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Year in Search 2022
Every day, millions across the world turn to the search bar with their curiosities and concerns. By looking at the top searches, we get valuable insight into what people care about. The annual Year in Search report consolidates the latest consumer trends in APAC, helping you look back to move your marketing forward. Explore our local reports for market-specific insights, and scroll down to read our regional report on what’s trending within APAC.
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Local reports: dive into market-specific insights, year in search 2022: australia & new zealand, year in search 2022: hong kong, year in search 2022: india, year in search 2022: indonesia, year in search 2022: japan, year in search 2022: korea, year in search 2022: malaysia, year in search 2022: philippines, year in search 2022: singapore, year in search 2022: taiwan, year in search 2022: thailand, year in search 2022: vietnam, regional report: what’s trending across apac, year in search 2022: what apac's top consumer trends mean for marketers.
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Год в поиске
Узнайте с помощью google trends, какие вопросы мы задавали , какие люди вдохновляли нас и какие ситуации привлекали всеобщее внимание в различные годы..
Год в поиске: видео
В 2022 году мир вступил в эпоху возрождения, и люди начали искать новые возможности.
Тренды этого года
Игры, музыка, кулинария и не только – посмотрите самые популярные запросы 2022 года.
Посмотрите видео
События этого года разделяли нас, но общего было больше.
Узнайте популярные темы
Посмотрите интерактивный таймлайн "Год в поиске", чтобы узнать, что волновало людей во всем мире.
Посмотреть популярные темы
Во времена неопределенности люди ищут смысл во всем. В этом году мы чаще, чем когда-либо, задавали вопрос "Почему?".
Трудные времена рождают сильных людей и закаляют характер. Узнайте, кто мотивировал нас и вдохновлял на подвиги в 2019 году.
В этот год взлетов и падений мы искали что-то хорошее чаще, чем когда-либо. Узнайте, что волновало людей в 2018-м.
В 2017-м мы чаще, чем когда-либо, задавали вопрос "Как?". Вспомните самые значимые моменты года.
Вспомните самые значимые события года и узнайте, какие вопросы они вызвали.
Вспомните самые значимые события 2015 года, которые вызвали триллионы вопросов. Что эти вопросы говорят о мире и о нас?
Узнайте, что волновало людей во всем мире в 2013 году.
Вспомните самые значимые события 2012 года, которые вызвали триллионы вопросов. Что эти вопросы говорят о мире и о нас?
2011-й стал для нас годом перемен, революции и надежды. Вспомните самые значимые события.
"Год в поиске" – это фильм о самых значимых событиях года и о том, что нас волновало больше всего.
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Year in Search , Ini Tren Pencarian di Indonesia Selama 2022

Jakarta, Beritasatu.com - Google Indonesia mengungkapkan beragam tren pencarian yang berlangsung selama 2022 lewat acara bernama "Year in Search".
"...tahun ini dipenuhi oleh banyak hal yang patut kita syukuri dan banggakan, di mana kreatifitas, ketangguhan, dan persatuan Indonesia sungguh nyata.” ujar Communication Manager Google Indonesia Feliciana Wienathan menggambarkan 2022 bagi Indonesia, Kamis (15/12/2022).
Khusus 2022, Google membawa sembilan kategori tren yang paling populer dicari masyarakat terdiri dari Mengapa, Apa, Tokoh, Lirik Lagu, Resep, Film / Serial TV, Peristiwa Nasional, Olahraga, dan daftar utama Tren Penelusuran secara keseluruhan.
Daftar "Year in Search" 2022 tidak disusun berdasarkan tingkat popularitas penelusuran saja, namun dihitung dalam jumlah akhir pencarian topik-topik terkait secara berkala dan terus mengalami peningkatan yang berkelanjutan.
Sumber: ANTARA
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Populations
- Population of concern:
- Host communities:
Population types
Note: The "Stateless" category does not include stateless people who are also in other categories, to avoid double counting. The total number of stateless, across all categories, is . useful to hide footnote if there is no double status
NB: 2023 figures are planning figures.
Source: UNHCR Refugee Data Finder for years until 2022, UNHCR planning figures (COMPASS) otherwise.
Population by country
Population by origin, budget and expenditure trend.
Source: 2023 budget as approved by the Executive Committee in October 2022. 2022 current budget as approved by the High Commissioner as of October 2022; pending presentation to the ExCom's Standing Committee. All other years are considered final for budget and expenditure data.
Budget by pillar
Budget by impact area.
Source: 2023 budget as approved by the Executive Committee in October 2022. 2022 current budget as approved by the High Commissioner as of October 2022; pending presentation to the ExCom's Standing Committee.
Budget by objective
Note: The table presents the budget for this operation broken down at the objective level. Resource allocation at the objective level is subject to change during the course of the year as the operational situation evolves and priorities shift. The current budget, reflected in the bottom line of this table, is updated on a monthly basis and is replaced by the final budget at year-end.
Expenditure by objective
Budget by outcome and enabling areas.
The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations.
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Google Year in Search 2022, Lihat Apa Saja yang Trending Tahun Ini
Topik untukmu:, kompas.com tren.

KOMPAS.com - Google telah meluncurkan Google Year in Search 2022 .
Google Year in Search 2022 adalah rangkuman pencarian dan kata kunci teratas selama tahun 2022.
Daftar ini menampilkan film teratas, acara olahraga, acara berita, orang, resep, hewan peliharaan, dan banyak lagi yang ditelusuri di seluruh dunia pada 2022.
Baca juga: Kaleidoskop 2022: Momen-momen Bersejarah Indonesia Sepanjang 2022
Berikut ini apa saja yang trending pada 2022 di seluruh dunia:
1. Search (pencarian)
- India vs England
- Queen Elizabeth
2. News (berita)
- Queen Elizabeth passing
- Election results
- Powerball numbers
Baca juga: Bulan Purnama Terakhir di 2022, Apakah Masih Bisa Dinikmati Malam Nanti?
3. People (orang)
- Johnny Depp
- Amber Heard
- Vladimir Putin
4. Actors (aktor)
- Jada Pinkett Smith
Baca juga: Cara Bikin Twitter Wrapped 2022 Pakai Floom.app yang Sedang Viral
5. Athletes (atlet)
- Novak Djokovic
- Rafael Nadal
- Serena Williams
- Shaun White
6. Matches (pertandingan)
- Ind vs South Africa
- India vs West Indies
- Ind vs Australia
- India vs Sri Lanka
Baca juga: 30 Ucapan Selamat Natal 2022 Bahasa Inggris dan Bahasa Indonesia
7. Movies (film)
- Thor: Love and Thunder
- Top Gun: Maverick
8. Passings (meninggal dunia)
- Betty White
- Aaron Carter
Baca juga: Daftar Kota Termahal di Dunia 2022 Versi EIU, Adakah Indonesia?
9. Recipes (resep)
- ???? ????? (Paneer pasanda)
- Bolo caseiro (Homemade cake)
- Tuzlu kurabiye (Salt cookie)
- Overnight oats
- Zimtschnecken (Cinnamon rolls)
10. Songs (lagu)
- Tak Ingin Usai - Keisya Levronka
- Pasoori - Ali Sethi and Shae Gill
- Glimpse of Us - Joji
- Satru 2 - Denny Caknan and Happy Asmara
- ??????? - Official Hige Dandism
Baca juga: Cara Membuat Spotify Wrapped 2022 dan Membagikannya di Media Sosial
11. TV Shows (acara…
Tag google trends google year in search 2022 daftar google year in search 2022 trending google year in search 2022.

