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• What Is Ethnography? | Definition, Guide & Examples

What Is Ethnography? | Definition, Guide & Examples

Published on March 13, 2020 by Jack Caulfield . Revised on June 22, 2023.

Ethnography is a type of qualitative research that involves immersing yourself in a particular community or organization to observe their behavior and interactions up close. The word “ethnography” also refers to the written report of the research that the ethnographer produces afterwards.

Ethnography is a flexible research method that allows you to gain a deep understanding of a group’s shared culture, conventions, and social dynamics. However, it also involves some practical and ethical challenges.

Table of contents

What is ethnography used for, different approaches to ethnographic research, gaining access to a community, working with informants, observing the group and taking field notes, writing up an ethnography, other interesting articles.

Ethnographic research originated in the field of anthropology, and it often involved an anthropologist living with an isolated tribal community for an extended period of time in order to understand their culture.

This type of research could sometimes last for years. For example, Colin M. Turnbull lived with the Mbuti people for three years in order to write the classic ethnography The Forest People .

Today, ethnography is a common approach in various social science fields, not just anthropology. It is used not only to study distant or unfamiliar cultures, but also to study specific communities within the researcher’s own society.

For example, ethnographic research (sometimes called participant observation ) has been used to investigate  football fans , call center workers , and police officers .

Advantages of ethnography

The main advantage of ethnography is that it gives the researcher direct access to the culture and practices of a group. It is a useful approach for learning first-hand about the behavior and interactions of people within a particular context.

By becoming immersed in a social environment, you may have access to more authentic information and spontaneously observe dynamics that you could not have found out about simply by asking.

Ethnography is also an open and flexible method. Rather than aiming to verify a general theory or test a hypothesis , it aims to offer a rich narrative account of a specific culture, allowing you to explore many different aspects of the group and setting.

Disadvantages of ethnography

Ethnography is a time-consuming method. In order to embed yourself in the setting and gather enough observations to build up a representative picture, you can expect to spend at least a few weeks, but more likely several months. This long-term immersion can be challenging, and requires careful planning.

Ethnographic research can run the risk of observer bias . Writing an ethnography involves subjective interpretation, and it can be difficult to maintain the necessary distance to analyze a group that you are embedded in.

There are often also ethical considerations to take into account: for example, about how your role is disclosed to members of the group, or about observing and reporting sensitive information.

Should you use ethnography in your research?

If you’re a student who wants to use ethnographic research in your thesis or dissertation , it’s worth asking yourself whether it’s the right approach:

• Could the information you need be collected in another way (e.g. a survey , interviews)?
• How difficult will it be to gain access to the community you want to study?
• How exactly will you conduct your research, and over what timespan?
• What ethical issues might arise?

If you do decide to do ethnography, it’s generally best to choose a relatively small and easily accessible group, to ensure that the research is feasible within a limited timeframe.

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There are a few key distinctions in ethnography which help to inform the researcher’s approach: open vs. closed settings, overt vs. covert ethnography, and active vs. passive observation. Each approach has its own advantages and disadvantages.

Open vs. closed settings

The setting of your ethnography—the environment in which you will observe your chosen community in action—may be open or closed.

An open or public setting is one with no formal barriers to entry. For example, you might consider a community of people living in a certain neighborhood, or the fans of a particular baseball team.

• Gaining initial access to open groups is not too difficult…
• …but it may be harder to become immersed in a less clearly defined group.

A closed or private setting is harder to access. This may be for example a business, a school, or a cult.

• A closed group’s boundaries are clearly defined and the ethnographer can become fully immersed in the setting…
• …but gaining access is tougher; the ethnographer may have to negotiate their way in or acquire some role in the organization.

Overt vs. covert ethnography

Most ethnography is overt . In an overt approach, the ethnographer openly states their intentions and acknowledges their role as a researcher to the members of the group being studied.

• Overt ethnography is typically preferred for ethical reasons, as participants can provide informed consent…
• …but people may behave differently with the awareness that they are being studied.

Sometimes ethnography can be covert . This means that the researcher does not tell participants about their research, and comes up with some other pretense for being there.

• Covert ethnography allows access to environments where the group would not welcome a researcher…
• …but hiding the researcher’s role can be considered deceptive and thus unethical.

Active vs. passive observation

Different levels of immersion in the community may be appropriate in different contexts. The ethnographer may be a more active or passive participant depending on the demands of their research and the nature of the setting.

An active role involves trying to fully integrate, carrying out tasks and participating in activities like any other member of the community.

• Active participation may encourage the group to feel more comfortable with the ethnographer’s presence…
• …but runs the risk of disrupting the regular functioning of the community.

A passive role is one in which the ethnographer stands back from the activities of others, behaving as a more distant observer and not involving themselves in the community’s activities.

• Passive observation allows more space for careful observation and note-taking…
• …but group members may behave unnaturally due to feeling they are being observed by an outsider.

While ethnographers usually have a preference, they also have to be flexible about their level of participation. For example, access to the community might depend upon engaging in certain activities, or there might be certain practices in which outsiders cannot participate.

An important consideration for ethnographers is the question of access. The difficulty of gaining access to the setting of a particular ethnography varies greatly:

• To gain access to the fans of a particular sports team, you might start by simply attending the team’s games and speaking with the fans.
• To access the employees of a particular business, you might contact the management and ask for permission to perform a study there.
• Alternatively, you might perform a covert ethnography of a community or organization you are already personally involved in or employed by.

Flexibility is important here too: where it’s impossible to access the desired setting, the ethnographer must consider alternatives that could provide comparable information.

For example, if you had the idea of observing the staff within a particular finance company but could not get permission, you might look into other companies of the same kind as alternatives. Ethnography is a sensitive research method, and it may take multiple attempts to find a feasible approach.

All ethnographies involve the use of informants . These are people involved in the group in question who function as the researcher’s primary points of contact, facilitating access and assisting their understanding of the group.

This might be someone in a high position at an organization allowing you access to their employees, or a member of a community sponsoring your entry into that community and giving advice on how to fit in.

However,  i f you come to rely too much on a single informant, you may be influenced by their perspective on the community, which might be unrepresentative of the group as a whole.

In addition, an informant may not provide the kind of spontaneous information which is most useful to ethnographers, instead trying to show what they believe you want to see. For this reason, it’s good to have a variety of contacts within the group.

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The core of ethnography is observation of the group from the inside. Field notes are taken to record these observations while immersed in the setting; they form the basis of the final written ethnography. They are usually written by hand, but other solutions such as voice recordings can be useful alternatives.

Field notes record any and all important data: phenomena observed, conversations had, preliminary analysis. For example, if you’re researching how service staff interact with customers, you should write down anything you notice about these interactions—body language, phrases used repeatedly, differences and similarities between staff, customer reactions.

Don’t be afraid to also note down things you notice that fall outside the pre-formulated scope of your research; anything may prove relevant, and it’s better to have extra notes you might discard later than to end up with missing data.

Field notes should be as detailed and clear as possible. It’s important to take time to go over your notes, expand on them with further detail, and keep them organized (including information such as dates and locations).

After observations are concluded, there’s still the task of writing them up into an ethnography. This entails going through the field notes and formulating a convincing account of the behaviors and dynamics observed.

The structure of an ethnography

An ethnography can take many different forms: It may be an article, a thesis, or an entire book, for example.

Ethnographies often do not follow the standard structure of a scientific paper, though like most academic texts, they should have an introduction and conclusion. For example, this paper begins by describing the historical background of the research, then focuses on various themes in turn before concluding.

An ethnography may still use a more traditional structure, however, especially when used in combination with other research methods. For example, this paper follows the standard structure for empirical research: introduction, methods, results, discussion, and conclusion.

The content of an ethnography

The goal of a written ethnography is to provide a rich, authoritative account of the social setting in which you were embedded—to convince the reader that your observations and interpretations are representative of reality.

Ethnography tends to take a less impersonal approach than other research methods. Due to the embedded nature of the work, an ethnography often necessarily involves discussion of your personal experiences and feelings during the research.

Ethnography is not limited to making observations; it also attempts to explain the phenomena observed in a structured, narrative way. For this, you may draw on theory, but also on your direct experience and intuitions, which may well contradict the assumptions that you brought into the research.

If you want to know more about statistics , methodology , or research bias , make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples.

