impacted their diets through the higher consumption of carbohydrates, a factor the authors relate to the higher rates of diabetes among this population today. Howard [ 31 ] found similar results and suggested that residential schooling contributed to the urbanization of Indigenous peoples in Canada, which has led to diabetes and other problems. Dyck and colleagues also reported that those who attended residential school had a slightly higher prevalence of diabetes than those who did not, although the finding was not statistically significant [ 32 ]. Residential school attendance has also been found to be a positive predictor of obesity among younger Métis boys and girls, but a negative predictor among older girls [ 33 ]. In addition to chronic conditions, residential school attendance has been associated with poorer sexual health in general [ 34 , 35 ], infectious diseases such as HIV/AIDS and STIs [ 36 ] and has been identified as an independent risk factor for HCV [ 37 ]. Corrado and Cohen found that many First Nations people who had personally attended residential schools reported suffering from physical ailments including, chronic headaches, heart problems, and arthritis [ 5 ].

Mental health and emotional well-being : Mental health, and particularly emotional well-being, was the area of health most commonly identified as affected by residential school attendance. Forty-three studies reviewed found that personal or intergenerational residential school attendance was related to mental health issues such as mental distress, depression, addictive behaviours and substance misuse, stress, and suicidal behaviours. For example, Walls and Whitbeck [ 38 ] noted that early lifetime stressors such as residential school attendance are negatively associated with mental health among adults. Corrado and Cohen [ 5 ] found that among 127 residential school Survivors, all but two suffered from mental health issues such as PTSD, substance abuse disorder, major depression, and dysthymic disorder. These authors suggest that residential school leads to a specific combination of effects a—“Residential School Syndrome”. Anderson [ 39 ] found that residential school attendance among Inuit men was related to mental distress. Familial residential school attendance has been associated with lower self-perceived mental health and a higher risk of distress and suicidal behaviours [ 28 ]. Intergenerational effects were found by Stout [ 40 ] among women who had parents or grandparents attend residential schools, with women reporting that familial attendance at residential school had had an enduring impact on their lives and mental health.

Substance abuse and addictive behaviours have also been identified as common among those impacted by residential schools. In a study conducted by Varcoe and Dick [ 36 ], a participant associates her drinking and drug use to the sexual, physical, emotional, and mental abuse experienced at residential school. Similarly, co-researchers (research participants) in two studies explained their addiction to drugs and alcohol as a “coping mechanism” [ 44 , 54 ].

Suicide and suicidal thoughts and attempts were associated with personal and familial residential school attendance in several papers. Elias and colleagues [ 41 ] found that residential school attendees who suffered abuse were more likely to have a history of suicide attempts or thoughts. Furthermore, non-attendees who had a history of abuse were more likely to report having familial residential school attendance, suggesting that residential schooling might be important in the perpetuation of a cycle of victimization. Youth (12–17 years) participating in the on-reserve First Nations Regional Health Survey who had at least one parent who attended residential school reported increased suicidal thoughts compared to those without a parent that attended [ 42 ].

This review aimed to summarize the current literature on residential schools and Indigenous health and well-being using Arksey and O’Malley’s scoping review framework [ 19 ]. In general, the empirical literature further documented the wide ranging negative effects of residential schools that had previously been identified by Survivors themselves [ 15 ] and confirmed that residential schooling is likely an important contributor to the current health conditions of Indigenous populations in Canada. The studies included revealed a range of poorer physical, mental and emotional, and general health outcomes in both residential school attendees and their families compared with those without these experiences. This included evidence of poorer general health, higher risk of chronic conditions such as diabetes, as well as infectious diseases such as STIs. Many of the studies related residential schooling to poorer mental health, including depressions and substance misuse. Although the majority of studies focused on First Nations, various effects were observed among Métis and Inuit as well, and in urban, rural and reserve populations, and in all regions, strongly suggesting that the effects of residential schooling are felt by Indigenous peoples across Canada. The regional and historical variations in the implementation of residential schooling [ 10 ] would lead us to expect geographic variability in these effects. While only one study reviewed examined these differences, it is indicated that variation in health status among community members may be related to various colonial histories in different areas [ 43 ]. Importantly, given the vast consequences and predominately negative impact of attendance at these schools, the literature reviewed suggests that younger generations continue to experience the negative health consequences associated with residential schooling. Some of the papers were able to identify specific intergenerational effects, including higher risk of negative outcomes for those whose parents or grandparents attended, whether they themselves were residential school Survivors [ 9 ]. Others only considered whether family members had attended, suggesting that the effects are clustered within families, rather than isolating the intergenerational transmission of trauma related to residential schooling.