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Blog resmi Google di Indonesia
Laporan google: makin banyak orang indonesia memperhatikan keamanan online dan kelestarian lingkungan.
Laporan terbaru Google tentang pergeseran perilaku konsumen menunjukkan bagaimana masyarakat Indonesia ingin Brand lebih memahami perubahan kebutuhan mereka dan bahwa generasi baru makin menganggap penting kelestarian lingkungan. Year in Search 2021: Look back to move your business forward , yang merupakan edisi keempat dari panduan lengkap tentang tren konsumen, baik yang diamati di masyarakat luas maupun melalui lensa spesifik industri ini, mengungkapkan lima tema terbesar lanskap konsumen di tahun 2021 serta analisis mendalam terhadap enam industri utama.
“2021 adalah tahun untuk beradaptasi dengan perubahan yang terus terjadi dan untuk mengevaluasi kembali apa yang penting bagi kita sebagai individu dan sebagai penghuni Bumi,” jelas Yolanda Sastra, Head of Ads Marketing, Google Indonesia. “Orang Indonesia membuka Google Search untuk mencari ide dan inspirasi, tetapi juga untuk memahami perubahan dan tantangan yang dihadirkan oleh pandemi. Laporan ini sungguh dapat membantu Brand dan pemasar mengidentifikasi pergeseran utama perilaku konsumen dan apa yang harus diketahui kedepannya.”
Disusun berdasarkan data Google Trends (Agustus 2020-Agustus 2021), eConomy 2021 , dan Google Destination Insights (November 2020-Oktober 2021), laporan ini menunjukkan beberapa tren besar:
Orang Indonesia mengandalkan platform online untuk mencari dan membeli saat ingin berbelanja, bahkan saat tempat-tempat offline mulai buka kembali. Penelusuran “seller center” (pusat penjual) meningkat 69% dan “belanja cepat” 46%.
Orang Indonesia mencoba memaksimalkan pendapatan dengan berbagai cara baru sambil berusaha menghemat uang. Ini ditunjukkan dengan peningkatan penelusuran “saham pemula” yang sebesar 128%, serta kenaikan minat penelusuran untuk “kemasan ekonomis” yang sebesar 56%.
Orang Indonesia ingin tahu apakah mereka berhubungan dengan brand yang menganggap penting praktik yang etis dan berkelanjutan. Penelusuran “cruelty-free” (bebas uji coba hewan) naik 65%, “carbon footprint” (jejak karbon) meningkat 114%, sedangkan “ramah lingkungan” meningkat 114%.
Keamanan online juga menjadi kekhawatiran yang bertambah besar, dengan kenaikan penelusuran “kebocoran data” sebesar 33% dan “berita bohong” sebesar 52%.
Selain itu, laporan juga menunjukkan bagaimana sejumlah sektor utama mengalami perubahan dalam periode satu tahun yang sama dari Agustus 2020-Agustus 2021:
Perawatan Kecantikan dan Diri: Orang Indonesia ingin tahu tentang jenis produk baru, dengan minat penelusuran naik 133% untuk “ceramides” dan lebih dari 30 kali lipat untuk “bakuchiol”. Perawatan pria juga mengalami peningkatan penelusuran untuk “serum pria” sebesar 57% dan “facial wash men” (sabun muka pria) sebesar 62%.
Keuangan: Makin banyak orang Indonesia berusaha menambah pengetahuan keuangan mereka untuk menyiapkan masa depan, dengan kenaikan penelusuran “belajar investasi” sebesar 83% dan “aplikasi investasi” sebesar 70%.
Makanan dan Minuman: Orang Indonesia mencari opsi makanan yang lebih sehat, dengan penelusuran makanan “plant-based” yang naik 233% dan “susu rendah lemak” yang naik 69%.
Media dan Hiburan: Game kian digemari, dengan peningkatan penelusuran “mabar online” sebesar 70%, “walkthrough video game” sebesar 30%, dan topik terkait kompetisi e-sport sebesar 200%.
Teknologi: Ulasan online bertambah populer, dengan peningkatan penelusuran “rekomendasi hp” sebesar 38% dan “rekomendasi elektronik” sebesar 78%.
Transportasi dan Perjalanan: Konsumen di Indonesia menjadi lebih sadar akan pentingnya mengurangi emisi, dengan peningkatan penelusuran “electric car” (mobil listrik) sebesar 54%, “emisi mobil” sebesar 85%, dan “kendaraan ramah lingkungan” sebesar 230%.
Pandu Brodjonegoro, Brand GM, Garnier Indonesia mengungkapkan: “Sejak awal, Garnier mengedepankan bahan baku alami dan berkomitmen terhadap kecantikan berkelanjutan. Tidak hanya menciptakan produk dengan kualitas terbaik, tetapi juga ramah lingkungan. Melalui komitmen Green Beauty , kami terus menambah pilihan produk ramah lingkungan dengan formula vegan, mendapatkan persetujuan dari Cruelty Free International, serta kemasan lebih ramah lingkungan. Lebih jauh lagi, kami mengajak dan memberikan akses kepada konsumen untuk memerangi masalah sampah plastik di Indonesia. Langkah ini sejalan dengan insight yang kami dapatkan terkait minat terhadap produk dan praktik keberlanjutan yang terus menjadi tren di Indonesia, terlihat dari meningkatnya pencarian terhadap “bebas uji coba hewan”, “ramah lingkungan”, “biodegradable” dalam laporan YIS Brand Insights 2021.”
Astrid A. Wijana, Head of Marketing PT Hyundai Motors Indonesia, menyampaikan,“Di tengah pesatnya perkembangan industri otomotif, transisi ke mobil listrik semakin diperlukan untuk menjaga lingkungan yang baik bagi seluruh lapisan masyarakat. Kami senang melihat mobil listrik Hyundai telah mendapat respon yang sangat positif di Indonesia, sebagaimana tercermin dalam data laporan tahun 2021 dari Gabungan Industri Kendaraan Bermotor Indonesia (GAIKINDO), dimana model BEV dari Hyundai mendominasi penjualan ritel dengan pangsa pasar 87,3%. Hal ini juga sejalan dengan Laporan Google melalui Year In Search 2021 yang memaparkan bahwa ada lonjakan signifikan pada pertumbuhan tren mobil listrik, dimana minat pencarian penelusuran untuk “electric car” pada 2021 mencapai 54%, meningkat dari level 33% pada 2020. Hal ini menjadi motivasi kami untuk terus mendukung ekosistem mobil listrik sebagai kendaraan masa depan untuk masyarakat Indonesia. Selain itu, untuk terus memperkuat komitmen kami terhadap perkembangan mobil listrik tanah air, di tahun 2022 ini, Hyundai juga akan memproduksi mobil listrik pertama di Indonesia.”
Google merekomendasikan lima langkah yang dapat diambil Brand saat ini untuk meningkatkan strategi mereka:
1. Jadikan digital sebagai bagian inti dari strategi pemasaran Anda
2. Hadirlah saat pelanggan mengevaluasi kembali opsi mereka
3. Gunakan digital untuk menjalin hubungan yang bermakna dengan pelanggan
4. Pastikan kepercayaan menjadi poros utama dari daya tarik brand Anda
5. Perjuangkan sesuatu yang lebih besar daripada profit
Untuk membaca laporan dan data tren secara lengkap, silakan download di sini .
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United Nations
Office on drugs and crime, press release, unodc global report on trafficking in persons: crises shift trafficking patterns and hinder victim identification, vienna (austria), 24 january 2023.
Fewer victims of trafficking in persons are being identified even as the COVID-19 pandemic and other crises are increasing vulnerabilities to exploitation, according to the latest Global Report on Trafficking in Persons launched today by UNODC.
The number of victims detected globally fell by 11 per cent in 2020 from the previous year, driven by fewer detections in low- and medium-income countries. The pandemic, in addition to reducing opportunities for traffickers to operate, may have weakened law enforcement capacities to detect victims.
“This latest report shows how the pandemic has increased vulnerabilities to trafficking in persons, further undercutting capacities to rescue victims and bring criminals to justice,” said UNODC Executive Director Ghada Waly. “We cannot allow crises to compound exploitation. The UN and the donor community need to support national authorities, most of all in developing countries, to respond to trafficking threats, and to identify and protect victims especially in states of emergency.”
The seventh UNODC Global Report on Trafficking in Persons covers 141 countries and provides an overview of patterns and flows of trafficking in persons at global, regional and national levels, based on trafficking cases detected between 2017 and 2021. The findings are further informed by analysis of 800 court case summaries and accompanied by detailed suggestions to policy makers to help formulate effective responses.
Fewer cases of trafficking for sexual exploitation were detected during the pandemic as public spaces were closed and related restrictions may have pushed this form of trafficking into more concealed and less safe locations, making it harder to identify victims.
Globally, the number of convictions for trafficking offences also fell by 27 per cent in 2020 from the previous year – with sharper decreases registered in South Asia (56 per cent), Central America and the Caribbean (54 per cent) and South America (46 per cent) – accelerating a longer-term trend registered by UNODC since 2017.
Court case analysis featured in the report further shows that trafficking victims, when they are identified, escape from traffickers on their own and are in effect ‘self-rescued’ – there are more cases of victims escaping and reporting to authorities of their own initiative (41 per cent) than cases where victims were located by law enforcement (28 per cent), members of the community and civil society (11 per cent). This is especially alarming considering many victims of trafficking may not identify themselves as victims or may be too afraid of their exploiters to attempt escaping.
The report also details how war and conflict offer opportunities for traffickers to exploit. It shows that the war in Ukraine is elevating trafficking risks for the displaced population. Most victims resulting from conflicts originate in and are trafficked to countries in Africa and the Middle East.
Breaking down trafficking in persons statistics by region, the report shows higher levels of impunity in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. Countries in these regions convict fewer traffickers and detect fewer victims than the rest of the world. At the same time, victims from these regions are identified in a wider range of destination countries than victims from other regions.
The 2022 Global Report on Trafficking in Persons also examines court cases showing that female victims are subject to physical or extreme violence at hands of traffickers at a rate three times higher than males, and children are subjected almost twice as often as adults.
At the same time, women investigated for trafficking in persons are also significantly more likely to be convicted than men. This suggests that the justice system may discriminate against women, and/or that the role of women in trafficking networks may increase the likelihood that they are convicted for the crime.
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World Energy Investment 2023
Flagship report

Introduction
- Energy investment in 2023
- Clean energy spending
- Clean technology costs
- Consequences of the energy crisis
- Growing momentum for hydrogen and CCUS
- Critical minerals and manufacturing
- Scaling up clean investment to meet climate aligned scenarios
- Sustainable finance
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IEA (2023), World Energy Investment 2023 , IEA, Paris https://www.iea.org/reports/world-energy-investment-2023, License: CC BY 4.0
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About this report.
This year’s edition of the World Energy Investment provides a full update on the investment picture in 2022 and an initial reading of the emerging picture for 2023.
The report provides a global benchmark for tracking capital flows in the energy sector and examines how investors are assessing risks and opportunities across all areas of fuel and electricity supply, critical minerals, efficiency, research and development and energy finance.
It focuses on some important features of the new investment landscape that are already visible, including the policies now in place that reinforce incentives for clean energy spending, the energy security lens through which many investments are now viewed, widespread cost and inflationary pressures, the major boost in revenues that high fuel prices are bringing to traditional suppliers, and burgeoning expectations in many countries that investments will be aligned with solutions to the climate crisis.
This report is part of the IEA’s support of the first global stocktake of the Paris Agreement, which will be finalized in the run up to COP28, the next UN Climate Change Conference, at the end of 2023. Find other reports in this series on the IEA’s Global Energy Transitions Stocktake page.
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The World Energy Investment 2023 datafile includes world and regional investment data for supply (fossil fuels, renewables, electricity networks, other) and end-use (energy efficiency, renewables and other).
World Energy Investment 2023 Datafile
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Record High Revenues From Global Carbon Pricing Near $100 Billion
Direct carbon pricing instruments, key policy to decarbonization, now cover almost a quarter of global greenhouse gas emissions, according to a new World Bank report
BILBAO, May 23, 2023 — Revenues from carbon taxes and Emissions Trading Systems (ETS) have reached a record high, about $95 billion, finds the World Bank’s annual “State and Trends of Carbon Pricing” report released today. This is despite the challenging context for governments facing high inflation, fiscal pressures, and energy crises.
“ Carbon pricing can be an effective way to incorporate the costs of climate change into economic decision making, thereby incentivizing climate action.” said Jennifer Sara, Global Director for Climate Change at the World Bank. “ The good news from this report is that even in difficult economic times, governments are prioritizing direct carbon pricing policies to reduce emissions. But to really drive change at the scale needed, we will need to see big advances both in terms of coverage and price .”
The World Bank has been tracking carbon markets for around two decades and the annual State and Trends of Carbon Pricing report is now in its tenth year. When the first report was published a decade ago, only 7% of global emissions were covered by either a carbon tax or an ETS. Today, as highlighted in the 2023 report, almost a quarter of global greenhouse gas emissions (23%) are now covered by 73 instruments. An ETS places a limit on the amount of greenhouse gas emissions – it allows emitters with lower emissions to sell their extra emission units (or “allowances”) to higher emitters, thereby establishing a market price for emissions. A carbon tax, meanwhile, directly sets a price on carbon by defining a tax rate on emissions.
While the uptake of ETS and carbon taxes is on the rise in emerging economies, high-income countries still dominate. New instruments were implemented in Austria and Indonesia, as well as in subnational jurisdictions in the United States and Mexico. Australia is scheduled to recommence carbon pricing with a rate-based ETS due to start in July 2023 and countries including Chile, Malaysia, Vietnam, Thailand and Türkiye continue to work towards implementing direct carbon pricing.
Issuances and retirements of carbon credits fell slightly compared to 2021. Macroeconomic conditions, criticism of carbon credits and offsetting, and bottlenecks in issuance are among the causes of this slight slowdown over the past year. However, the report finds promising signs of cooperation between countries on carbon markets under the Paris Agreement framework.
The report reiterates that carbon pricing is an important tool to raise revenue, direct international financial flows, and drive innovation. As part of a broader policy package, these policies can help deliver on broader sustainability and development goals. For instance, many of the World Bank’s core climate diagnostics, the Country Climate and Development Reports , highlight the potential for direct carbon pricing policies to support countries on their development journeys.
The “State and Trends of Carbon Pricing” report was launched at Innovate4Climate , the World Bank Group's flagship climate action event held this year in Bilbao, Spain, from May 23 to 25. Now in its seventh year, the I4C conference promotes a global dialogue between the public and private sectors, showcasing the opportunities and innovations for low-carbon, resilient development, and fostering exchange of knowledge to promote investments in transformative climate-smart solutions.
To read the report, click here .
To access the report series, click here .
Visit the Carbon Pricing Dashboard website for up-to-date information on existing and emerging carbon pricing initiatives around the world: https://carbonpricingdashboard.worldbank.org/
Report: State and Trends of Carbon Pricing 2023
Blog: State and Trends of Carbon Pricing 2023, by Jennifer Sara
Website: Carbon Pricing Dashboard
Event: Innovate4Climate
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The Year in Hate and Extremism 2022
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Introduction: 2022 The Year in Hate and Extremism Comes to Main Street
In this article, from the director, hate and extremism — in the mainstream and on the main street, building new networks to address targeting of young people.
By Susan Corke
Two weeks after the deadly Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection, I joined SPLC to lead its historic work to track, expose and counter hate and extremism in the United States. With our democracy in crisis and the danger of former President Trump’s “big lie” exposed, I was hopeful both parties' political leaders would choose to protect our nation from extremists.
I was wrong.
Two years post-insurrection, GOP leaders have unabashedly welcomed notorious antisemites, conspiracy theorists and white nationalists. “We want to cross the Rubicon. We want total war. We must be prepared to do battle in every arena. In the media. In the courtroom. At the ballot box. And in the streets,” New York Young Republican Club President Gavin Wax declared at the organization’s December black-tie gala.
This is not idle chatter. Over half of Republican respondents to a June 2022 SPLC and Tulchin Research poll reported believing the U.S. is headed toward civil war. Threatened by the growing power of increasing diversity, many on the right seek to return to an America before the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and using political violence to accomplish racist goals is now widely accepted.
In 2022, the hard-right movement mobilized hate and extremism from the mainstream to the main street . Extremist actors — often armed — brought hatred into our daily lives and public spaces, protesting LGBTQ inclusion, reproductive rights and classroom discussions of systemic racism.