• Normal distribution
• Degrees of freedom
• Null hypothesis
• Discourse analysis
• Control groups
• Mixed methods research
• Non-probability sampling
• Quantitative research
• Ecological validity

Research bias

• Rosenthal effect
• Implicit bias
• Cognitive bias
• Selection bias
• Negativity bias
• Status quo bias

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Ethnographic Research – Complete Guide with Examples

Published by Carmen Troy at August 14th, 2021 , Revised On August 29, 2023

What is Ethnographic Research?

Ethnography is a  type of research where a researcher observes people in their natural environment.

Ethnographers spend time studying people and their day-to-day lives and cultural activities carefully. It takes a long-term commitment and exciting methods of data collection .

It has two unique features

• The researcher carries out ethnographic research in a natural environment.
• A researcher acts as a participant and researcher at the same time.

History of Ethnographic Research

During the period of colonialism, anthropology emerged as a formal and notable discipline. Anthropologists started to study traditional people and their cultures. There are many types of ethnographic studies used for various purposes.

Uses of Ethnographic Research    

Ethnographic research has the following uses;

• Documentation of endangered cultures
• Studying distant or new cultures.
• Studying and observing people’s behaviour in a specific society or community over a more extended period with changing circumstances.

Example: Malinowski’s six years of research on the people of Trobriand islands in Melanesia.

Today ethnographic research is also used in social sciences.

Examples:                                                                                                                                  Investigations done by detectives, police officers to solve any criminal mystery.        Investigations are carried out to learn the history and details of culture, community, religion, or games. The research was performed to understand the social interactions of the people.                Research to understand the roles of families and organisations.

Advantages of Conducting Ethnographic Research

There are various  methods of research  based on the requirements and aim of the investigation. Here is the list of the key features of  ethnographic research

• You can conduct ethnographic research alone.
• It allows you to observe the changes in people’s behaviour and culture over time and record it.
• You can conduct it in any place.
• It allows you to be a part of the community as a participant and take a close look at their lifestyle.
• You can gather a piece of detailed information with abundant experience, which helps you in further research.
• It provides the opportunity and pleasure of adventure as well as research.
• You don’t need to spend anything on the setup and equipment.
• You can learn to use any language of your choice during the research.
• You can find out about historical  changes and events.
• You can use and enhance your skills and knowledge.
• You are solely responsible for experimenting.
• You get the opportunity to get to know the underlying realities and opinions of the people.
• You get the chance to focus on the verbal and non-verbal behavior of the people.

Disadvantages of Ethnographic Research

• It requires a lot of time.
• It is challenging to conclude the results.
• The researcher needs to work alone.
• It requires patience, skills to interact with people, and staying within the community as a community member.
• Personal safety and privacy would be at risk.

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What to do Before Starting your Ethnographic Research?

You need to identify your  research question(s)  and decide the mode of data collection. It’s better to choose a small group of people and aim to complete your studies within a short period. 

It would help if you asked a few questions to yourself.

• Who will be your target participants?
• Do you have enough time to conduct the research?
• What’s the purpose of your study?
• What kinds of resources do you have?
• Do you have enough funds to conduct your research?
• Do you have access to the community you want to study?

Types of Ethnographic Research

Realistic ethnographic research.

It is unbiased documentation written in the third person. You can use the collected notes for interpretations. 

A  case study is a documented history and detailed analysis of a situation concerning organisations, industries, and markets. It aims at discovering new facts of the condition under observation. 

It includes data collection from multiple sources over time.

Critical Ethnographic Research

It focuses on the marginalised community to study inequality and dominance.

How to Conduct Ethnographic Research?

Step 1: problem formulation.

Before conducting any research, the essential step is selecting the problem  you want to carry out your study.

Step 2: Select a Research Setting

After Selecting a research problem, you need to select the location of your research. It will help if you prefer a familiar place and community in which you can fit comfortably.

Step 3: Get Access to the Community

You need to get access to the community you want to study. How do you reach the community you want to study? 

You need to get official permission to conduct your research on a specific group of people. You can also join the community as a volunteer instead of a researcher.

There are two types of access, such as:

Open access: You don’t need to seek permission to conduct your research and  collect data in this type of access. You can observe the population. You need to get accepted by the group to proceed with your research.

Example: Public in market places, parties, concerts, etc., are regarded as open-access groups.

Closed-access:  In this type of access, you need to get permission from the gatekeeper of the community you want to study. 

Example:  Schools, colleges, corporations, etc.

Step 4: Represent yourself to the Group

It would help if you asked yourself a few questions before introducing yourself to the group members.

• How will you introduce yourself to the community you want to study?
• What would be your role in the group?
• How actively do you want to participate in the group’s day-to-day activities?
• Will the group accept you as a researcher and allow you to conduct your research?

You can either inform the participants about the experiment, and it’s called the overt approach. You can hide the research and oversee people’s behaviour. It’s called a covert approach.

You can also act as a participant of the community performing the activities like the group, called active observation. It allows the community to feel more comfortable with the researcher.

Similarly, you can keep yourself away from the group without performing any activities like them and observe them as a researcher. It is called passive observation.

It would help if you tried various approaches until you find a suitable method to proceed with your research.

Step 5: Collecting and Recording the Information

You can collect the data by the following methods;

Observation: You can participate in the group activities or observe the group’s behavior, either informing them about the experiment or keeping them unaware of the investigation.

Interviewing:  You can carry out direct conversations with all group members or obtain information from a specific member of the group. It’s better not to rely on the informants as they may interpret the data according to their perception rather than delivering in its actual context. 

Archival Research:  You can also use existing information stored in the previous researchers’ records to proceed with your research.

It becomes difficult to gather and record the information at the same time. 

What should you do in this situation?

You can maintain a notepad to record your observation immediately or sometimes wait until you leave the setting to record your observation. It’s better to note down your observations as soon as possible before you forget them and struggle to recall them. You can write down your field notes or record the people’s audios or videos while talking to them.

Your notes should include the following features:

Running/Field Notes:  these are the observations that you note down daily. The idea is to record your observation immediately after observing it. It would help if you observed the individual activities of the group members and perspectives.

How to describe Ethnographic Research?

Ethnographic research involves immersing in a community or culture to understand its nuances. Researchers observe, participate, and interview to grasp social practices, beliefs, and behaviors. It provides rich insights into how people experience and interpret their world.

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• Ethnographic Research: Types, Methods + [Question Examples]

Ethnographic research is a qualitative research approach that involves observing variables in their natural environments or habitats in order to arrive at objective research outcomes. As the name suggests, ethnographic research has its roots in ethnography which is the in-depth study of people, cultures, habits and mutual differences. 

This type of systematic investigation interacts continuously with the variables and depends, almost entirely, on the data gathered from the observation of the research variables. Ethnographic research is sometimes referred to as a thick description because of its in-depth observation and description of the subjects.

In recent times, ethnography has been adopted to the internet in the form of netnography. This means that researchers can now study how online communities interact in order to identify social communication patterns. 

What is Netnography?

Simply put, netnography is online ethnography research, that is, it is the conducting of ethnography research via the internet. Netnography adapts the ethnographic research methodology to the study of online communities in order to discover the natural behavioral patterns of internet users. 

As a modern model of ethnographic investigation, netnography uses the data gathered through digital communications in varying online communities to trace and analyze patterns of social interaction. Just like ethnography research, netnography also requires close observation of interactional patterns in order to arrive at the most objective conclusions. 

Types of Ethnographic Research   

There are several types of ethnographic research, namely; business, educational and medical ethnographic research. All based on different fields of human endeavor and each type is defined by specific characteristics. Ethnographic research is a multi-dimensional research design that can be adapted to different fields including business, medicine, education, and psychology. 

Business Ethnographic Research

Business ethnographic research is a research design that involves observing consumer habits and target markets in order to discover true market needs and the overall disposition to your product or service. It is an extremely beneficial research tool that can help your organization identify its customers’ needs and satisfy market demands. 

This research method combines different techniques including fieldwork, physical interviews and online surveys in order to gather useful data on the consumer habits of target markets. Business ethnographers use these techniques to analyze how clients interact with an organization’s services and come up with useful conclusions that can be used to develop effective market strategies. 

In carrying out a business ethnographic research, it is necessary to work with a customer or client-oriented framework that focuses on target markets rather than the business. The aim of this research design is to discover recurring client behavioral patterns that can serve as key market insights.

In order to gather useful data, the researcher must ask the right questions. Some question samples for business ethnographic research include the following:

• What do you enjoy about this product or service?
• Why do you use this product?
• What specific needs does the product meet for you?
• What specific needs does the product fail to meet?
• Does the pricing of the product equate its value?