Overall, the newness of the literature indicates that this is a recent and growing area of research. One of the likely consequences of this is that much of the research reviewed was correlational, and few studies explicitly examined the mechanisms that connected residential school experience to health outcomes. Although some of the studies examining mental health identified substance use resulting from a need to cope with psychological pain [ 44 , 45 , 54 ] or to provide individuals with feelings of regaining power and control [ 45 ], most of the studies of physical health effects or general health did not attempt to unpack the range of proximate and mediating factors in the causal chain between residential schooling and the health of Survivors or of their family members.

A strength of this review is that it was conducted systematically and provides methodological accounts to ensure the transparency of the findings. Additionally, the findings of this research highlight the extent and range of the available literature on this important topic in health and suggest areas that require further research. It is important to acknowledge its limitations, however. Firstly, while a scoping review provides a rapid summary of a range of literature, it does not include an appraisal of the quality of the studies included nor provide a synthesis of the data. Secondly, the inclusion of studies is determined by the reviewer’s interpretation of the literature and therefore may be more subjective in nature.

Implications

The lasting effects of residential schooling on the current Indigenous population are complicated and stretch through time and across generations. It is clear, though, that our understanding of the factors that affect Indigenous peoples’ health should include both the effects of “early, colonization-specific” experiences [ 27 ] as well as the more proximate factors, including socioeconomic disadvantages and community conditions [ 27 ]. Although this complexity and the impact of colonial policies and practices, such as residential schooling, on other determinants, such as income, education, and housing has been noted [ 8 ], there is a need to establish a more comprehensive understanding of the implications of this historical trauma, and particularly of the mechanisms by which intergenerational trauma continues to affect Indigenous peoples’ well-being, including the enduring effects across generations [ 46 ].

This would include more research that examines how the effects of residential schooling are mediated or moderated by other social and cultural determinants. For example, the use of ecological frameworks would help researchers and health professionals gain a deeper understanding of how the various levels of context in which the high rates of diseases such as obesity and diabetes have developed have themselves been shaped by colonial policies and by residential schooling in particular. Although isolating the effects of residential schooling on health is important, future empirical analysis should also examine the possible cumulative effects of stressors and traumas, and how these might contribute to the continuing difference between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples’ health status [ 46 ].

Conclusions

The findings from this scoping review highlight the importance of considering government policies and historical context as critical to understanding the contemporary health and well-being of Indigenous peoples. As Kirmayer, Tait and Simpson [ 47 ] note, this includes other colonial policies, forms of cultural oppression, loss of autonomy, and disruption of traditional life, as well as residential schooling. Better knowledge of how the effects of these historically traumatic events continue to affect communities and individuals may help inform both population health interventions and the care and treatment of individuals. Moreover, identifying the characteristics and conditions of those individuals and communities who have been resilient to the effects of residential schooling may contribute to promoting appropriate supports to limit the transmission of these effects.

In Canada, “Reserves” are parcels of Crown land set aside for use by particular First Nations communities.

Abbreviations

Hepatitis C virus

Injection drug user

Post traumatic stress disorder

Sexually transmitted infections

Tuberculosis

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Acknowledgements

The authors would like to acknowledge the assistance of Courtney Waugh, who reviewed our search strategy and recommended valuable databases to use in our scoping review. Additionally, the authors would also like to acknowledge the valuable feedback and comments provided by the members of Indigenous organizations and communities: The Indigenous members did not wish to be identified.

Funding for this manuscript was provided by The Western Libraries Open Access Fund. AM and PW are also funded by the Children's Health Foundation through the Children's Heart Health grant.

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Not applicable.

Authors’ contributions

AM conducted the database searches. PW and AM reviewed the abstracts and extracted relevant information from included studies. All authors contributed to writing and editing the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Competing interests

The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

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Department of Epidemiology & Biostatistics, Schulich School of Medicine and Dentistry, University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada

Piotr Wilk & Alana Maltby

Department of Paediatrics, Schulich School of Medicine and Dentistry, University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada

Children’s Health Research Institute, London, Ontario, Canada

Department of Sociology and Legal Studies, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada

Martin Cooke

School of Public Health and Health Systems, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada

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Wilk, P., Maltby, A. & Cooke, M. Residential schools and the effects on Indigenous health and well-being in Canada—a scoping review. Public Health Rev 38 , 8 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40985-017-0055-6