Founded to ensure civil rights for all, SPLC has deep expertise in monitoring — and holding to account — the Ku Klux Klan, the neo-Nazi movement, racist skinheads, antigovernment militias and other domestic hate groups and extremists.
We do this as part of our work to defend and advance a multiracial, inclusive democracy. The challenges are formidable; we must cast white supremacy out of the mainstream and prevent the violent and racist harms these extremists unleash in our streets, our churches, synagogues and mosques and our schools. In 2022, we created a new DataLab to better track hate across the digital frontier. We established a unit focused on prevention of extremism using public health models. Our investigative reporting led the national media in exposing extremist activity and influence. Our analysts helped policymakers, including the bipartisan House Jan. 6 Special Committee investigation, hold hate perpetrators accountable.
The 2022 edition of The Year in Hate and Extremism further uncovers threats to our diverse nation and our daily lives. SPLC will continue to support impacted and vulnerable communities, working in common cause with diverse allies, grassroots activists, policymakers and the media. Together, we can counter extremism and protect our democracy.

By Cassie Miller and Caleb Kieffer
In 2022, the hard-right movement succeeded in burrowing deeper into people’s lives in visible and material ways, even if it did not have widespread electoral success. Its fingerprints are everywhere: people’s homes, schools, doctors’ offices, libraries, bars, restaurants, churches and other community spaces. The fear and pain experienced by Black, brown, and LGBTQ communities went far beyond any individual incident, deeply disrupting their ability to participate in an inclusive democracy.
Black and queer people were murdered in shocking acts of violence allegedly motivated by hard-right conspiracy theories. “As long as the White man lives, our land will never be theirs and they will never be safe from us,” the alleged white supremacist mass shooter who targeted the Black community in Buffalo, New York wrote in a manifesto. Across the country, states instituted new laws that have forced teachers to cut and alter lessons addressing Black history, impacting student access to inclusive, accurate and education about the country’s history of racism. A wave of anti-LGBTQ demonstrations and harassment campaigns resulted in increased security measures at drag shows, library story hours and Pride celebrations; in many cases, organizers this year cancelled queer community events out of safety concerns. A historic number of anti-trans bills now restrict the rights of trans people and, often, their ability to seek crucial gender-affirming medical care. And, because of the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision, people in 13 states cannot seek abortions where they live, and face the loss of personal autonomy, injury and even death.
While voters rejected many of the most extreme candidates in the 2022 midterm elections, the country remains in a reactionary political moment – explained, in part, as backlash to progressive successes both real and perceived. The right is increasingly expressing fear of a so-called “great replacement” of white people and depicting demands for LGBTQ equity as dangerously radical in the wake of visible progressive mobilizations, including the racial justice protests of 2020 for Black lives and a growing trans rights movement. Backlash is a political strategy employed by the right – one that, the historian Lawrence Glickman has written, shifts the “focus from those denied equity under the law and demanding justice to those who [imagine] threat or inconvenience in the possibility of social change.”
That backlash has kicked up a swarm of conspiracy theories and racist tropes: Black men are inherently criminal, immigrants are “invading” the country, LGBTQ people are “grooming” children, nefarious actors are throwing our elections, leftists are working through schools and libraries to undermine “traditional” gender roles, young people of color are engaging in voter fraud, and multiculturalism is an ideal designed to replace and eliminate white people. These ideas now circulate widely among influential right-wing figures and within the Republican party, which lends them legitimacy and allows them to influence policy.
The SPLC works to track and expose the activities and harms extremist organizations in the U.S. inflict. These include both hate groups and antigovernment extremist groups. Hate groups hold beliefs or practices that attack or malign an entire class of people, typically for their immutable characteristics, while antigovernment groups see the federal government as an enemy of the people and promote baseless conspiracy theories. These groups often work together, can hold shared beliefs, use similar strategies and negatively impact the same communities.
Hate and antigovernment groups make up the extreme edge of America’s hard right, an inherently antidemocratic movement that rejects pluralism and equity. The movement instead strives to build a society dominated by hierarchy, where people whom far rightists deem lesser or threatening – women, Black and Brown people, LGBTQ people, non-Christians and others – are socially and politically subjugated. The hard right has the advantage of building on already existing structural white supremacy, as well as its persistent and regular manifestations in everyday life and in politics.
In 2022, the SPLC documented 523 hate and 702 antigovernment extremist groups, totalling 1,225 active groups. The presence of established groups is only one way to gauge the power and impact of the hard right. Through stories, public polling and social media analysis, this report clearly shows the impact of these groups and hard-right figures in the mainstream and on Main Street, demonstrating the growing harm and threat they pose to individuals, communities and democracy itself.
Growing GOP extremism
Hate groups, extremist activists, and one of our country’s major political parties have become increasingly intertwined since Donald Trump’s presidency began. Republican politicians now mingle freely with members of the organized white nationalist movement and employ their rhetoric more freely than at any other time in recent American history.
Indeed, 2022 began with a member of Congress speaking at a white nationalist event. In February, hard-right Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., was a featured speaker at the America First Political Action Conference hosted by Nick Fuentes, one of the country’s most prominent white nationalists and an outspoken antisemite who has repeatedly praised Hitler. Rep. Paul Gosar, R.-Ariz., Arizona Sen. Wendy Rogers, R-Ariz., and Idaho Lt. Gov. Janice McGeachin all prerecorded speeches that were played at the event.
In November, Fuentes and antisemitic rapper and designer Ye (formerly known as Kanye West) ended up at a dinner at Mar-a-Lago with former President Trump, who did not distance himself from the racist and antisemitic activists when their meeting came to light. Instead, he simply posted on Truth Social that he “didn’t know Nick Fuentes,” and, of Ye, “We got along great, he expressed no anti-Semitism, & I appreciated all of the nice things he said about me on ‘Tucker Carlson.”
Less than three weeks after the Mar-A-Lago meeting, a collection of radical right figures gathered at an event hosted by the New York Young Republican Club (NYYRC) in Manhattan. Donald Trump Jr., Rudy Giuliani, Steve Bannon and Greene hobnobbed with #Pizzagate conspiracy theorist Jack Posobiec, prominent white nationalist activists Peter and Lydia Brimelow, and an array of ultranationalist European leaders.
The NYYRC gala captured the dark mood that has overtaken a growing faction of the American right: one fixated on dominating enemies, ruminating on their own perceived victimhood, and weaving a reality in which dramatic action – including violence – is justified.
“We want to cross the Rubicon. We want total war. We must be prepared to do battle in every arena. In the media. In the courtroom. At the ballot box. And in the streets,” NYYRC president Gavin Wax told attendees.
Greene ventured into even more violent territory , telling the audience that if she and Bannon had planned the Jan. 6 insurrection, “We would have won. Not to mention, it would’ve been armed.” At other events, Greene has alleged that Democrats pose a murderous threat to members of her own party. “I am not going to mince words with you all,” she speciously told an audience at a Trump rally in Michigan. “Democrats want Republicans dead and they have already started the killings.”
In the two years since the insurrection, the right has only increased the political temperature. Far-right activists have embraced ever more violent rhetoric, while Republican officials consistently fail to acknowledge that their words are contributing an atmosphere that breeds political violence.
A stark example came in October, when Democratic House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s husband was attacked by a man with a hammer who entered their home asking, “Where is Nancy?” Far-right media and influencers immediately embraced a grab bag of conspiracy theories, purporting, among other things, that the attack was a “false flag” meant to distract from Pelosi’s alleged corruption or to give pretext to persecute conservatives. Elected officials, meanwhile, condemned the attack but roundly chose to ignore the role played by their years of demonizing their political opponents , Pelosi in particular.