Educational Ethnographic Research 

Educational ethnographic research is a research design that involves observing teaching and learning methods and how these affect classroom behaviors. This research model pays attention to pedagogy, its effects on learning outcomes and overall engagements by stakeholders within the classroom environment. 

Typically, educational ethnographic research studies students’ attitudes, academic motivations, and dispositions to learning. To do this, the researcher combines non-participant observation methods with direct participant observation techniques in order to gather the most relevant and objective data. 

Question samples for educational ethnography research include:

• Do you enjoy this teaching method?
• Does the teacher allow for feedback in his or her classes?
• Does the teaching method communicate objectives clearly?
• What is the student’s attitude toward learning?

What is Pedagogy: Definition, Principles & Application

Medical Ethnographic Research 

Medical ethnographic research is a type of ethnographic research used for qualitative investigations in healthcare. This research design helps medical practitioners to understand the dispositions of patients ranging from the simplest to the most complex behavioral patterns. 

Medical ethnographic research enables the healthcare provider to have access to a wealth of information that will prove useful for improving a patient’s overall experience. For example, through ethnographic research, a healthcare product manufacturer is able to understand the needs of the target market and this will, in turn, influence the product’s design. 

In addition, medical ethnographic research exposes healthcare professionals to insights on the complex needs of patients, their reaction to prescriptions and treatment methods plus recommendations for improvement. Here are a few questions that can be used for medical ethnographic research:

• For how long have you used this drug?
• For how long have you been on this treatment?
• What positive changes have you noticed so far?
• Have you noticed any side effects so far?
• Does this medication or treatment meet your needs?

Method of Ethnographic Research 

Typically, there are 5 basic methods of ethnographic research which are naturalism, participant observation, interviews, surveys, and archival research. Carrying out ethnographic research will involve one or more research techniques depending on the field, sample size, and purpose of the research

• Live and work

Also known as naturalism, live and work is an ethnography research technique in which the researcher observes the research variables in their natural environment in order to identify and record behavioral patterns. It may involve living in the natural environment of the group or individuals being researched for a period of time in order to record their activities. 

Naturalism is the oldest method of ethnographic research and it may create some degree of rapport between the ethnographer and the research variables . When using this method, the researcher must ensure that he or she limits interference with the subjects to the barest minimum in order to arrive at the most objective research outcomes. 

Naturalistic observation can be disguised or undisguised. Disguised naturalistic observation involves recording the subjects in such a way that they are unaware of being studied while in undisguised naturalistic observation, the research subjects are aware of the fact that they are being understudied. 

The live and work method allows the researcher to gather the most accurate and most relevant data as a result of observing the research subjects in their natural environment. However, this technique is not favored by modern ethnographers, especially in fields like medicine and education, because it is expensive and it takes a lot of time. 

• Participant Observation

Participant observation is a data collection method in ethnography research where the ethnographer gathers information by participating actively and interacting with the research subjects. This method is quite similar to life and work techniques. 

The major difference between participant observation and live and naturalism is that in the former, the ethnographer becomes an active member of the group being observed. This gives the researcher access to information that can only be made available to members of the group. 

There are 2 types of participant observation which are, disguised participant observation and undisguised participant observation. In the former, the ethnographer pretends to be a part of the research subjects while hiding his or her true identity of being a researcher. 

In undisguised participant observation, the ethnographer becomes a part of the group being observed and reveals his or her identity as a researcher to the group. This technique is more prone to reactivity, unlike disguised participant observation. 

The primary advantage of participant observation as a research technique is that the ethnographer is exposed to more information. He or she is better able to understand the experiences and habits of the research subjects from the participant’s point of view. 

There are a number of limitations associated with this research technique. First, the presence of the researcher can affect the behaviors of the research subjects; especially with undisguised participant observation, and this can affect the authenticity of the result. 

In addition, there can be the issue of biased research outcomes. As a result of the relationship between the researcher and the group, the ethnographer may become less objective and this can lead to experimental bias which affects the research outcomes. 

An ethnographic interview is a qualitative research method that merges immersive observation with one-on-one discussions in order to arrive at the most authentic research outcomes. In this research design, the ethnographer converses with members of the research group as they engage in different activities related to the research context. 

During this contextual inquiry, the researcher gathers relevant data related to the goals and behaviors of the members of the research group. As the ethnographer observes the research subject in its natural environment, he or she has the opportunity to ask questions that reveal more information about the research group.

An ethnographic interview is usually informal and spontaneous, and it typically stems from the relationship between the researcher and the subjects. The ethnographic interview often results from the participant observation method where the ethnographer actively engages with the members of the research group in order to find out more about their lives. 

As a two-way research method, an ethnographic interview allows the researcher to gather the most relevant and authentic information from the research group. However, it can also be affected by experimental bias as a result of the relationship between the ethnographer and the subjects. 

 An ethnography survey is an inductive research method that is used to gather information about the research subject. This research design is also referred to as analytic induction and it involves outlining hypotheses in the form of survey questions and administering these questions in the research environment. 

Administering a survey will help the ethnographer gather relevant data, analyze this data and arrive at objective findings. The aim of carrying out an analytic induction is to discover the causative factors of certain habits of the research group and come up with accurate explanations for these behaviors. 

In order to gather the most relevant responses using this, it is best to include different question types in your survey. Likert scale questions , open-ended questions, multiple-choice questions , and close-ended questions are common types of ethnography survey questions. 

To make your ethnography survey even more effective, you can create and administer it online using data-collection tools like Formplus . Formplus allows you to build your ethnography survey form in minutes using the Formplus builder and you can easily share your survey with respondents via available multiple sharing options.

High survey drop-out rates and survey response bias are some of the major limitations of this research method. However, this method is fast and cost-effective especially when carried out online and if done right, it can reveal useful insights about a research group. 

• Archival Research

Archival research is a qualitative approach to ethnographic research in which the researcher analyzes existing research, documents and other sources of information about the research group in order to discover relevant information. This method can also be referred to as understanding.

Archival research adopts ethnography to a collection of related documents from the past which substitute for actual physical presence in the research environment. It pays absolute attention to every piece of information about the research variables. 

As a method of data collection in ethnography, archival research reduces the chances of experimental biases since the researcher does not directly interact with the subjects. Also, it allows the ethnographer to have access to a large repository of research data that results in more accurate findings. 

However, because archival research is often subject to randomization, its findings may not accurately reflect the research group. Also, archival data is not full-proof as there may be biases when the data is recorded and this will affect the research outcomes. 

When to Use Ethnography Research

Ethnographic research should be used in the early stages of user-focused systematic investigations. This is because ethnography research helps you to gather useful information about the dispositions, goals, and habits of the research variables in specific contexts. 

Ethnography research is most suitable for complex research processes especially in markets and customer settings. In market research, ethnography allows organizations to gain insights into consumer habits and receive first-hand feedback on the extent to which their product or service meets the needs of target markets.

This research design is also useful for examining social behaviors and interactions. It is extremely beneficial in the study employees’ disposition to organizational work culture and policies. 

While ethnographic research helps businesses bridge product gaps and improve consumers’ experience, there are certain situations where this research design is counter-productive. Ethnographic research should not be used in processes that require statistically valid analysis, test-runs or group comparisons. 

How to Conduct Ethnographic Research with Online Surveys 

Formplus is a data-gathering tool that allows you to create and administer online surveys for ethnography research easily while saving time and cost, and improving your research sample size. 

Here is a step-by-step guide on how to conduct ethnographic research with online surveys using Formplus: 

Access Formplus Builder

In the Formplus builder, you can easily create your ethnography survey form by dragging and dropping preferred fields into your form. To access the Formplus builder, you will need to create an account on Formplus . 

Once you do this, sign in to your account and click on “Create Form ” to begin. 

Edit Form Title

• Click on the field provided to input your form title, for example, “ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY”.

• Click on the edit button to edit the form.
• Add Fields: Drag and drop preferred form fields into your form in the Formplus builder inputs column. There are several field input options for survey forms in the Formplus builder.
• Edit fields
• Click on “Save”
• Preview form.

Customize Form

Formplus allows you to add unique features to your ethnographic survey form. You can personalize your form using various customization options in the builder. Here, you can add background images, your organization’s logo, and other features. You can also change the display theme of your form. 

Save your ethnographic survey form and share the link with respondents. 

Advantages of ethnographic research .