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Tom McMahon

This paper provides a chronological sequence of the laws that were used to create and enforce Indian Residential Schools in Canada. The paper provides extensive excerpts from the final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. The excerpts are chosen based on how directly they are related to law, and the excerpts are re-organized to be presented in a chronological manner. The table of contents of the paper can serve as a time line of the laws that created and enforced and ended Indian Residential Schools. Other sources are also cited. This paper is one of series written by the author in attempting to understand and explain why it was nearly impossible for indigenous peoples to use the legal system to protect themselves or obtain compensation for the abuses they suffered in the residential schools until well into the 1990s.

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Eric Pouliot-Thisdale

(Cet exposé n'est qu'une esquisse sans pretention) (This presentation is simply an unpretentious sketch) The terrible outcomes of the residential schools which destroyed several generations are going to be exposed here as a simple literal description of the organisation of these Christians organisms in collaboration with the government in the period from 1901 to 1921, through details observed through both censuses: 1911 and 1921. It took me a while to organise such a research and to find a way to expose it to our healing communities. I thought that the better way to conduct such a project was to simply expose what was available thought the public archives. The decree of 100 years before publication concerning the private life of the persons mentioned in the several archives available is touching the available records, but a certain “clemency” from Library and Archives Canada is giving us the opportunity to be able to observe and identify our ancestors until 1921 through the censuses and until 1940 through most parish registers.

Xenofon Gounaropoulos

This booklet will provide general information on the purpose, establishment, and history of the Indian residential school system in Canada. The Union of Ontario Indians gratefully acknowledges the financial contribution from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada for this work. WARNING: If this booklet causes any crisis or distress, call the Indian Residential Schools Crisis Line at 1-866-925-4419. Illustrations by Donald Chrétien. Written by the Union of Ontario Indians based on research compiled by Karen Restoule.

This paper will explore what this system brought to the aboriginal parents, how the children suffered from and survived in such schools, what healing methods were offered to the miserable people, and what lesson we can draw from the system.

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This paper analyzes the reeducation of Aboriginal and First Nations Children during the Residential School era to see if the reeducation of gender was a part of the assimilation process.

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Agnes Grant\u27s work is a useful and interesting addition to the literature on residential schools in Canada. As a clearly written synthesis of a selection of existing works, it provides an introduction to the schools which would be useful as an undergraduate class reading. The book\u27s thirteen chapters are divided into four sections: Introduction, History, Conditions, and Consequences. Each section is introduced with a tantalizing photograph of the former Birtle Residential School taken in 1990. These prompted me to make comparisons to schools that I know and left me wanting to know more about Birtle. The text follows the increasingly familiar format of many works on residential schools with chapters on traditional education, the role of church and state, life within the schools focusing on health, staff, and curriculum, and the most interesting section examining the impacts of the school in terms of language, resistance, and abuse. In particular, the chapters dealing with the e...

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Residential Schools

Oct 21, 2021

presentation on residential schools

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residential schools

Mhm. Hey guys, my name's Logan. Today I'll be talking about residential schools, let's get started to start off. I want to talk about a bit of a refresher. So residential schools were created all over Canada to turn indigenous kids in the proper white catholic Canadian kids, the normal kids back then the Inuit kids used to practice animism and shamanism which tend to stay healers used with spirits. The First Residential School opened up in 1831. So that made me think why are the schools even created? They were created because the government wanted indigenous kids to become like everyone else and the indigenous leaders at the time thought it was a pretty good idea because they wanted their Children to learn how it is to live in the real world and make them successful. So both parties collaborated and created the education policy which relied on custodial schools. These were definitely not the schools indigenous leaders wanted to create and regretted their agreement. This personally reminded me of a story which I was told by my dad when I was younger and that story was not letting anyone manipulate you and change your opinions. He gave examples of how kids will try to peer pressure you into doing bad things and making the wrong choices. But what is most important is standing true to yourself. And in this case I think the indigenous people got manipulated and the thinking that the schools are safe and thought that there was something which they really weren't. So how are the kids even treated back then to make it simple, the kids were treated horribly like pieces of trash. If they made one mistake they would get b they were isolated and they were already homesick. Unfortunately between 4 to 6000 kids died in the school was due to malnutrition abuse and neglect. All of them ended up traumatized. The trauma caused is similar to how a parent would feel when their kid passes away. When a parent loses their child. They basically lose their world and their true loves. Which is how the parents of the indigenous kids felt when their Children came home. They said it was like they didn't even know their own Children anymore. So how was this all even settled the indian residential schools Settlement agreement was a payment to all students who attended the schools. And this included healing foundations and the independent assessment process to help all survivors and relatives of them recover from the abuse they suffered Even though most of them never ended up recovering. This began in 2007. So how does this connect our real life? So away that this connects to real life nowadays is people getting therapy and support for abuse and mental health. Many people nowadays get abused by elders and have serious mental health issues which can be life lasting similar to the kids in the residential schools. Both of the people in situations that are the dental school survivors and the people nowadays need help and benefits that the I. R. S. S. Can help them. So now the big question everyone asks, what can we do to help them? What we can do is we can donate to organizations that support residential school survivors and their families. We can call our local mps or other elected representatives to take action and we can even do what we're doing right now. Learn about the residential school system and its ongoing impacts. Finally we can attend memorial events who are non indigenous people are invited. All those things will help us get more connected to the indigenous school survivors. Now to wrap things up, I hope you all learned about residential schools. How we can help survivors and the big impacts. Thank you.