Violent anti-LGBTQ attacks fueled by the right
While the hard-right movement has for years increased their use of violent rhetoric, they crossed a dangerous threshold when activists from across the right doubled down on their attacks against LGBTQ people in the wake of a mass shooting at a queer club in November.
“The tragedy that happened in Colorado Springs the other night – it was expected and predictable,” a guest on Tucker Carlson’s Fox News show said after a 22-year-old person shot and killed five people and injured 25 others at Club Q, before suggesting that LGBTQ people were bringing attacks like this on themselves. “I don’t think it’s going to stop until we end this evil agenda that is attacking children,” she told Carlson.
In the months leading up to the attack, the right relentlessly deployed the accusation that LGBTQ people are preying on children by “grooming” them either for the purpose of sexual abuse or to influence their sexuality and gender identity. That rhetoric was accompanied by an unprecedented legislative attack on LGBTQ people: In 2022, legislatures across the country introduced more than 300 anti-LGBTQ bills, many targeting trans youth. Eighteen states now ban transgender youth from participating on sports teams consistent with their gender identity, while three states in 2022 banned or criminalized gender-affirming care for youth.
Hard-right activists and influencers used social media as their primary tool to ignite animus toward queer people. Anti-LGBTQ activist Chaya Raichik helped lead the charge with her 1.7 million-follower Libs of TikTok Twitter account. Raichik’s posts mock LGBTQ individuals and teachers who employ inclusive, anti-racist curricula, making them into targets for harassment. Her account has helped to spread the narrative that LGBTQ people (and trans individuals, especially) are mentally ill and part of a broad leftist conspiracy to sexualize and abuse children.
That notion is not confined to right-wing echo chambers. According to SPLC polling conducted in November 2022, 74% of Republicans believe that “Democrats are attempting to sexualize children by indoctrinating them into an LGBTQ lifestyle,” including over half of whom strongly agree with that statement. Among Democrats, fewer than 25% agree.
Individuals, events and institutions targeted by Raichik and her anti-LGBTQ cohort on social media have received harassment, bomb threats and death threats, and they have been targeted by extremist protesters. An Idaho Pride event Raichik drew attention to on Twitter, for example, was the target of a protest by 31 members of the white nationalist group Patriot Front. Numerous children’s hospitals have received harassment and threats after criticizing the care they provide for adolescents.
Far-right extremists have especially targeted events that include drag performers – people who boldly and visibly defy the right’s strict ideas of gender and gender identity. The Proud Boys, whose chapters have grown considerably since the group participated in the Jan. 6 insurrection , targeted more than 40 LGBTQ events in 2022 through harassment or protests.
But they are far from the only ones threatening drag events. According to GLAAD, there were at least 141 protests and threats against drag events across 47 states in 2022. One establishment was firebombed after hosting a drag performance, a shot was fired through the window of a brewery hosting a drag queen story hour, a library hosting a children’s event was stormed by Proud Boys, and another was interrupted by a Proud Boy carrying a gun. Innumerable other events were cancelled out of concern for the safety of children and other patrons.
Male supremacy animates the right
The campaign the right has waged against LGBTQ people is part of a broader assault on bodily autonomy and gender equity, which also targets women and those who can give birth.
The right saw the fruit of a decades-long campaign in June of 2022 when the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade , leading to a wave of state-level restrictions on abortion. By the end of the year, 13 states banned abortion completely while many others have enacted restrictions that make it difficult to access abortion care, including Georgia where abortion is banned at the gestational age of six weeks. These bans disproportionately affect people of color and those who live in poverty, who already faced increased obstacles to accessing reproductive care.
“People of color don’t have the privilege of focusing on only one issue – everything is connected,” Monica Simpson of SisterSong penned even before the fall of Roe . “Reproductive justice has always been more than just being ‘pro-choice.’ To be pro-choice you must have the privilege of having choices. ”
The Supreme Court decision emboldened the hard right, many of whom believed that overturning abortion would open new frontiers for their movement including overturning the Constitutional amendment that gave women the right to vote. Meanwhile, as pro-reproductive justice demonstrations surged, so did counterdemonstrations. Far-right participation in anti-abortion activism soared in 2022. Hate groups such as the Proud Boys attended dozens of anti-reproductive justice demonstrations in 2022 , some outside of facilities that provide abortion care.
Belief in strict, “traditional” gender roles is at the core of hard-right ideology, while resistance to feminism, combined with a belief that modern society emasculates men, has grown on the right. Tucker Carlson this year produced a fearmongering documentary called “The End of Men,” while longtime conservative establishments including the Claremont Institute published a flurry of articles warning, for example, that “woke communists” are “determined to destroy traditional sex roles as part of their project to destroy America.”
Anti-feminism is particularly noxious because it appears to unite a substantial portion of men across the political spectrum – especially younger men. In April, a nationwide SPLC poll found that 37% of people believe “feminism has done more harm than good,” including 46% of Democratic men under 50 and 62% of Republican men in the same age range. Those statistics underline how effective the appeals to preserve masculinity can be at pulling men into far-right movements.
Locally driven right-wing mobilization
In the aftermath of Trump’s election loss and the insurrection at the Capitol, the right shifted tactics: Without Trump at the helm, activists have made a concerted effort to organize in the local arena, pursuing their agenda in venues where it is easier to gain power.
Schools, especially, have been on the receiving end of ramped-up and coordinated hard-right attacks, frequently through the guise of “parents’ rights” groups. These groups were, in part, spurred by the right-wing backlash to COVID-19 public safety measures in schools. But they have grown into an anti-student inclusion movement that targets any inclusive curriculum that contains discussions of race, discrimination and LGBTQ identities.
At the forefront of this mobilization is Moms for Liberty, a Florida-based group with vast connections to the GOP that this year the SPLC designated as an extremist group. They can be spotted at school board meetings across the country wearing shirts and carrying signs that declare, “We do NOT CO-PARENT with the GOVERNMENT.” The group hijacks meetings, preventing officials and parents from conducting their normal proceedings. “I can be sitting in a meeting minding my own business, and they turn around and scream at me that I am a commie and teachers want to see all kids fail,” a teacher’s union president in Brevard County, Florida, explained to a Washington Post reporter.
Galvanizing supporters around supposed “parental rights” and “family values” is nothing new – similar rallying cries were adopted by those who opposed school desegregation during the civil rights movement and by the Moral Majority of the 1980s. These political slogans have been used repeatedly because they are effective, framing the organizing of far-right activists as something done solely out of real concern for children.
But Moms for Liberty activities make it clear that the group’s primary goals are to fuel right-wing hysteria and to make the world a less comfortable or safe place for certain students – primarily those who are Black, LGBTQ or who come from LGBTQ families. A Tennessee chapter of Moms for Liberty, for example, claimed that the state’s second-grade curriculum, which includes a book about Martin Luther King Jr. and another by Ruby Bridges, was “anti-White.” Their focused attack on critical race theory became a substitute for most things pertaining to Black history and culture.
Other chapters have attacked the book Gender Queer , a memoir about adolescence by a non-binary author, and others that explore sexuality and gender identity. The group has shown up alongside Proud Boys at multiple protests, including in Florida and Texas .
Far-right activists circulate lists of books they find objectionable on social media, spurring others to petition their own school board and libraries to ban books. The campaigns have become so charged and hate-filled that they have reportedly caused many librarians to leave their jobs , while others have been fired for refusing to take certain books off the shelves.

Extremists fall flat in the 2022 midterms, but election conspiracies persist
While there has been a recent groundswell of far-right on-the-ground organizing, the movement continues to fight in the electoral arena. In the 2022 midterms, the SPLC Action Fund tracked 99 candidates with apparent ties to extremist groups, or who expressed sympathy toward their messages, running for public office. These candidates embraced ideologies including antigovernment extremism, antisemitic and QAnon beliefs, and anti-LGBTQ and anti-immigrant posturing.
Most extremist candidates lost their bids, including longtime militia leader Ammon Bundy in his run for governor of Idaho. U.S. House candidate Neil Kumar of Arkansas ran and lost on a ticket to “Stop the Great Replacement” and “end ‘birthright citizenship,’” the clause under the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution guaranteeing citizenship to anyone born on U.S. soil. Kumar’s platform mirrors other hate groups’ efforts to abolish birthright citizenship as part of their anti-immigrant agenda.
However, a cluster of incumbents in mostly safe districts retained their seats. In all, 23 of the 99 extremist-tied candidates tracked by the SPLC Action Fund won their election, including incumbent Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene, Paul Gosar and Lauren Boebert.
The election was marred by inflammatory and racist rhetoric, including from a new outfit called America First Legal that is connected to former Trump adviser Stephen Miller. In the run-up to the midterm, AFL spent millions on an inflammatory ad campaign calling for an end to “anti-white bigotry.” The ads, which appeared on TV and the radio in such states as Georgia and Florida, accused the Biden administration, as well as “progressive” corporations, airlines, and universities, of being anti-white and engaging in “left-wing racism.”
Trump’s own conduct in the aftermath of the 2020 election has provided a roadmap for other anti-democracy candidates. Kari Lake, an Arizona gubernational candidate whose campaign was powered by anti-immigrant and anti-LGBTQ rhetoric as well as 2020 election conspiracy theories, refused to concede to winner Katie Hobbs and has filed a lawsuit against her former opponent and Maricopa County to overturn the results. Laura Loomer, a self-described “proud Islamophobe” who ran for the U.S. House in Florida, also refused to concede after losing her primary, citing alleged voter fraud.