• Ethnographic research allows you to have access to a wider and more accurate data scope than other research designs. This qualitative research approach collects first-hand information about the research variables and gives the ethnographer a wider range of data to work with thereby resulting in more objective research outcomes.
• Ethnography research enables the researcher to partake in the experiences of the research variables in their natural environment.
• Ethnography research accounts for complex group behavioral patterns and highlights interrelationships among research variables.
• It helps researchers understand the scope, reason(s) and context of the habits of research variables.

Disadvantages of Ethnographic Research

• Ethnographic research requires expertise and it is time-consuming. It takes time to observe research variables in order to arrive at cogent findings.
• Ethnographic research is capital-intensive too.
• It is subject to experimental biases stemming from the relationship between the subjects and the researcher.
• Issues of data sample size can also arise with ethnographic research. This is because small data samples can suggest false assumptions about the disposition of the research group while large quantities of data may not be processed effectively.

Risks Associated with Ethnographic Research

Unlike other research methods, ethnographic research tends to be sporadic and extends for a long period of time. And although respondents can stop participating in the research process at any time, there are still a few risks they are likely to encounter during this research

1. Psychological Risks

During uncomfortable topics, respondents may feel psychological triggers like guilt, fear, sadness, etc This can cause them to lose interest in the research or pull out from participating. In some cases, research participants may need constant reassurance to encourage them.

2. Social Risks

Depending on the research subject, there are social risks that are posed to a respondent during ethnographic research. These risks include stigmatization or condemnation from their community particularly if confidential information is shared and friction in personal relationships. This can further lead to a psychological risk. 

3. Physical and Economical Risks

Although these risks are uncommon in ethnographic research, it is imperative that you prepare for them as a researcher. In politically volatile communities, or research that involves tedious physical activity, physical risks are on the high side.

Economic risks can arise when research participants are removed from their jobs or limited from carrying out profitable ventures.

During your study, ensure that you disclose the possible risks to your research participants and elaborate on how you intend to mitigate these risks. 

FAQ’s on Ethnographic Research

• Does Ethnographic research come before or after a survey?

Most research uses data collected from various studies to validate a hypothesis or seek better clarity. So it is often conducted after a large-scale survey or quantitative segmentation study. However, it all largely depends on what the goal of the research is.

• Is ethnographic research qualitative or quantitative?

Ethnographic research is a qualitative research method where researchers study their respondents in their own environment

• How long does an ethnographic research project take?

The duration of your ethnographic research completely depends on the scope of your study. However, they usually last for a couple of months.

• Do ethnographers use field guides?

Yes. In ethnographic research, there are field guides to help guide the research process. However, it’s just a tool, and most times, it isn’t followed verbatim on the field. 

• How do I create a database for comparative analysis during Ethnographic?

You can compile your data using the Formplus PDF Builder to create PDFs of your analysis or create forms for documentation and save them using the secure Formplus storage.

Conclusion 

Ethnographic research helps individuals and organizations to gain useful insights into users’ behaviors as influenced by their natural environment. This form of systematic investigation bridges the gap between the ethnographer and the research variables because the researcher has the opportunity to be a part of their experiences. 

Administering online surveys for ethnographic research will speed up your data collection process and would allow you to save costs and have more control over your sample size. You can use Formplus to create and administer online ethnographic research surveys easily. 

Connect to Formplus, Get Started Now - It's Free!

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• ethnographic research methods
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12 Ethnography

Anthony Kwame Harrison, Department of Sociology, Virginia Tech

• Published: 02 September 2020
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This chapter introduces ethnography as a distinct research and writing tradition. It opens with a discussion of ethnography’s current fashionability within transdisciplinary academic spaces and some of the associated challenges. The next section provides a historical overview of ethnography’s emergence as a professionalized research practice within the fields of anthropology and sociology. Focusing on ethnography as a research methodology, the chapter outlines several key attributes that distinguish it from other forms of participant observation–oriented research; provides a general overview of the central paradigms that ethnographers claim and/or move between; and spotlights three principal research methods that most ethnographers utilize—namely, participant observation, field-note writing, and ethnographic interviewing. The final section of the chapter introduces a research disposition called ethnographic comportment , defined as a politics of positionality that reflects both ethnographers’ awarenesses of and their accountabilities to the research tradition they participate in.

Introduction

In a classic 1929 American Mercury article on racial passing and investigating lynchings, the future executive secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Walter White, opened with an observation:

In any American village, North or South, East or West, there is no problem which cannot be solved in half an hour by the morons who lounge about the village store. World peace, or the lack of it, the tariff, sex, religion, the settlement of the war debts, short skirts, Prohibition, the carryings-on of the younger generation, the superior moral rectitude of country people over city dwellers (with a wistful eye on urban sins)—all these controversial subjects are disposed of quickly and finally by the bucolic wise men. (White, 1929 , p. 77)

Ethnographers are neither morons nor bucolic wise men. If called on, they may supply truncated answers to difficult questions. But they do this with an understanding that they are merely scratching the surface or offering something along the lines of sweeping tendencies regarding what are typically complicated and often contradictory aspects of human organization and social relations. The closer and deeper one looks, the more one sees. For this reason, ethnography is not particularly well suited for the kinds of business or policy-oriented research that requires statistically verifiable findings or strict evidentiary bases for direct and uncomplicated action plans (Jones, 2010 ). Still, references to ethnography and/or ethnographic thisses-and-thats increasingly appear in these and numerous other settings. To fully appreciate the value of ethnographies, it is important to read them in their entirety. Ethnographies are not built for efficiency in research practice or in communicating research results.

As a reflexive, intersubjective research tradition—that speaks to audiences’ hearts as well as to their minds—ethnography is most at home in spaces where complexity, nuance, and betwixt-and-betweenness are valued. Thus, there is a palpable tension between this research methodology—founded on patience and aspirations for comprehensive understandings—and the increasingly neoliberal academic environments, where the practices of ethnography have historically been nurtured and where a majority of practicing ethnographers continue to reside, settings where, increasingly, time, volume of output, and tangibility of results are key factors determining what is valued. We see this among graduate students of the early 21st century, who are progressively more pressured to have solid publication records upon completing their degrees—a practice that encourages some advisors to discourage students from pursuing ethnographic research. Another consequence of this development is the gradual erosion of ethnographic standards as shorter durations of research and shortened pathways to confirmable findings are accepted, if not heralded, as measures of competency. Under such conditions, the invisible work of ethnography (Forsythe, 1999 ), and the associated belief that anyone can do it, amplifies its current fashionability in problematic ways.

This chapter provides a foundation for understanding ethnography as a research methodology and genre of research reporting. While celebrating ethnography’s flexibility and generative potential—indeed, its refusal to be contained within fixed definitions—I also present it as a distinct research tradition, guided by a series of evolving conventions and commitments. This emphasis on precision is motivated by what I see as a multipronged crisis within the transforming field of ethnographic research. Factors influencing this crisis include but are not limited to: (a) ethnography’s place within neoliberal universities and associated spaces where efforts toward increasing efficiency reign; (b) a “transdisciplinary romance with ethnography” (Kazubowski-Houston & Magnat, 2017 ) that, too often, leads undertrained and underinvested researchers to claim the label—thus, in my view, doing violence to ethnography in both a figurative and a literal sense (Ingold, 2014 ); and (c) increased institutional surveillance and “methodological conservatism,” which creates hostile environments for ethnographers seeking to have their work approved by oversight bodies and agencies (Lincoln, 2005 ). At the same time, ethnography has qualities that make it particularly well suited for grasping and representing complex social phenomena and the contentious bases of knowing during these difficult times. Methodologically, ethnography flourishes in the liminal spaces between research design and improvisation. Through their critical engagements with its sometimes troubled history, trained ethnographers tend to align with marginalized perspectives and the communities they emanate from. Representationally, ethnography refuses to reduce the social world to simplistic binaries or neatly bracketed findings. In the following pages, I elaborate on these and other qualities of the ethnographic enterprise. Specifically, I present ethnography as a distinct methodology—rooted in the professionalization of anthropology and, to a lesser degree, sociology as academic fields—with a particular set of defining attributes, paradigmatic observances, and research conventions.