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40 facts about elektrostal.

Lanette Mayes

Written by Lanette Mayes

Modified & Updated: 02 Mar 2024

Jessica Corbett

Reviewed by Jessica Corbett

40-facts-about-elektrostal

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Residential Schools in Canada

Apr 04, 2019

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Residential Schools in Canada. Grade 7 Social Studies . What is a residential school?.

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Residential Schools in Canada Grade 7 Social Studies

What is a residential school? • In the 19th century, the Canadian government believed it was responsible for educating and caring for the country's aboriginal people. It thought their best chance for success was to learn English and adopt Christianity and Canadian customs. • Ideally, they would pass their adopted lifestyle on to their children, and native traditions would diminish, or be completely abolished in a few generations.

Residential schools were based on the assumption Aboriginal cultures and spiritual beliefs were inferior and unequal. Indeed, some sought, as it was infamously said, “to kill the Indian in the child.” • Today, we recognize that this policy of assimilation was wrong, has caused great harm, and has no place in our country.

The Canadian government developed a policy called "aggressive assimilation" to be taught at church-run, government-funded industrial schools, later called residential schools. • The government felt children were easier to mold than adults, and the concept of a boarding school was the best way to prepare them for life in mainstream society.

Residential schools were federally run, under the Department of Indian Affairs. Attendance was mandatory. • At the time, agents were employed by the government to ensure all native children attended.

How many residential schools and students were there? • Initially, about 1,000 students attended 69 schools across the country. There were a total of about 130 schools in every territory and province except Newfoundland, Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick from the 19th century to the last, which closed in 1996. • In all, about 150,000 aboriginal, Inuit and Métis children were removed from their communities and forced to attend the schools.

What went wrong? • Residential schools were established with the assumption that aboriginal culture was unable to adapt to modern society. It was believed that native children could be successful if they blended into mainstream Canadian society by adopting Christianity and speaking English or French. • Students were discouraged from speaking their language or practicing native traditions. If they were caught, they would experience severe punishment.

Former students of residential schools have spoken of horrendous abuse at the hands of residential school staff: physical, sexual, emotional, and psychological. • Residential schools provided Aboriginal students with an inferior education, often only up to grade five, that focused on training students for manual labor in agriculture, light industry such as woodworking, and domestic work such as laundry work and sewing.

Students at residential schools rarely had examples of normal family life. They were in school 10 months a year, away from their parents. • All letters from the children was written in English, which many parents couldn't read. Brothers and sisters at the same school rarely saw each other, as all activities were separated by gender.

When students returned to the reserve, they often found they didn't belong. They didn't have the skills to help their parents, and became ashamed of their native heritage. • The skills taught at the schools were generally not very helpful; many found it hard to function in an urban setting. There was great devastation for those who were subjected to years of mistreatment.

Because they were removed from their families, many students grew up without experiencing a nurturing family life and without the knowledge and skills to raise their own families. • The devastating effects of the residential schools continue to have significant impact on Aboriginal communities. Because the government’s and the churches’ intent was to eliminate all aspects of Aboriginal culture in these young people the residential school system is commonly considered a form of cultural genocide.

Living Conditions at the Residential Schools • Students had their hair cut short, they were dressed in uniforms, and their days were strictly regimented by timetables. Boys and girls were kept separate, and even siblings rarely interacted, further weakening family ties. • Chief Bobby Joseph of the Indian Residential School Survivors Society recalls that he had no idea how to interact with girls and never even got to know his own sister.