The great replacement conspiracy unites the hard right and fuels violence
Racist and conspiratorial beliefs continue to inspire violence from the far right, particularly affecting Black communities.
On May 14, 2022, a gunman killed 10 Black people at a Tops Supermarket in Buffalo, New York. The alleged shooter left behind a digital footprint of sprawling propaganda materials showing the attack was in response to a supposed “great replacement” happening in the United States. The term refers to a racist conspiracy narrative falsely asserting that there is an active, covert effort to replace white populations in current white-majority countries. The conspiracy is antisemitic, anti-immigrant and anti-Black. According to its proponents, Jewish people are behind the anti-white scheme; immigrants are invading majority-white countries and outpacing white birth rates; and Black people are eroding white demographic power through racial intermarriage, affirmative-action policies they claim provide Black people an unfair advantage, and a campaign of violence targeted specifically at white people. This latter myth, in particular, was cited in the manifesto of the man who murdered nine Black congregants in a Charleston, South Carolina, church in 2015. The great replacement has animated many other white nationalists and extremists, inspiring additional terroristic mass shootings in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; El Paso, Texas; and Christchurch, New Zealand, among others.
Once a fringe conspiracy, the great replacement myth has permeated the mainstream with the help of such figures as Fox News’ Tucker Carlson, whose show consistently ranks among the most-watched cable news programs in the country . “The great replacement. Yeah. It’s not a conspiracy theory. It’s their electoral strategy,” Calson said, referring to Democrats during a July 2022 episode of his show. After the Buffalo shooting, the white nationalist blogsite VDARE celebrated “the heroic Tucker Carlson” for having “noticed the Great Replacement.”
The great replacement narrative has permeated the right: A nationwide poll conducted by SPLC and Tulchin Research in early 2022 found that nearly seven in 10 Republicans agree to at least some extent that demographic changes in the U.S. are deliberately driven by liberal and progressive politicians attempting to gain political power by “replacing more conservative white voters.”
Some elected officials doubled down on their racist claims in the aftermath of the Buffalo shooting. Two days after the attack, Elise Stefanik, the third-ranking GOP member in the U.S. House, posted a version of replacement theory on Twitter. “Democrats desperately want wide open borders and mass amnesty for illegals allowing them to vote,” she tweeted. “Like the vast majority of Americans, Republicans want to secure our borders and protect election integrity.” After receiving criticism, Stefanik reiterated her claims, telling right-wing commentator Ben Shapiro, “There’s nothing racist about opposing mass amnesty.”
Stefanik was not the only one. In April 2022, U.S. Rep. Michael Cloud, R-Texas, tweeted his disapproval of efforts to revoke Trump’s Title 42 immigration policy, saying Biden’s administration is “complicit in this continued invasion.” In November 2022, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott even invoked an “invasion clause” in response to migrants appearing at the Texas border.
The anti-immigrant hate group Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR) gave cover to those pushing invasion rhetoric. In a November 2022 fundraising email, FAIR’s longtime president Dan Stein wrote, “We can’t allow the invasion of our borders to destroy our communities.”
The immigration advocacy group America’s Voice tracked GOP ads in the 2022 election featuring xenophobic dog whistles from elected officials and electoral campaigns. America’s Voice documented over 300 campaign ads and materials featuring “invasion” and nearly 4,000 items on immigration in general, all targeting immigrant communities and reinforcing the great replacement conspiracy. The organization also tracked nearly 600 ads about critical race theory, over 400 on “defunding the police” and over 800 on crime as part of the political attack on the accurate teaching of history and efforts to portray Black people as criminals.
The SPLC reported on anti-Muslim hate group The United West teaming up with former acting Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) director Tom Homan on a project focused on fearmongering about the Southern border. “FOREIGN INVASION - NOW AT CATASTROPHIC LEVELS,” reads a December 2022 email sent by The United West’s Tom Trento on behalf of Homan’s project.
Looking forward
Though Trump still retains a hold on much of the political right, many extremists are ambivalent about his 2024 presidential campaign. White nationalists Nick Fuentes and Joseph Jordan (aka Eric Striker) called Trump’s announcement an “EPIC FAIL” and “pathetic.” The poor showing of Trump-backed candidates in the midterm elections also led some on the hard right to abandon the real estate mogul in favor of Florida governor and potential presidential hopeful Ron DeSantis. White nationalist columnist Ann Coulter – once a staunch supporter of Trump – called the midterm a “a humiliating defeat” for him and noted the strong showings of DeSantis and Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp – “the two Republicans Donald Trump hates with the hot, hot hate of a thousand suns.”
The future of Trump’s movement remains somewhat uncertain. While Trump has yet to face criminal charges, many insurrectionists have been charged and convicted for crimes related to their participation in the riot. The price has been especially high for the Oath Keepers and other members of the militia movement. In November, two members of the Oath Keepers, including founder Stewart Rhodes, were found guilty of seditious conspiracy and others were still facing charges at years end.
The attention brought by the insurrection has done severe damage to the militia movement, driving away members who no longer want to be associated with the day’s violence and immobilizing the leader, Stewart Rhodes. Over the past three years, the number of active Oath Keepers chapters has drastically declined and left the organization’s future existence in serious question.
The criminal charges brought against other groups have been less impactful. While members of the Proud Boys also face charges of seditious conspiracy, the group, overall, has continued to grow. In fact, members have embraced their identity as insurrectionists and turned “Proud Boys did nothing wrong” into a political slogan and a meme shared in “alt-tech” social media spaces during the Jan. 6 Congressional hearings. Their numbers have grown dramatically since 2020, reaching 78 chapters in 2022, as the group continues to organize and hold local protests throughout the country.
The continued growth of such groups as the Proud Boys, as well as the continued violence emanating from and encouraged by the right, make it clear that the racist, authoritarian politics Trump ushered in will not dissipate in his absence. Even if Trump’s continued political aspirations fall flat, there will be plenty of others – influencers, think tanks, hard-right activists, media figures, and politicians – who are ready and able to pick up the torch.
The movement for civil and human rights must be prepared for a new string of hard-right activists. In order to interrupt, neutralize and effectively counter the hard-right hate and antigovernment extremist movement in the U.S., the strategies and tactics of such actors must be exposed for their falsity, manipulation and the harm they cause in people’s daily lives. Organizing to prevent the roll-back of civil and human rights is more effective when armed with the knowledge of how these movements operate and attempt to divide communities.

By Aaron Flanagan
In early 2020, the Southern Poverty Law Center and the Polarization and Extremism Research and Innovation Laboratory (PERIL) at American University formed a strategic partnership to pilot innovative models and resources that help educate, equip and empower communities to address youth radicalization toward extremism and violence. Our work began with listening to impacted community members to identify pressing problems. We then designed resources that are tested for safety and effectiveness and continually refined based on our findings. In spring 2020, we released Building Resilience & Confronting Risk in the COVID-19 Era: A Parents & Caregivers Guide to Online Radicalization and subsequently revised this resource for use beyond that era. In November 2022, we released a new resource, the first edition of our Building Networks & Addressing Harm: A Community Guide to Online Youth Radicalization .
The best way to prevent radicalization is to address its root causes, far upstream from potential harms. As we detail in our new guide, it is imperative to “inoculate” young people against radicalizing individuals and material before they ever encounter them. That requires a whole-of-community effort, encompassing the trusted adults who make up a young person’s support network. Such adults are, therefore, at the forefront of building community resilience and preventing harms stemming from radicalization.
Our new Building Networks guide aims to expand on its companion, our guide for Parents & Caregivers and accompanying resources. This new guide is designed to help equip, educate and empower broader networks of trusted adults, offering knowledge and insights about how to identify and effectively intervene when a young person is becoming radicalized, to help young people build resilience against radicalization and to help those targeted and harmed feel safe and included. In December, we asked our partners at PERIL to reflect on the urgent need to release this new resource.
SPLC: Why was producing the Building Networks & Reducing Harms guide important? How were stakeholder groups selected and what are their needs discovered through testing? How does this resource aim to meet those needs and better support these stakeholder groups included in the guide?
Pasha Dashtgard, Director of Research (PERIL) : The Building Networks and Reducing Harms guide builds on our prior guide for parents and caregivers. It is part of our longer-term effort to equip all adults across local communities with the tools to recognize youth exposure to online harms and feel empowered to intervene. The oft-repeated adage, “It takes a village,” is true in this case; we need to equip all the adults in youth’s lives — their coaches, employers, mentors, extracurricular leaders and more — with the knowledge and skills to step in and prevent harm.
SPLC: In 2020, our partnerships released the guide specifically for Parents & Caregivers to help them safely intervene to prevent harms related to extremism and radicalization. The new guide addresses numerous overlapping audiences: How does our new “Building Networks” guide complement the previous guide and what are some key differences between the two?
Pasha Dashtgard, Director of Research (PERIL) : The original Parents & Caregivers Guide was always intended to address the needs of noncustodial caregivers as well as parents and caregivers who live with young people. However, much of the original guide provided information and strategies that benefit from close, personal contact with the youth susceptible to radicalization.

The new Building Networks guide takes these same principles of connecting deeply with youth, listening to understand who is influencing them and what about the radicalizing rhetoric is appealing to them. But the new guide also takes into account the distinct roles and varying relationships that people who live outside of the home have in the lives of young people. A coach or an after-school caregiver can be a safer, more trusted adult in the life of a child who is grappling with exposure to hate-fueled ideologies. So, while both guides provide trusted adults with the specific knowledge, background information and skills necessary to intervene in the life of a young person at risk of radicalization, we modify these strategies in the Building Networks guide for the particular role/relationship of an extended network of trusted adults, such as school mental health counselors, tutors, grandparents and other youth mentors, with the recommended strategies varying by level of proximity to the youth.
SPLC: In Building Networks , we note that trusted adults who understand their roles within young people’s “networks of care” can more effectively help prevent harms related to radicalization. We also note the important role they can play supporting those who have been targeted or harmed by hate and bigotry.
Pasha Dashtgard, Director of Research (PERIL): This guide invites community members to reflect critically on the role(s) they play in the lives of young people. Beyond your role as a parent or caregiver, are you a mentor to a young person? Do you have youth in your life that look up to you or treat you as an authority figure? If so, how can you leverage your role in their life in order to help protect them from radicalization to extremist ideologies? The answer to that question is not obvious or often considered, but this is exactly what the Building Networks guide prepares adults to reflect on. How can we help young people resist propaganda aimed at convincing them to hate Jews, feminists and people of color? How can we help young people build media literacy such that they can recognize when someone is embedding racist, sexist, hateful ideas into seemingly benign jokes, memes or forum posts? By giving trusted adults the skills and knowledge to engage in conversation with youth on difficult, politically/socially fraught topics, we can build communities that support adults in deploying preventative, non-carceral approaches to countering extremist recruitment strategies targeting youth and adolescents.
SPLC: The problem of youth radicalization is complex, but our partnership has captured evidence that trusted adults can intervene safely and effectively. If they are educated and equipped with the right resources, our studies together show they will be better empowered to intervene proactively. And together this year we will launch a community engagement effort to design and test solutions at community level. Can you discuss some of our partnership’s findings, this upcoming effort and why they give you hope?
Pasha Dashtgard, Director of Research (PERIL) : Some of the most exciting findings consistently demonstrate it is truly possible to equip local communities with the tools to prevent hate and violence. We have demonstrated that it takes only seven minutes of reading, on average, for parents and caregivers to improve their knowledge about harmful online content, supremacist propaganda and other hateful conspiracy theories and to feel more confident about intervening when they recognize warning signs in a young person they know. We have shown that it is possible to bridge partisan divides and bring people together around shared concerns about harmful online worlds and rising hate and violence. And we have shown that equipping everyone in the lives of young people with these tools – from parents and relatives to youth mentors, coaches and teachers – has the potential to help build social cohesion and create understanding and responsiveness to rising hate that can bring communities together rather than further polarizing them.
Importantly, the content found in our Parents & Caregivers Guide was well received by both Democrats and Republicans, and parents who identify as male or female. The information and strategies contained in the Building Networks guide are not intended to speak to only one group or type of person. We have developed resources that speak to trusted adults across the political and social spectrum.
By providing trusted adults with strategies and approaches to difficult conversations, information about propaganda techniques and resources that trusted adults can refer to if they suspect a child is susceptible to radicalization to hateful ideologies, we can empirically see a rise in confidence and willingness to engage young people on these difficult topics.
Now it is time for us to scale up these resources and make sure that every community across the country has access to them – because everyone deserves access to strategies that we know work to prevent violence, hate and harm.
Editor's note: Unfortunately, our ability to represent the full range of respondents' gender identities and social/family roles is limited by online survey recruitment platforms. Future research should focus on any differences in caregivers gender identity and their reception of the project’s tools.