Defining Ethnography

The term ethnography references both a research and an inscription (i.e., writing process to written product) practice. Ethnography is research in that it describes a methodology (distinguished from a research method in the section Ethnography as Methodology) usually conceptualized as involving participant observations within a community or field of study. 1 Thus, a person can speak of doing ethnographic research among Vermont maple sugarers (Lange, 2017 ) or among people participating in a translocal cultural phenomenon who may not even consciously identify as a group (Amit, 2000 ). At the same time, it is an inscription practice in that the products of ethnographic research—typically books like Edmund Leach’s classic Political Systems of Highland Burma (1954) or Riché J. Daniel Barnes’s Raising the Race (2016)—are referred to as ethnographies. 2

Typically, greater academic attention is given to discussions of ethnography as research. However, to the extent that evaluations of and inferences about research are derived from the resulting written account, this focus on ethnography as research may be overblown. Indeed, since at least its postmodern turn (see Clifford & Marcus, 1986 ; Marcus & Fischer, 1986 ), considerable attention has fallen on ethnography as a literary convention. Scholars have additionally argued that writing practices are integral to ethnographic data collection and analysis and therefore should not be treated separately (Emerson, Fretz, & Shaw, 2011 ; Richardson & St. Pierre, 2005 ; Sanjeck, 1990 ). 3 Elaborating on a concept that I call ethnographic comportment , toward the close of this chapter, I argue that most researchers are guided by a “textual awareness” (Van Maanen, 2011 , p. 158)—an imagined end product that they are working toward—that influences them variously throughout all stages of an ethnographic project, from conception to publication. Nevertheless, if one is looking for a standard definition of ethnography, a research-oriented definition such as the one offered by Martyn Hammersley and Paul Atkinson (1995) is quite typical:

[Ethnography involves] participating, overtly or covertly in people’s daily lives for an extended period of time, watching what happens, listening to what is said, asking questions … [and] collecting whatever [other] data are available to throw light on the issues that are the focus of the research. (p. 1)

Such a simple, straightforward definition highlights ethnography’s resemblance to “the routine ways in which people make sense of the world everyday” (Hammersley & Atkinson, 1995 , p. 2)—thus making it appear to be something anyone can do. But to paraphrase something my colleague Carol A. Bailey once told me, no one would think of doing multiple linear regressions without statistical data analysis training, yet, quite regularly, people with no background in qualitative research claim to be doing ethnography (see also Schwandt, 2000 , p. 206n3). Commenting on the popularity of ethnography in consumer research, Patricia L. Sunderland and Rita M. Denny ( 2007 ) remarked,

A myriad of research techniques … (from the few-minute in-store intercept interview, to the one-hour “depth interview,” to the online focus group) have become redefined as “ethnographic” with barely any change in the underlying assumptions regarding method or analysis. Researchers have transformed themselves into “ethnographers” with few changes in practice beyond the name. (pp. 13–14)

Although these observations are specific to a single nonacademic arena, I argue that, even within the academy, the proliferation of ethnography warrants similar sentiments. In his book The Cosmopolitan Canopy (2011), Elijah Anderson defined folk ethnography as “a form of people watching that allows individuals informally to gather evidence in social interactions that supports their own viewpoints or transforms their commonsense understandings of social life” (p. xv). Although Anderson views this as a positive development, it concerns me that the distinction between folk ethnography and ethnography is blurring. In this chapter, I argue against the notion of ethnography as a qualitative research free-for-all, open for anyone, regardless of background or training, to undertake. As Diana E. Forsythe ( 1999 ) asserted, it is not “just a matter of common sense” (p. 130). Ethnography is a specific approach to research and writing about it, with a rich history and established yet evolving set of guiding principles. For those of us who take ethnography seriously, it involves training (usually through advanced coursework and mentorship), reflection, and accountability.

Historical Foundations of Ethnography

As a research tradition, ethnography’s roots are most firmly planted in the fields of anthropology and qualitative sociology: the former most often credited to the innovations of Polish-born, British-trained Bronislaw Malinowski and the latter usually attributed to a collection of researchers associated with the University of Chicago—commonly referred to as the Chicago School. Though these origin myths have been widely discussed and debated, and some treatments suggest ethnography began as early as the Greeks and Romans (Wax, 1971 ), I nevertheless cast ethnography as a relatively recent methodology, which came of age with the professionalization of both disciplines during the early decades of the 20th century.

In my chapter for the first edition of the Oxford Handbook of Qualitative Research , I discussed this history in great detail (see Harrison, 2014 ) and will therefore offer only a truncated version here. 4 During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, on both sides of the Atlantic, the nascent academic field of social/cultural anthropology crystallized around a reorientation away from the traditional model of armchair theorizing and toward a serious investment in ways of going about collecting and using data. 5 The various learned societies dedicated to anthropological interests that emerged during the 19th century relied primarily on the reports of colonial administrators, military officers, missionaries, traders, and other travelers for their information. The new class of professional anthropological intellectuals who came into being through these organizations prioritized the need for more formal—and less prejudiced, sensationalized, and unequivocally racist—standards of scientific reporting. In this interest, various sets of anthropological questionnaires and field guides were developed, initially for untrained travelers but, over time, increasingly toward the goal of fostering the most “precise and exacting” methods among field anthropologists (Urry, 1972 , p. 51). The most famous of these was Notes and Queries on Anthropology , which appeared in six iterations between 1874 and 1951 (Urry, 1972 ). Another effort to circumvent the limitations of untrained, biased, and otherwise disinterested reporting involved expeditions featuring teams of specialized experts—most notably the Cambridge Torres Straits expedition of 1898 (Stocking, 1983a ) and a series of privately funded and Bureau of American Ethnology–sponsored expeditions to the American Southwest occurring throughout the late 19th century (Judd, 1967 ).

Malinowski, the famed “founding father” of ethnography (Jones, 2010 ), came to anthropology after earning a doctorate in physics and mathematics from Jagiellonian University in Poland. He arrived in England—one of the key centers of anthropological thought—at precisely the right moment to benefit from the decades-long debates regarding appropriate ethnographic data collection methods that had been taking place. A year before his arrival, in a 1909 meeting of the principals from Oxford, Cambridge, and the London School of Economics, it was decided that the term ethnography would be used in specific reference to “descriptive accounts of non-literate peoples”—as distinct from the historical and comparative-based term ethnology (Radcliffe-Brown, 1952 , p. 276). We can thus mark this meeting as arguably the first collective effort to delineate ethnography as the principle data collection method within the rapidly professionalizing field. 6

Arriving in England, Malinowski immediately connected with a small circle of scholars, dedicated to anthropological interests, calling themselves the Cambridge School. This group included Alfred Cort Haddon, William H. R. Rivers, and Charles Seligman, all of whom had participated in the 1898 Torres Straits expedition. The quality of the various anthropological writing projects Malinowski had undertaken prior to landing in England—including what would become his first book, The Family among the Australian Aborigines (1913/1963)—undoubtedly facilitated his acceptance into this distinguished group. Still, Malinowski’s emergence as the most recognized figure in the development of ethnography can largely be attributed to timing. At the time of his arrival, members of the Cambridge School were already grappling with many of the ethnographic revelations that Malinowski would eventually put forward in his seminal work, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922/1966). Malinowski can be distinguished as the last member of the Cambridge School to conduct fieldwork prior to the outbreak of World War I (Stocking, 1983b , p. 82) and the first professionally trained anthropologist to carry out research according to the most recent methodological advances of the time (Kuper, 1996 , p. 7). Consequently, when Argonauts was published a few years after the war, it stood alone as an implementation and representation of the culmination of prewar Cambridge School theorizing.

Malinowski embarked on his South Pacific fieldwork in 1914—carrying with him the 1912 edition of Notes and Queries , which had been considerably revised by Rivers (Myers, 1923 ). After a 6-month “apprentice’s trail run” on the island of Mailu in southern New Guinea (Kuper, 1996 , p. 12), the young researcher would more famously carry out two extensive periods—of a year each, 1915–1916 and 1917–1918—in the Trobriand Islands. During his initial Mailu fieldwork, Malinowski realized that his research became more productive when isolated from the prejudicial influences of the European administrators, missionaries, and traders who were also present on the island. Writing about this experience in Argonauts , he recounted, “It was not until I was alone in the district that I began to make some headway” (Malinowski, 1922/1966 , p. 6). This revelation sparked one of Malinowski’s most notable contributions to the practice of ethnography, which George Stocking ( 1983b ) described as “a shift in the primary locus of investigation, from the deck of the mission ship or the verandah of the mission station to the teeming center of the village” (p. 93). Such a positional shift facilitated a corresponding adjustment to his ethnographic posture:

In this type of work, it is good for the Ethnographer sometimes to put aside camera, note book and pencil, and to join in himself in what is going on. 7 … Out of such plunges into the life of the native … I have carried away a distinct feeling that their behavior, their manner of being, in all sorts of tribal transactions, became more transparent and easily understandable than it had before. (Malinowski, 1922/1966 , pp. 21–22)

In his preface to Argonauts of the Western Pacific , esteemed anthropologist James George Frazier hailed it as a “remarkable record of anthropological research” by someone who had “lived as a native among the natives” (J. G. Frazier, 1922 / 1966 , p. vii). For his part, Malinowski was exceedingly deliberate in foregrounding his methodological “innovations.” Thus, the myth of Malinowski—as the first field researcher to voluntarily remove himself from colonial quarters, (essentially) cut off all ties with “civilization,” and immerse himself in the world of “savages” as a methodological imperative for understanding their world—soon took legs. His prescriptive methods for doing this included long-term residence by a trained researcher; learning the local language rather than relying on interpreters; collecting as much data as possible on as wide a range of activities as possible—from the spectacular and ceremonial to the everyday and mundane—and taking copious field notes; and, when possible, partaking in social activities as a participant observer.