Residential school students did not receive the same education as the general population in the public school system, and the schools were underfunded. Teachings focused primarily on practical skills. Girls were primed for domestic service and taught to do laundry, sew, cook, and clean. Boys were taught carpentry and farming.

Many students attended class part-time and worked for the school the rest of the time: girls did the housekeeping; boys, general maintenance and agriculture. This work was unpaid and was presented as practical training for the students. • With so little time spent in class, most students had only reached grade five by the time they were 18. At this point, students were sent away. Many were discouraged from pursuing further education.

Abuse at the schools was widespread: emotional and psychological abuse was constant, physical abuse was used as punishment, and sexual abuse was also common. Survivors recall being beaten and strapped; some students were shackled to their beds; some had needles shoved in their tongues for speaking their native languages. • These abuses, along with overcrowding, poor sanitation, and inadequate food and health care, resulted in a shockingly high death toll.

In 1907, government medical inspector P.H. Bryce reported that 24 percent of previously healthy Aboriginal children across Canada were dying in residential schools.5  This figure does not include children who died at home, where they were frequently sent when critically ill. • Bryce reported that anywhere from 47 percent (on the Peigan Reserve in Alberta) to 75 percent (from File Hills Boarding School in Saskatchewan) of students discharged from residential schools died shortly after returning home.

The extent to which Department of Indian Affairs and church officials knew of these abuses has been debated. However, the Royal Commission of Aboriginal Peoples concluded that church and state officials were fully aware of the abuses and tragedies at the schools. • Some inspectors and officials at the time expressed alarm at the horrifying death rates, yet those who spoke out and called for reform were generally met with silence and lack of support.The Department of Indian Affairs would promise to improve the schools, but the deplorable conditions persisted.

Some former students have fond memories of their time at residential schools, and certainly some of the priests and nuns who ran the schools treated the students as best they could given the circumstances. • Even so, these “good” experiences occurred within a system aimed at destroying Aboriginal cultures and assimilating Aboriginal students.

Video Clips • Residential Schools in Canada • Residential School Survivors Set to Detail Abuse • Residential School Survivors Speak in Port Alberni • It Matters: The Legacy of Residential Schools

“Look what they done to us” • Song by Elmer Crane This song was written by residential school survivor Elmer Crane. After listening to this song please answer the following questions: 1. What is the message of this song? 2. Were any of the images shown in this video particularly moving to you?

Abuse at St. Anne’s School • “Power and Politics” • This clip comes from the program “Power and Politics” and outlines abuse that occurred at St. Anne’s Indian Residential Schools in the 40s and 50s. After watching, please answer the following question: • This clip explains how many students were used as test subjects for vaccinations – without their parent’s knowledge and consent. What does this suggest about the way those running the schools felt about Aboriginal students?

The Shift Away from Residential Schools • By the 1950s, it was clear that assimilation was not working. Aboriginal cultures survived, despite all the efforts to destroy them. The devastating effects of the residential schools were becoming more widely recognized. • The government also acknowledged that removing children from their families was very bad to the health of the individuals and the communities involved. In 1951the half-day work/school system was abandoned.

The government decided to allow Aboriginal children to live with their families whenever possible, and the schools began hiring more qualified staff. • In 1969, the Department of Indian Affairs took exclusive control of the system, marking an end to church involvement. Yet the schools remained underfunded and abuse continued. • Many teachers were still very much unqualified; in fact, some had not graduated high school themselves.

In the meantime, the government decided to phase out segregation and begin incorporating Aboriginal students into public schools. Although these changes saw students reaching higher levels of education, problems persisted. • Many Aboriginal students struggled in their adjustment to public school where they faced discrimination by their non-Aboriginal peers. Post-secondary education was still considered out of reach for Aboriginal students, and those students who wanted to attend university were frequently discouraged from doing so.

The process to phase out the residential school system was slow. In the 1960s, the system’s closure gave way to the “Sixties Scoop,” during which thousands of Aboriginal children were “apprehended” by social services and removed from their families. • The “Scoop” lasted for roughly two decades but child apprehensions from Aboriginal families continue to occur. • The last residential school did not close its doors until 1986.

Long Term Impacts • Generations of children have grown up without a nurturing family life. As adults, many of them lack adequate parenting skills and, having only experienced abuse, in turn abuse their children and family members. • The high incidence of domestic violence among Aboriginal families results in many broken homes, perpetuating the cycle of abuse and dysfunction over generations.