The Year in Hate & Extremism 2022
We tracked 1,225 hate and extremist groups in 2022. Hate has no place in our country. Add your name to help us fight hate.
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Multilateral peace operations in 2022: Developments and trends

To mark the International Day of United Nations Peacekeepers, SIPRI is releasing new data on multilateral peace operations in 2022. This topical backgrounder summarizes the key findings from the new data along with important developments related to multilateral peace operations during the year.
In 2022, 64 multilateral peace operations were conducted in 38 countries/territories around the world. This was more operations than were conducted in any year during the past decade (see figure 1). As in previous years, the UN led the largest number of multilateral peace operations, at 20. Another 38 operations were conducted by different regional organizations and alliances. The other six were conducted by ad hoc coalitions of states. Of the 64 operations, 24 were located in sub-Saharan Africa, 18 in Europe, 14 in the Middle East and North Africa, 5 in Asia and 3 in the Americas.
The number of international personnel deployed to multilateral peace operations around the world increased by 2.79 per cent during 2022, reaching 114 984 by 31 December (see figure 2). The biggest year-on-year changes in personnel numbers were an increase of 3771 (4.2 per cent) in sub-Saharan Africa and a decrease of 541 (–6.7 per cent) in Europe (see figure 3).
New operations were launched in Kazakhstan, Somalia, Guinea-Bissau, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Ethiopia. The operation in Kazakhstan terminated less than two weeks after its deployment, while the operation in Somalia was essentially a reconfiguration of an existing operation with a new name and mandate. Operations also closed in Ukraine and the Philippines.
Three interconnected developments that were evident in 2022 are likely to influence multilateral peace operations in the coming years: the intensification of geopolitical rivalries between Russia and the West; the deterioration in relations between some operations and their host countries; and a trend towards peace operations being mounted by regional organizations. These are continuations of trends identified earlier, but during 2022 they were intensified by a combination of events, including geopolitical tensions heightened by the war in Ukraine.
New operations in Kazakhstan, Somalia, Guinea-Bissau, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Ethiopia
Five new peace operations were established in 2022, which together deployed roughly 26 000 personnel (see figure 4 for the largest operations by international personnel deployments).
The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) Collective Peacekeeping Forces to Kazakhstan operation was established on 6 January 2022 to guard strategic infrastructure and assist law enforcement after demonstrations driven by rising fuel prices escalated into mass protests. Claiming that international terrorist groups had hijacked the protests, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev requested the deployment of CSTO troops. The operation was officially terminated on 19 January 2022, after Tokayev announced that it had completed its mission.
On 1 April 2022 the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) was officially reconfigured as the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS), with a mandate that includes supporting the national government in the fight against al-Shabab, developing national capacity and supporting the peace process. Both the mandate and the authorized deployments of ATMIS have changed little from its predecessor; the key difference is the inclusion of a transition plan that envisages a four-phased transfer of security responsibilities to the Somali government. Many of the issues that challenged AMISOM remain a concern under ATMIS, including the ongoing al-Shabab insurgency, power struggles among Somali political elites and funding shortfalls.
The Stabilisation Support Mission in Guinea Bissau (SSMGB) was established by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on 3 February 2022, following a coup attempt against Guinea-Bissau President Umaro Sissoco Embaló. Deployment of the peace operation began in April 2022.
The East African Community (EAC) established the EAC Regional Force in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (EACRF-DRC) on 20 June 2022. This came in response to the deteriorating situation in the east of the country, where the Congolese armed forces have been fighting a resurgence of March 23 Movement (Mouvement du 23 mars, M23) rebels. M23, which had been dormant for almost a decade, reappeared well armed and equipped in November 2021 and made significant territorial gains in 2022.
The draft concept of operations for the EACRF-DRC is brief and vague in terms of mandate, stating that the joint force should conduct operations to defeat non-state armed groups and support the ‘maintenance of order’ in the DRC, delivery of humanitarian relief to affected populations and demobilization. By the end of the year, Burundi and Kenya had deployed personnel to the operation (see figures 5 and 6 on troop contributions to multilateral peace operations).
The African Union launched the Monitoring, Verification and Compliance Mission (AU-MVCM) in Mekelle, in the Tigray region of Ethiopia, on 29 December 2022. The establishment of the operation was agreed between the government of Ethiopia and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front in their Permanent Cessation of Hostilities Agreement . Political tensions in Tigray spilled over into armed conflict in November 2020 and escalated into a civil war in the months that followed. The monitoring and verification team aims to ensure that the peace agreement is implemented and to prevent ceasefire violations.
Operations close in Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Somalia and the Philippines
Four multilateral peace operations closed in 2022: in Kazakhstan (discussed above), Ukraine, Somalia and the Philippines. At the time of their closure, they deployed a total of roughly 24 000 personnel; however, most of these personnel were with AMISOM and were transferred to ATMIS.
The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM) officially ended on 31 March 2022, following Russia’s refusal to join the consensus on extending the SMM’s mandate for another year. The peace operation’s closure was a direct consequence of the war in Ukraine; Russia cited the altered security situation in the country in its decision. The operation, which had been active since 2014, was mandated to observe and report on the security situation in Ukraine and to facilitate dialogue among parties to the conflict in the east of the country. At the time of its closure, the SMM was the largest unarmed civilian multilateral peace operation, with 809 international personnel deployed.
AMISOM, which was replaced by the reconfigured operation ATMIS, had been established in 2007 with a mandate to support a national reconciliation congress and to help create the security conditions for humanitarian assistance. Over time, and with a deteriorating security situation on the ground, AMISOM’s mandate evolved to include reducing the threat posed by the al-Shabab insurgency, supporting the Somali security forces and protecting the political process. Formal discussions about ending AMISOM started in early 2021, when both UN and AU assessments recommended its reconfiguration. From 2015 until its replacement, AMISOM was the largest active multilateral peace operation in terms of personnel deployments—a position that ATMIS assumed in 2022 after inheriting AMISOM’s personnel.
On 30 June 2022 the International Monitoring Team (IMT) ended almost two decades of monitoring activities on Mindanao island in the Philippines. Launched in 2004, the operation had the objective of monitoring the implementation of a 2003 ceasefire agreement between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), one of the largest rebel groups in the region. In March 2022 Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte stated that the IMT’s mandate would no longer be extended, although MILF was still in the process of gradual disarmament .
Geopolitical rivalries impact multilateral peace operations
Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 and the ensuing war exacerbated already tense geopolitical relations, particularly between Western countries and Russia. These tensions impacted peace operations in several ways. Most obviously, the war led to the closure of the OSCE’s Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine. They also complicated dynamics within the UN Security Council, although all UN peace operation mandates were renewed.
A major source of difficulty was the activities of the Wagner Group, a Russian private military company closely tied to the Russian government and implicated in human rights abuses in several countries. In 2022 Wagner was operating in the Central African Republic (CAR) and Mali, where UN peacekeeping operations were also deployed. In the case of CAR, there were disagreements over references in the mandate of the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) to ‘all parties to the conflict’, which would in theory include the Central African Armed Forces and the Wagner Group, in addition to local armed groups, among perpetrators of human rights abuses.
Moreover, Russia resisted the inclusion of language condemning ‘the use of mercenaries and violations of international humanitarian law and human rights abuses perpetrated by them’—an implicit, but clear, reference to the Wagner Group—in the resolutions renewing the mandates of the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali ( MINUSMA ) and MINUSCA in 2022. Despite this, and Russia’s abstention in the votes, the language was retained and the resolutions adopted. The same language had appeared in the UN Security Council resolution renewing MINUSCA’s mandate in 2021.
Deteriorating relations between peace operations and host countries
Relations between some peace operations and host governments reached a new low in 2022. The problem was intensified by public demonstrations demanding the closure of UN peacekeeping operations in the DRC and Mali, which the demonstrators alleged had been ineffective. To some extent, host governments both inflamed and embraced these sentiments.
In eastern DRC , protests left dozens dead in July 2022, including four peacekeepers from the UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO), culminating in the operation’s intervention brigade opening fire at a border post and killing two civilians . The deterioration in relations resulted in the Congolese government expelling MONUSCO's spokesperson and discussing how to speed up the operation’s withdrawal.
In Mali, MINUSMA’s spokesperson was expelled for publishing what the government called ‘false information’ about the arrival of Ivorian troops to support the German contingent of the peacekeeping operation, who were arrested and accused of acting as mercenaries. Moreover, although the operation’s mandate was renewed for a further year, the Malian government opposed MINUSMA’s freedom of movement to investigate alleged human rights abuses—a core part of its mandate.
The activities of the Wagner Group were also a point of increasing tension between the governments of CAR and Mali and the UN peacekeeping operations in the two countries. In 2022, two force-contributing countries ( Germany and the United Kingdom ) announced they would gradually withdraw from MINUSMA due to the Wagner Group’s activities. Moreover, the European Union Training Mission in Mali suspended its training of the Malian armed forces and national guard in April 2022, citing concerns over ‘interference’ and alleged civilian killings by the Wagner Group.
The ‘regionalization’ of peace operations
All five new peace operations established in 2022 were deployed by regional organizations. Particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, regional organizations have launched operations to address crises that have either been neglected by the international community—the rationale for establishing the Southern African Development Community Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) in 2021—or for which the existing peace operation is considered locally to have an inadequate mandate—part of the explanation for launching the EACRF-DRC in 2022. These regional responses have a stronger focus on military action than on other aspects of peace operations, such as strengthening institutions and protection and promotion of human rights.
Prospects for peace operations
The combination of high geopolitical tensions, particularly around the war in Ukraine, with increasingly challenging relations between missions and their host governments makes the future of a number of peace operations uncertain. MINUSMA is one of them, especially after several countries decided to withdraw from the operation, which was largely due to the presence of the Wagner Group in Mali. A similar chain of events might well be seen in CAR.
It is unlikely that the SMM would have been able to continue operating in Ukraine even had a mandate extension been agreed. However, the termination of the mission following the lack of consensus on its renewal indicates that the format of the OSCE decision-making process might place the future of other OSCE field operations in jeopardy. In June 2022 the office of the OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Ukraine suffered the same fate as the SMM.
Within the UN Security Council, although all UN operations’ mandates were renewed in 2022, negotiations were more difficult and disagreements deeper. China and Russia did not use their veto powers but abstained in votes on several mandate renewals, including for MINUSCA and MINUSMA . It seems significant that CAR and Mali both refused to condemn the invasion of Ukraine in UN meetings in 2022 and that both countries hosted the Wagner Group.
The notion that peace operations have not properly addressed protracted conflict-related crises has permeated discussions between operations and their host governments and will probably continue to do so. Popular discontent with UN peace operations was used by both the CAR and Malian governments as part of the justification for deploying Wagner Group forces.
The combination of these factors might lead to future peace operation mandates with less priority given to human rights, good governance and democratization.
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Crystal Cove Conservancy reports $9.8 million raised through revenue and donor support in 2022