One of the most rehearsed explanations of ethnography, contained within the pages of Argonauts , is Malinowski’s oft-cited goal of “grasp[ing] the native’s point of view” (Malinowski, 1922/1966 , p. 25). This decree to recognize and (to some degree) prioritize the subjectivity of non-Western peoples marked a transformative moment in how anthropology was practiced. No longer simply viewed as the objects of study, the perspectives of rational native actors provided the platform for developing anthropology’s relativist doctrines. By advocating for the internal logics underlying each culture, anthropology came to serve a critical role in exposing the prejudice and racism surrounding evaluations of cultural difference (Baker, 2010 ). 8 Together, Malinowski’s prescriptions amounted to a methodological manifesto (Strathern, 1987 ) that championed experiential modes of understanding, contextualization, and the distinction between ideal and actual behavior as signaling the capacity for agency within social structures.

In the most celebrated histories of anthropology, the idea of participant observation–based fieldwork, which is at the core of modern ethnography, came into being through these methodological advancements. Yet, the myth of the “Malinowskian Revolution” (Kuper, 1996 , p. 32) belies the tremendous effort and attention toward refining anthropological research methods that were taking place prior to his arrival in England, as well as across the Atlantic among Franz Boas and his students (see Harrison, 2014 ; Lassiter & Campbell, 2010 ). Although Malinowski was not singly responsible for inventing these ethnographic standards, his archetype status has been significant to their reification. Furthermore, his position during the interwar period as England’s “only master ethnographer” helped him to further cement his progenitor status (Kuper, 1996 , p. 1). 9 For most of the 20th century and now continuing into the 21st, the image of “going off” to a fieldwork site far removed from the university community one is a part of, for a minimum of 1 year, has been a rite of passage within sociocultural anthropology; and for much of this time, the importance of conducting research in non-Western societies—what some have critiqued as anthropology’s intrinsic process of Othering (Deloria, 1969 ; Magubane & Faris, 1985 )—was rationalized as “absolutely essential” to the development of an anthropological perspective (Mead, 1952 , p. 346).

Far and away the most celebrated ethnographic conventions practiced outside anthropology came from a collection of researchers associated with the University of Chicago’s department of sociology. Generally speaking, the Chicago School 10 formed through the combined influences of Malinowskian fieldwork methodologies and German phenomenological theory (Jones, 2010 ). Through their conceptualization of urban life as an assemblage of “natural areas” or “little communities,” researchers affiliated with the Chicago school, under the direction of Robert E. Park, imagined the city as a social laboratory through which to examine secular differences—primarily oriented around ethnicity and various forms of civic otherness. With an extensive background in newspaper work and having served as “a sort of secretary” to Tuskegee Institute founder and notable African American spokesman Booker T. Washington (Faris, 1967 , p. 28), Park arrived in Chicago in 1913 with keen interests in issues surrounding urban life, race relations, ethnic heterogeneity, and processes of assimilation. Soon thereafter, Park dedicated himself to training graduate students and, indeed, several of the most significant works to come out of the program during the interwar period were authored by his students (Blumer, 1998 ). 11

While ethnography has long-standing roots in sociology, its centrality to the discipline has never matched its position as the “hallmark methodology” of anthropology (Sunderland & Denny, 2007 , p. 13). From the outset, sociology’s ethnographic efforts were firmly intertwined with anthropology. 12 Thus, although Chicago sociologists gave a good deal of attention to particular aspects of methodological training, their most inspired forays into fieldwork were often characterized as a closer-to-home version of what anthropologists do. 13 We can see this in Park’s justifications for the kinds of research he was most interested in advancing. In an important essay advocating for the scientific value of researching the city, Park explained:

Anthropology, the science of man, has been mainly concerned up to the present with the study of primitive peoples. But civilized man is quite as interesting an object of investigation.… The same patient methods of observation which anthropologists like Boas and Lowie have expended on the study of the life and manners of the North American Indian might be even more fruitfully employed in the investigation of the customs, beliefs, social practices, and general conceptions of life prevalent in Little Italy on the lower North Side in Chicago, or in recording the more sophisticated folkways of the inhabitants of Greenwich Village and the neighborhood of Washington Square, New York. (Park, 1925/1967 , p. 3)

Years later, in describing his own attraction to this ethnographic tradition, Howard S. Becker ( 1999 ) explained, “You had all the romance of anthropology but could sleep in your own bed and eat decent food” (p. 8).

Still, the model of urban-based fieldwork put forth by Chicago School sociologists was an important predecessor to the way ethnography is thought of and practiced today. For much of the 20th century, anthropological field research focused on small, isolated communities where it was possible to get to know most members, map out kinship relations, and, at least, imagine that one was getting a comprehensive portrayal of society. 14 In the early 21st century, virtually all ethnographers adopt a topic-oriented approach, which focuses on one or more specified aspects of and/or social networks within what are understood to be much more complex and globally interconnected societies. As a result of the metropolitan settings of their research, urban sociologists, unlike their colleagues in anthropology, were compelled to acknowledge that they were dealing with specific dimensions of social life and/or subcultures that were situated within larger societal contexts.

The origins of ethnography as a professionalized methodological (research) and representational (writing) practice are most squarely situated within the discipline of anthropology. Recognizing these foundations in no way implies that ethnography is the exclusive purview of anthropology or, for that matter, that anthropologists should have exclusive right in determining what does and does not qualify as ethnography (Atkinson, 2017 ). Indeed, some of the most significant methodological considerations leading up to ethnography’s now-standard insistence on reflexivity (see the section Ethnographic Comportment) issued from the application of sociology’s symbolic interactionist theories to circumstances surrounding the ethnographic encounter (Berreman, 1962 ; Junker, 1960 ); and today many of the most exciting works surrounding ethnography issue from transdisciplinary spaces. I therefore echo Magdalena Kazubowski-Houston and Virginie Magnat’s ( 2017 ) call for “coalition and collaboration between like-minded ethnographers across the social-sciences, the arts, and the humanities” (p. 11). Yet these historical foundations continue to serve as methodological anchors for ethnographers.

Ethnography as Methodology

In discussing ethnography, commentators sometimes incorrectly treat it as a method rather than a methodology. The difference is significant. A method is simply a tool or technique used to collect and/or analyze data. Ethnographers typically utilize a variety of tools and techniques during the course of their research, including but not limited to establishing rapport; selecting informants; using a range of interview and/or focus group forms; making observations—both participatory and nonparticipatory—and writing field notes based on them; conducting surveys, genealogies, and domain analyses; mapping fields; transcribing texts; and coding data. 15 In contrast, methodologies are established norms of inquiry that are by and large adhered to within distinct research traditions. A methodology, therefore, involves theoretical, ethical, political, and at times moral orientations to research, which guide the decisions researchers make, including their choice of methods. Accordingly, it can be thought of as a philosophy of research practice, analysis, and description. Later in the chapter, I detail three of the most fundamental methods that ethnographers commonly utilize—namely, participant observation, field-note writing, and ethnographic interviews. However, first I outline several key attributes that, in my view, contribute to any instance of research being ethnographic and then highlight three philosophical positions—or what I call paradigms —that ethnographers orient themselves in relation to when conducting research.

Ethnographic Attributes

In this section I outline five essential priorities that distinguish ethnography. I offer these, in part, as a corrective to what I regard as the casual and commonplace misappropriation of it as a stand-in for all types of qualitative research (Kazubowski-Houston & Magnat, 2017 ). Building on my earlier definition, these attributes should be regarded as important orienting principles that scholars trained in ethnography and aware of its historicity hold in common.