Many observers have argued that the residential school system contributed to extremely low self-esteem in Aboriginal communities. This has manifested itself in self-abuse, resulting in high rates of alcoholism, substance abuse, and suicide. • Among First Nations people aged 10 to 44, suicide and self-inflicted injury is the number one cause of death. • First Nations women attempt suicide eight times more often than other Canadian women, and First Nations men attempt suicide five times more often than other Canadian men.

Many Aboriginal children have grown up feeling that they do not belong in “either world”: they are neither truly Aboriginal nor part of the dominant society. • They struggle to fit in but face discrimination from both societies, which makes it difficult to obtain education and skills. • The result is poverty for many Aboriginal people. In addition, the residential schools and other negative experiences with state-sponsored education have fostered mistrust of education in general, making it difficult for Aboriginal communities and individuals to break the cycle of poverty.

What will former students receive for compensation? • Compensation called Common Experience Payments was made available to residential schools students as of May 30, 2005. Students were eligible for $10,000 for the first year or part of a year they attended school, plus $3,000 for each additional year. • As of 2010, $1.55 billion had been paid, representing 75,800 cases. • This compensation plan releases the government and churches from all liability relating to residential schools, except in cases of sexual abuse and serious incidents of physical abuse.

Canada's Truth and Reconciliation Commission • The TRC is a component of the Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement.  Its aim is to inform all Canadians about what happened in Indian Residential Schools. The Commission will document the truth of survivors, families and communities affected by theses schools.“The Agenda”

What will happen in those cases of sexual or physical abuse? • An Independent Assessment Process, or IAP, was set up to address sexual abuse cases and serious incidents of physical abuse. • A former student who accepts the Common Experience Payment can pursue a further claim for sexual or serious physical abuse.

Is there more being done to compensate the victims? • The government is funding Commemoration initiative, which consists of events, projects and memorials. A total of $20 million will be available over five years. The Aboriginal Healing Foundation was given an additional $125 million. • Churches involved in the residential schools will contribute up to $100 million in cash and services toward healing initiatives. • Prime Minister Stephen Harper delivered an official apology to residential school students in Parliament in 2008.

Who else has apologized for the abuse? • Though the Catholic church oversaw three-quarters of Canadian residential schools, it was the last church to have one of its leaders officially address and apologize for the abuse. • In 2009, Pope Benedict XVI expressed his "sorrow" to Canada's Assembly of First Nations for the abuse and "deplorable" treatment that aboriginal students suffered at Roman Catholic Church-run residential schools.

Assembly of First Nations Leader Phil Fontaine said the Pope’s statement wasn't an "official apology" but added that he hoped the statement will "close the book" on the issue of apologies for residential school survivors. • Other churches implicated in the abuse apologized in the 1990s. Archbishop Michael Peers clearly offered an apology on behalf of the Anglican Church of Canada in 1993, stating "I am sorry, more than I can say, that we were part of a system which took you and your children from home and family."

The Presbyterian Church signed a statement of apology in 1994. "It is with deep humility and in great sorrow that we come before God and our aboriginal brothers and sisters with our confession," it said. • The United Church of Canada formally apologized in 1986 and in 1998 for the abuse that happened at residential schools. • "To those individuals who were physically, sexually, and mentally abused as students of the Indian Residential Schools in which the United Church of Canada was involved, I offer you our most sincere apology," the statement by the church's General Council Executive said.

Discussion Questions • Why were the residential schools created? • Who ran the residential schools? • What were some of the problems that occurred at the schools? • Why did students not usually get to see their siblings? • What happened when students returned to the reserves?

Questions continued… • Why couldn’t parents and their children communicate while they were in school? • How are victims of the residential schools being compensated? • What other types of compensation is being given to the native community? • Who has apologized for the abuse and poor conditions that aboriginal students endured? • How has residential schools impacted generations of Aboriginals?

Before and After: Write a paragraph describing how you feel when you look at this picture.

Works Cited • "A history of residential schools in Canada." CBC News Canada . CBC News , 16 05 2008. Web. 9 Jan 2014. <http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/a-history-of-residential-schools-in-canada-1.702280>. • Hanson, Erin . "Indigenous Foundations ." The Residential School System. First Nations Studies Program . Web. 9 Jan 2014. <http://indigenousfoundations.arts.ubc.ca/home/government-policy/the-residential-school-system.html>.

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