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The Crystal Cove Conservancy took in about $9.8 million in revenue in 2022, and nearly all of it was spent on educational programs, which saw over 10,000 students this year, according to the organization’s annual report released in May.
About $5.3 million came in through donor pledges and contributions while rental of the state park’s historic beach cottages generated roughly $1.5 million, and $1.9 million came from concessionaires, which include the Beachcomber and Shake Shack eateries and the park’s store. The rest came from memberships, special events and other investments.
According to the report, the conservancy broke close to even in 2022. Expenditures in the form of programs, administrative and fundraising expenses amounted to around $9.8 million, short by a little over $150.
About 94.8% of the conservancy’s budget goes toward providing educational programs for kids from kindergarten through 12th grade. It also provides an internship for undergraduate and graduate students, part of last year’s expansion of a new initiative meant for Black, Indigenous, people of color and first-generation college students.
Roughly 2.9 million visitors visited the park last year.
Work continues on the restoration of the North Beach cottages. Three have been fully restored while five remain under progress. Nine others remain untouched as of May.
Progress remains at roughly the same level as reported in 2021 , when five of the 17 cottages undergoing restoration were in “great shape,” according to officials.
Restoration is done in groups of four to five. According to a recent update, the project remains on track, with the first four groups now considered “substantially” complete. Work is beginning on another five cottages.
“Ultimately, historic restoration is not just about rebuilding a structure, it’s about rebuilding its story,” said Cindy Otto, Crystal Cove Conservancy’s director of donor relations, in a statement released in April regarding the status of the cottages.
“Throughout the restoration process, the conservancy has worked closely with state park historians digging deep into the historic archives and meeting with many of those who lived in the cottages,” Otto said. “The crew has been able to capture the character of each cottage during those summer tent camping heydays, and as each cottage is completed, with its original quirks preserved, one gets a sense of the joy and respite the cottages provided to the families who built them.”
The total cost of restoration is expected to be $55 million, with about $48 million of that secured. Otto said the hope is to receive the remaining $7 million through federal historical tax credits.
“Sometimes, I struggle to describe our work because parks have countless possibilities — countless ways for people to untether,” Crystal Cove Conservancy President and CEO Kate Wheeler said in a statement accompanying the report’s release. “The simple act of freeing yourself from the hustle and bustle of everyday life and allowing yourself to be swept away into a uniquely beautiful landscape. Parks are a fantastic universe in themselves.”
Wheeler acknowledged the stewardship of the Acjachemen and Tongva tribal nations, with which the Conservancy works in partnership.
“For over two decades, we’ve been dedicated to preserving Crystal Cove’s storied past to honor those who came before us, working to create a welcoming place that allows everyone who visits today to connect with the park, and providing educational opportunities that are cultivating the park people of tomorrow,” Wheeler said.
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New Report Highlights U.S. 2021 Gun-Related Deaths: For Second Straight Year, U.S. Firearm Fatalities Reached Record Highs
CDC data for 2021 firearm fatalities show Black people at greatest risk for gun homicide; guns remain leading cause of death for children and teens ages 1–19 and young adults under 25
A new report from the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions analyzing 2021 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data reveals another record year for firearm fatalities.
The 48,830 lives lost to firearms in 2021—the second year of the pandemic—is the highest number on record to date and 3,608 higher than 2020’s total. Both firearm homicides and suicides reached record highs. More than half of these deaths— 26,328— were due to suicide, up 2,036 over 2020 firearm suicides. The firearm suicide rate increased 8.3 percent in 2021, the highest one-year increase in four decades.
In 2021, Black people in the U.S. were nearly 14 times more likely to die by gun homicide than their white counterparts. Young Black males ages 15–34 were most at risk. They accounted for 36 percent of all gun homicides in 2021, but represent only two percent of the total U.S. population. In 2021, guns were responsible for 51 percent of all deaths of Black teens ages 15–19.
The Center, based at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, used CDC data that became publicly available this past January to analyze 2021 firearm fatalities across age, sex, race, and place. The report, U.S. Gun Violence in 2021: An Accounting of a Public Health Crisis , is thought to be the most comprehensive analysis of the CDC’s 2021 firearm data to date.
The report comes at a time of heightened concern about gun violence in the U.S. as mass shootings and other interpersonal gun violence, as well as firearm suicides, continue to occur across the country. The report also includes evidence-based policy recommendations aimed at curtailing firearm deaths.
The authors note that an estimated 9,500 fewer people would have been killed with guns in the U.S. in 2021 if the firearm homicide rate—the number of firearm homicides per 100,000— had remained where it was in 2014, when it reached a 40-year low.
“Our country is breaking records for all the wrong reasons—record gun sales combined with increasingly permissive gun laws are making gun violence a pervasive part of life in our country, leading to a sharp increase in gun deaths,” says Ari Davis, MPP, policy adviser at the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions and the report’s lead author. “Perhaps most troubling is these spikes in homicides and suicides are almost entirely connected to guns.”
In 2021, guns continued to be the leading cause of death for children and teens ages 1–19 as well as young adults under the age of 25. Young people ages 15–34 had a gun homicide rate twice the national average, accounting for three out of every five homicide deaths. This was driven by the high rate of firearm fatalities among Black people in these age groups.
For gun suicides in 2021, white males were most at risk, accounting for 70 percent of all firearm suicide deaths, while making up 29 percent of the population. People 75 and older were at the highest risk for gun suicide with a rate twice the national average.
For their report, the researchers analyzed 2021 firearm fatality data collected by the CDC’s Wide-ranging Online Data for Epidemiologic Research (WONDER) database, considered to be the most reliable national source of gun death data available in the U.S. The data, based on death certificates, reflect the primary cause of death.
In addition to year-over-year analyses, the report examined CDC firearm data from 2019 to 2021. In the first two years of the pandemic, guns alone were responsible for driving suicide and homicide rates in the U.S. From 2019 to 2021, the gun homicide rate increased by 45 percent, while the non-gun homicide rate increased by 7 percent. Black and Hispanic/Latino people experienced the largest relative increases in gun homicide rates from 2019 to 2021—up 49 percent and 44 percent respectively.
From 2019 to 2021, the gun suicide rate increased 10 percent, while the non-gun suicide rate decreased by eight percent. American Indian/Alaska Native people experienced the largest relative increases in gun suicide rates from 2019 to 2021, up 55 percent. The next highest increase was among Black people. From 2019 to 2021, the suicide rate among Black people increased 38 percent from 2019.
The report emphasizes that effective gun violence prevention laws can help reduce gun violence. In state-to-state comparisons, the authors found that the highest gun-related death rates tended to be in states with weaker gun laws and higher rates of gun ownership, while gun-related death rates were lower where gun violence prevention laws are stronger. For example, in 2021 a person living in Mississippi was 10 times more likely to die by gun violence than someone living in Massachusetts.
The report recommends evidence-based policies to address gun violence including:
- Implementing permit-to-purchase laws, also known as gun purchaser licensing.
- Using Domestic Violence Protection Orders and Extreme Risk Protection Orders—sometimes called “red flag” laws—to temporarily remove firearms from individuals determined to be at elevated risk for violence.
- Investing in community violence intervention programs.
- Adopting child access prevention laws mandating safe firearm storage in households with children and/or teens.
- Enacting stronger concealed carry permitting laws; and repealing “stand-your-ground” laws.
“Each life lost to gun violence represents a family torn apart, a community suffering,” says Cassandra Crifasi, PhD, co-director of the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions and a report co-author. “The data are clear that states with stronger gun violence prevention laws have lower rates of gun violence. Passage of evidence-based solutions would help end the needless suffering happening in all corners of our country.”
“ U.S. Gun Violence in 2021: An Accounting of a Public Health Crisis ” was written by Ari Davis, Rose Kim, and Cassandra Crifasi, with contributions from Lisa Geller, Silvia Villarreal, and Tim Carey.
Media contacts: Barbara Benham [email protected] and Kristine Henry [email protected]
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The Ratings Game
Firefly ai sends adobe’s stock to highest price in more than a year, wallace witkowski, analyst upgrades software company’s shares ahead of earnings next week, calling ai effort ‘a much needed next act for adobe’, adobe is scheduled to report earnings after the bell june 15..
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Adobe Inc. shares closed at their highest price in more than a year Friday, after an analyst upgraded the stock ahead of earnings on optimism for the software company’s Firefly artificial-intelligence product.
Shares of Adobe ADBE, +3.41% rallied as much as 6% to an intraday high of $466.59 Friday, and finished the trading session up 3.4% at $454, their highest close since April 5, 2022, when shares ended the day at $458.58.
On Thursday, Adobe announced it planned to monetize its Firefly content-creation “co-pilot” by launching the business-scale Firefly for Enterprise sometime in the second half of 2023. In response, Wells Fargo analyst Michael Turrin upgraded Adobe’s stock on Friday and said he is “more confident [generative] AI is a tailwind to Adobe as we expect much of the early value to accrue to established platforms & see potential for further breakout as products are monetized.”
With Firefly, Adobe joined the likes of Microsoft Corp. MSFT, +0.47% , which has invested billions in OpenAI’s ChatGPT; Alphabet Inc.’s GOOG, +0.16% GOOGL, +0.07% generative-AI product Bard and Google Cloud enterprise offerings ; Meta Platforms Inc.’s META, +0.14% eponymous Meta AI; Nvidia Corp.’s NVDA, +0.68% own Nvidia AI; and Amazon.com Inc.’s AMZN, -0.66% free machine-learning tools for users.
Firefly “presents a much needed next act for Adobe” and is a natural extension of the company’s entrenched position within digital media, Turrin said. He upgraded the stock to an overweight rating from equal-weight and hiked his price target to $525 from $420.
Other analysts also checked in before Adobe’s fiscal second-quarter earnings report, which is scheduled for June 15. In its previous report, Adobe hiked its outlook , and executives showed they were prepared to fight for the company’s $20 billion acquisition of interactive-design platform Figma , which is expected to close by the end of the year.
TD Cowen analyst Derrick Wood, who has an outperform rating and raised his price target to $500 from $415, said his surveys show stability in digital media end markets, which he finds encouraging coming off a strong first quarter.
“We expect a solid beat & modest raise, and a very upbeat tone around the innovation in monetizable GenAI that is being unleashed to the market,” Wood said.
Citi Research analyst Tyler Radke, who has a neutral rating and hiked his price target to $462 from $365, warned, however, that Adobe’s upside might be limited.
While Radke said he was “incrementally positive” heading into earnings, he noted that he “would like to see more signs of sustainable strength in core [digital media] trends amidst Adobe lapping price tailwinds, ongoing Figma M&A overhang, and more confidence that Adobe’s incremental monetization of GenAI can offset increased competition.”
Of the 36 analysts who cover Adobe, 20 have buy-grade ratings and 16 have hold ratings, with an average price target of $435.66. The stock has not carried a sell-grade rating since it held one briefly in August 2021, according to FactSet data.
Adobe shares are up 34.9% year to date, while the tech-heavy Nasdaq Composite Index COMP, +0.16% is up 26.7%, the S&P 500 SPX, +0.11% has advanced 12% and the iShares Expanded Tech-Software Sector exchange-traded fund IGV, +0.91% has grown 29.1%.
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About the Author