Ethnography and Culture

Harry F. Wolcott asserted that the critical attribute distinguishing ethnography from other forms of qualitative research is a focus on describing and interpreting cultural behavior. In other words, at its core an ethnography must include an intentional engagement with and “working resolution” toward understanding culture (Wolcott, 1987 , p. 45). Wolcott called this ethnographic intent . The specifics of this “working resolution” may vary. Culture, according to Stephen A. Tyler ( 1969 ), provides the framework for recognizing and describing how “people make order out of what appears … to be utter chaos” (p. 6). Yet for the inquiring ethnographer, culture might be conceptualized as being revealed through people’s behaviors, the expressed ideals that guide such behaviors, or the discovery of underlying frameworks through which situational choices are made. Each of these, or some combination, can have implications for how ethnographic researchers go about their craft.

Debates over a precise definition of culture notwithstanding, ethnography has traditionally rested on a principle of cultural comparison, perhaps best reflected in the anthropological maxim of “making the strange familiar and the familiar strange.” For earlier generations of ethnographers—primarily anthropologists and sociologists (see the section Historical Foundations of Ethnography)—this was accomplished by traveling to starkly different social settings, which brought about the inevitable comparisons with the home “culture” (as the term was then understood 16 ). As the lens of ethnographic inquiry expanded to include spaces and places that did not initially appear to be particularly distinct from the ethnographer’s home (Messerschmidt, 1981 ), this comparative mode of sense-making became more implicit than explicit. The native ethnographer, for instance, conducting research in her own community, would appear to start from the same cultural foundations as the people she (participant) observes. Yet, as a trained ethnographer—someone who has read cultural theory and been exposed to several cross-cultural ethnographic studies—she makes sense of her observations in relation to the wealth of documented scholarship on cultural diversity. 17 Thus, she is less likely to generalize distinct cultural practices as the “normal way” people do things and more apt to frame her observations and understandings in conversation with foundational and recent thinking about culture.

Ethnography and Contextualization

Ethnographies prioritize contextualization, meaning that particular people and the situations they find themselves in are best understood in relation to broader factors that impact them—including, but not limited to, historical, local, political, economic, and religious factors. Anthropology, in particular, has historically recognized interconnections and mutual influences between various aspects of social life—or what anthropologists call holism . Following from this, ethnographers take an open-minded, inductive approach to what might potentially be considered data. In other fields of research where deductive reasoning —that is, the idea that truth follows from a sequence of conditional premises that can be empirically verified—is prioritized, efforts are made to silence external noises in the interest of focusing on what researchers determine are the most salient factors and variables. The inductive reasoning that guides ethnographic research starts from the assumption that such noises have consequence—they not only impact social conditions but also, at times, reflect deeper structural workings of culture.

Contextualization also impacts situational constructions of meaning. To illustrate what I mean here, I turn to the work of Clifford Geertz ( 1973 ), who famously defined ethnography as “an elaborate venture in … ‘thick description’ ” (p. 6). Referencing a thought experiment conducted by philosopher Gilbert Ryle ( 1971 ), Geertz elaborated on thick description through the example of a rapidly contracting eyelid. Whether such action amounts to an involuntary twitch of the eye or a “conspiratorial signal to a friend” (i.e., a wink) is entirely contextual. Accordingly, a thin description of behavior—“her left eye blinked”—tells us very little. Through understanding such things as the circumstances under which the blink occurred, the intention of the blinker, the prevalent social codes that may or may not mark the blink as meaningful, and whether this meaning was received and understood, we get a better sense of what is going on. Thick description, then, in the words of anthropologist Karin Narayan ( 2012 ), can be summarized as “layering meaning into closely observed details” (p. 8). Noticing and describing something as subtle and instantaneous as a blink requires careful attention to detail; it means observing social life with the same heightened sensitivity that we use when perceiving works of art (Willis, 2000 ). Yet, without proper contextualization, such descriptions have limited ethnographic value.

Ethnography as Iterative

In addition to being governed by inductive principles—meaning that research “starts from the data rather than from a hypothesis to be tested, or even from a fixed research question” (Hammersley, 2008 , p. 69)—ethnography proceeds as an iterative mode of inquiry. By this I mean that ethnographers continually re-engage with their research questions, fundamental assumptions, methods of inquiry, and accumulated data toward the goal of refining their work—which can sometimes include making a radical change in direction. Consequently, ethnographic research designs must be flexible enough to allow for the expected surprises and misadventures that arise when an individual (serving as a research instrument) engages in the daily lives of other people—who are inevitably continuing along the unforeseeable journeys that are their lives—for a prolonged period of time. Even at its most scientific, ethnography is resolutely a human science conducted in a real-world laboratory. As such, the ethnographic enterprise is saturated with circumstances, situations, and personalities that are unanticipated and often uncontrollable. Barbara Tedlock ( 2000 ) elaborated:

No matter how much care the ethnographer devotes to the project, its success depends upon more than individual effort. It is tied to outside forces, including local, national, and sometimes even international relationships that make research possible as well as to a readership that accepts the endeavor as meaningful. (p. 466)

Indeed, one of the most predictable aspects of ethnographic research is its unpredictability, so much so that statements along the lines of “I began my research intending to study X but wound up studying Y ” are now standard ethnographic writing conventions. I would go so far as to suggest that an absence of such sentiments (i.e., everything working out according to plan) is greeted with more suspicion than their presence.

Recognizing how ethnographic data and interpretation evolve simultaneously, James Spradley ( 1980 ) offered a cyclical model of ethnographic inquiry—what he calls the ethnographic research cycle —as distinct from the linear research models (i.e., define the problem, formulate hypotheses, gather and analyze data, draw conclusions) found in the other social sciences. According to Spradley ( 1980 ), each phase of ethnographic inquiry (data collection and analysis) informs new questions:

The cycle cannot wait until you have collected a large amount of data.… You need to analyze your fieldnotes after each period of fieldwork in order to know what to look for during the next period of participant observation. (pp. 33–34)

As such, a strict sequence of prescribed methods will not suffice. Ethnography achieves virtue and vitality through its lack of prescription, by continuously straddling the line between structured research design and improvised inquisitive adventure. Gary Alan Fine and James G. Deegan ( 1996 ) described ethnography as “a puzzle of mysterious design” that is “only known when the researcher has decided that it is close enough to completion” (p. 441). Through iterative processes of tacking back and forth between experiences and reflections, ethnographers piece together their research projects.

Ethnography then should be thought of as involving iterative–inductive–inscription practices . 18 It is iterative in the sense that it involves recurrently engaging with theory, data, and analysis (O’Dell & Willim, 2011 ); it is inductive in that ethnographers approach this engagement with open minds and few preconceptions about where data will lead them; and it is inscriptive in foregrounding writing as its principal mode of recording data, analyzing data, and representing social life (Richardson & St. Pierre, 2005 ).

Ethnography and Empathy

The ethnographic project is variously empathetic. Through intersubjective engagements—most notably via participant observation—ethnographers aspire to “imaginatively experience the feelings, thoughts, and situation” (Davis, 2014 , p. 6) of people they work among. As such, ethnography encourages a degree of intimacy between researcher and researched that, at its best, recognizes and appreciates their mutual implication in the production of knowledge (Lassiter, 2005 ; Sluka & Robben, 2012 ). Ethnographers’ commitments to the people and communities they conduct research among are both moral and political. Academically situated ethnographers—on the basis of their training, disciplinary identities, and institutional affiliations—are mandated to protect the interests of the people and communities they work among by following institutional and disciplinary guidelines surrounding research, most notably those pertaining to informed consent, deception , and confidentiality . 19 In addition, trained and invested ethnographers recognize their charge to reveal, unsettle, and at times undermine the institutions and forces through which social inequalities are maintained and perpetuated. Thus, ethnographers are consistently attentive to the interests of disempowered groups. When working among such groups, these commitments to social justice result in alliances and recognitions of researched communities’ roles in evaluating the quality of ethnographies (Harrison, 2018 ). In contrast, when working among power-wielding groups—what Laura Nader ( 1972 ) called studying up —ethnographers should feel some obligation to use their position and access to uncover and even disrupt the workings of power. This can take many forms. However, its absence—for example, using conventional ethnographic methods for the explicit purpose of perpetuating social inequalities—in these enlightened times 20 is simply not ethnography.