Wallace Witkowski came to MarketWatch from the Associated Press in New York, where he covered the business of Big Pharma, after covering FDA regulation of many of the same companies, as well as medical devices, in the Washington, D.C., area. Based in San Francisco, his current focus is on the more exciting world of semiconductors, videogames and cybersecurity, when he's not churning out earnings coverage. Follow him on Twitter at: @wmwitkowski.
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US births in 2022 didn’t return to pre-pandemic levels
NEW YORK (AP) — U.S. births were flat last year, as the nation saw fewer babies born than it did before the pandemic, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported Thursday.
Births to moms 35 and older continued to rise, with the highest rates in that age group since the 1960s. But those gains were offset by record-low birth rates to moms in their teens and early 20s, the CDC found. Its report is based on a review of more than 99% of birth certificates issued last year.
A little under 3.7 million babies were born in the U.S. last year, about 3,000 fewer than the year before. Because the numbers are provisional and the change was small, officials consider births to have been “kind of level from the previous year,” said the CDC’s Brady Hamilton, the lead author of the report.
U.S. births were declining for more than a decade before COVID-19 hit, then dropped a whopping 4% from 2019 to 2020 . They ticked up about 1% in 2021 , an increase experts attributed to pregnancies that couples had put off amid the early days of the pandemic.
More findings from the report:
— The highest birth rates continue to be see in women in their early 30s. The number of births for women that age was basically unchanged from the year before. Births were down slightly for women in their late 20s, who have the second-highest birth rate.
— Births to Hispanic moms rose 6% last year and surpassed 25% of the U.S. total. Births to white moms fell 3%, but still accounted for 50% of births. Births to Black moms fell 1%, and were 14% of the total.
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— The cesarean section birth rate rose slightly, to 32.2% of births. That’s the highest it’s been since 2014. Some experts worry that C-sections are done more often than medically necessary.
— The U.S. was once among only a few developed countries with a fertility rate that ensured each generation had enough children to replace itself — about 2.1 kids per woman. But it’s been sliding, and in 2020 dropped to about 1.6, the lowest rate on record. It rose slightly in 2021, to nearly 1.7, and stayed there last year.
More complete and detailed 2022 numbers are expected later this year. That data should offer a better understanding of what happened in individual states and among different racial and ethnic groups, Hamilton said.
It also may show whether births were affected by the U.S. Supreme Court decision last June overturning Roe v. Wade, which allowed states to ban or restrict abortion . Experts estimate that nearly half of pregnancies are unintended, so limits to abortion access could affect the number of births.
If such restrictions are having an affect on births, it didn’t show up in the national data released Thursday.
It’s possible the abortion restrictions will lead to higher births rates in 2023 — more likely among younger women than older moms, said Ushma Upadhyay, a reproductive health researcher at the University of California, San Francisco. But even if there is a rise, it may not bring the nation back to pre-pandemic birth levels, given other trends, she added.
“I don’t know if we’ll ever get back there,” she said.
The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Science and Educational Media Group. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

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Year in Search 2022: Indonesia Yolanda Sastra / February 2023 365 days. Billions of searches. And three consumer trends that will shape your life and year ahead. The Year in Search 2022 report uncovers what lies beneath our collective consciousness and how it moves us all to act.
Explore the searches that shaped 2022, from Google Trends. #yearinsearch
Year in Search 2022. Every day, millions across the world turn to the search bar with their curiosities and concerns. By looking at the top searches, we get valuable insight into what people care about. The annual Year in Search report consolidates the latest consumer trends in APAC, helping you look back to move your marketing forward.
Daftar Year in Search 2022 ini tidak disusun berdasarkan tingkat popularitas penelusuran. Bangsa yang penuh dengan orang-orang tangguh untuk terus maju dan bangkit Setelah dua tahun penuh ketidakpastian, masyarakat Indonesia muncul kembali dengan lebih kuat, berdaya, dan terus mencari cara untuk menjadi versi yang lebih baik dari sebelumnya.
In 2022, as the world reemerged, people searched for new ideas, new possibilities, and new ways forward. Discover local searches See what people near you were searching to do, listen to, eat, and more this year. Explore the Trends lists See the top trending foods, games, music, and more for 2022.
Daftar "Year in Search" 2022 tidak disusun berdasarkan tingkat popularitas penelusuran saja, namun dihitung dalam jumlah akhir pencarian topik-topik terkait secara berkala dan terus mengalami peningkatan yang berkelanjutan. Halaman: 1 2 3 selanjutnya Sumber: ANTARA
YouTube users in Indonesia in 2022. Updates to Google's advertising resources indicate that YouTube had 139.0 million users in Indonesia in early 2022.. This figure means that YouTube's 2022 ad reach was equivalent to 50.0 percent of Indonesia's total population at the start of the year.. To put those figures in perspective, YouTube ads reached 67.9 percent of Indonesia's total ...
See all the data from your selected year. View All. Latest updates. Indonesia Funding Update - 2023. 01-Jun-23. Indonesia factsheet. February 2023. Indonesia Funding Update - 2022. 28-Feb-23. Indonesia: Statistical report. December 2022. Indonesia factsheet ... UNHCR Refugee Data Finder for years until 2022, UNHCR planning figures (COMPASS ...
KOMPAS.com - Google telah meluncurkan Google Year in Search 2022. Google Year in Search 2022 adalah rangkuman pencarian dan kata kunci teratas selama tahun 2022. Daftar ini menampilkan film teratas, acara olahraga, acara berita, orang, resep, hewan peliharaan, dan banyak lagi yang ditelusuri di seluruh dunia pada 2022.
Monday, February 21, 2022 ... "Orang Indonesia membuka Google Search untuk mencari ide dan inspirasi, tetapi juga untuk memahami perubahan dan tantangan yang dihadirkan oleh pandemi. ... Hal ini juga sejalan dengan Laporan Google melalui Year In Search 2021 yang memaparkan bahwa ada lonjakan signifikan pada pertumbuhan tren mobil listrik ...
Explore the searches that shaped 2020, from Google Trends. #yearinsearch
Google just recently released Google Year in Search 2021 Indonesia which explores marketing trends in Indonesia by looking at the top keywords Indonesians searched throughout 2021.. Divided into five main categories, the report starts with the first category titled "Digital Mainstreamed". Google concluded that 2021 showed the staying power of digital.
In advanced economies, growth is set to decelerate from 2.6% in 2022 to 0.7% this year and remain weak in 2024, the report says. After growing 1.1% in 2023, the U.S. economy is set to decelerate to 0.8% in 2024, mainly because of the lingering impact of the sharp rise in interest rates over the past year and a half.
The UNODC Global Report on Trafficking in Persons has been published since 2009. Mandated by the UN General Assembly to inform an effective response to this crime and place it within the context of the UN Sustainable Development Agenda, the Report draws upon the largest existing dataset on trafficking in persons, with information on the more than 450,000 victims and 300,000 (suspected ...
This year's edition of the World Energy Investment provides a full update on the investment picture in 2022 and an initial reading of the emerging picture for 2023. The report provides a global benchmark for tracking capital flows in the energy sector and examines how investors are assessing risks and opportunities across all areas of fuel ...
BILBAO, May 23, 2023 — Revenues from carbon taxes and Emissions Trading Systems (ETS) have reached a record high, about $95 billion, finds the World Bank's annual "State and Trends of Carbon Pricing" report released today. This is despite the challenging context for governments facing high inflation, fiscal pressures, and energy crises.
During Fiscal Year 2022 (FY 2022) - from October 1, 2021, through September 30, 2022 -the NIST Information Technology Laboratory (ITL) Cybersecurity and Privacy
WHO has published a global TB report every year since 1997. The main aim of the report is to provide a comprehensive and up-to-date assessment of the TB epidemic, and of progress in prevention, diagnosis and treatment of the disease at global, regional and country levels. This report is updated annually.
The 2022 edition of The Year in Hate and Extremism further uncovers threats to our diverse nation and our daily lives. SPLC will continue to support impacted and vulnerable communities, working in common cause with diverse allies, grassroots activists, policymakers and the media. Together, we can counter extremism and protect our democracy.
From 2015 until its replacement, AMISOM was the largest active multilateral peace operation in terms of personnel deployments—a position that ATMIS assumed in 2022 after inheriting AMISOM's personnel. On 30 June 2022 the International Monitoring Team (IMT) ended almost two decades of monitoring activities on Mindanao island in the Philippines.
The support arm for Crystal Cove State Park released its annual report for 2022 in mid-May. Its popular beach cottage rentals brought in $1.5 million last year.
A new report from the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions analyzing 2021 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data reveals another record year for firearm fatalities. The 48,830 lives lost to firearms in 2021—the second year of the pandemic—is the highest number on record to date and 3,608 higher than 2020's total.
Shares of Adobe ADBE, +3.41% rallied as much as 6% to an intraday high of $466.59 Friday, and finished the trading session up 3.4% at $454, their highest close since April 5, 2022, when shares ...
U.S. births were flat last year, as the nation continues to see fewer babies born than it did before the pandemic. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on Thursday released provisional birth data for last year. A little under 3.7 million babies were born in the U.S. last year, about 3,000 fewer than the year before. Births to moms 35 and older continued to rise, with the highest ...