This notion of ethnographic empathy also pertains to the reception of works ethnographers produce. Ethnographic authors write toward the of goal of enabling their readers to envision themselves walking in someone else’s shoes and, what is more, to grasp people’s perspectives and understand their behaviors as resulting from alternative (or previously unrecognized) cultural logics. Ethnographers’ written accounts communicate person-to-person sentiments—inviting readers to imagine the situated interests and actions of someone else. Resembling, to some degree, how a politician might use a handful of personal stories to communicate something about the state of a nation during a national address, 21 the most evocative ethnographic writings utilize sentimentality and emotion in detailing individual’s stories and particular episodes. As such, their representational power lies in their informational richness and ability to communicate affect , as opposed to other research traditions that prioritize statistical validity or theoretical applicability. Indeed, by providing compelling testimonies, which embrace the emotionality and messiness of real life (Law, 2004 ), ethnographies do more to complicate and therefore advance existing theories than to straightforwardly confirm them.

Ethnography and Narrative

Storytelling saturates ethnography. Ethnographers collect stories from people firsthand, on their own terms, or in such close proximity to them that they powerfully reflect something about the way culturally situated actors move through their worlds (Turner, 2007 ). As researchers, we invite such stories through open-ended ethnographic interviews (see the section Ethnographic Interviews) where participants are asked to share their personal histories, their perspectives, and/or what is most meaningful to them about a given topic. Ethnographers are also told personal narratives while building rapport and deeply hanging out (Wogan, 2004 )—for example, when getting a ride home from an open-microphone event (Harrison, 2009 , p. 64) or while sharing cramped living spaces (Holmes, 2013 ). In addition, ethnographers are regularly featured actors in the stories they recount. Contemporary ethnography mandates degrees of reflexivity and transparency, both of which demand that researchers share aspects of their personal stories and provide some accounting of the research experiences that led them to know what they know. These stories—often culled from interview transcripts or field journals or pieced together from various sources (Brand, 2007 )—get recirculated, re-created, or re-placed, sometimes verbatim, in ethnographic texts.

Ethnographers are foremost writers. A primary aspect of their data collection involves writing field notes (see the section Field-Note Writing). In crafting these and other data into finished works, they indulge ethnography’s aspirations and ability to reach broad audiences and to communicate sophisticated meanings through artful storytelling and other experimental modes of academic writing. As a thickly descriptive research genre, ethnographic texts may, at times, appear to threaten too much information; however, when done well, the layered meanings activated through such dense contextualization circle back to show their relevance. Accordingly, ethnographic writing should be undertaken as a writerly endeavor—meaning that authors acknowledge the intelligence of their readers and, therefore, allow space for them to construct their own meanings and make their own sense of certain aspects of an ethnographic account. 22

The Story of the College Visit

A few years after completing my dissertation, I was invited to speak to an anthropology class at a small liberal arts college where I was giving a guest lecture. The students had read a short piece—recounting the story of a gathering in Golden Gate Park following an open-microphone event—that would become the introduction to my first book, Hip Hop Underground (Harrison, 2009 ). 23 I spent a few minutes talking about my research in relation to the passage and then opened the floor for questions. A few questions in, a young man raised his hand and began explaining how he had grown up in San Francisco, had probably “partied” on the same Golden Gate Park picnic tables that I mentioned in my piece, and was someone who considered hip-hop close to his heart. At this point, he looked away, focusing on the paper on his desk and, in thoughtful, measured tones explained that whenever he read an academic piece on hip-hop he found himself getting defensive. Mine was the first piece he had read where he did not have that feeling. “That’s ethnography,” I said.

Paradigmatic Plasticity

Throughout the course of their research and writing, ethnographers orient themselves around certain theoretical, ethical, and political commitments. At their foundation, these commitments involve questions of ontology (concerning the nature of reality), epistemology (how we know what we know), and axiology (relating to morals and values). Following Patricia Leavy ( 2009 ), I use paradigm as an umbrella term that encompasses the range of philosophical stances, assumptions, and goals that surround research endeavors. Although the philosophies guiding ethnographic research are quite often unstated, at moments when they come into conflict the results can be explosive.

The Story of the Conference Incident

Several years ago, I attended an interdisciplinary conference where, in response to a few last-minute cancelations, the organizers decided to combine two panels. This made sense at the time. First, although the panel topics were different, they overlapped under the broader theme of the conference. Second, a single panel would attract a larger audience for all of the presentations—indeed, by the time I arrived it was standing room only. Last, such a move would spare one presenter from the awkwardness of being the lone panelist in a 90-minute session. However, in deciding to combine panels, the organizers overlooked or chose to ignore the paradigmatic differences informing the respective audiences that would be drawn to each panel. This did not become an issue until the final presentation: a masterful explication on the functionality of various strategies for alleviating conflict among competing social groups. During the question-and-answer period, an audience member—who had obviously come to see presentations initially slated for the other panel—questioned the researcher’s right to reduce people’s behaviors to such all-too-neat formulations, the evidentiary basis on which his claims were being made, as well as his investment in the communities through which, in making his academic career, he appeared to be profiting from. Chaos ensued as the two parties went back and forth in a heated exchange—with the accused researcher at one point even blurting out, “You don’t know me!” Thankfully, there were only a few minutes left in the session. As the panel came to a close, various colleagues approached the two combatants to endorse their action and/or console, as appropriate.

As a research tradition, ethnography straddles multiple paradigms. With its roots in anthropology—regarded as the most humanistic of social sciences and the most scientific of humanities (Redfield, 1953 )—such paradigmatic plasticity is to be expected. Yet, as ethnographic practices have migrated to a wide range of academic disciplines and interdisciplinary spaces, the potential for paradigmatic disputes over what is and what is not “good” and/or legitimate research has become more pronounced.

By my reckoning, both parties involved in the conference incident would rightly consider their work ethnographic. Yet where activities of research (i.e., methods) may appear similar, the foundational philosophies of knowledge (i.e., epistemologies) and ideas about how it should be applied through endeavors labeled “research” can look radically different.

In considering different paradigmatic orientations surrounding qualitative inquiry, Thomas Schwandt ( 2000 ) highlighted three areas of concern that are instructive for my discussion of ethnography. I adapt them here:

Cognitive concerns surrounding how to define, justify, and legitimize claims to understanding.

Social concerns regarding (in this case) the goals of ethnography.

Moral concerns as to how to “envision and occupy the ethical space” between ethnographers and those they research in responsible, obligatorily aware, and status conscious ways (see Schwandt, 2000 , p. 200).

Before briefly outlining some of the paradigms that surround ethnography, I offer a few caveats. Whereas defining and labeling paradigmatic frameworks is useful, it would be a mistake to give too much attention to trying to fit a particular researcher or even an instance of ethnographic research neatly into one category. Ethnographic experience is perpetually ephemeral, meaning that at times ethnographers are prone to move, transform, and shape shift between different paradigmatic classifications. Attempts to categorize also tend to highlight differences over time and disciplinary space. While differences clearly exist—the above-mentioned conference incident stands as a testament to this—the need to neatly place individuals or projects in particular boxes closes down the possibility of also seeing commonalities and furthermore belies the nuanced nature and theoretic eclecticism of ethnographic inquiry. Nonetheless, in what follows, I discuss three philosophical traditions that ethnographers might move between and draw from as paradigmatic resources.

Positivism is premised on a belief in what is referred to as naive realism —that is, the notion that there is a reality out there that can be grasped through sensory perception. As such, it holds empirical data—that which is produced though direct observations—as definitive evidence through which to construct claims to truth. In doing so, positivism prioritizes objectivity, assuming that it is possible for a researcher to detach him- or herself from values, interests, or the clouding contamination of bias and prejudice. Following this formula, good research is achieved through conventional rigor—that is, dutifully following a prescribed, systematic series of steps surrounding data accumulation and analysis. In that positivism recognizes a fundamental (capital “T”) Truth, which it is believed researchers can apprehend, researchers anchored in this tradition are more prone to concern themselves with questions of transferability (i.e., can the findings from one setting be applied to another?) and generalizability (i.e., can the findings from a particular context be generalized to the whole?) on the assumption that such Truth has potential relevance for a broad range of social circumstances and cultural contexts. Although few, if any, contemporary ethnographers would define themselves as strict positivists, it is nonetheless important to discuss positivism as foundational to any social scientific enterprise. To some extent, outlining the tenets of strict positivism may be useful in explaining what most ethnographers are not. However, before dismissing it too quickly, I should point out that, particularly with regard to the mandates of certain gatekeepers of credible research reporting, ethnography is not as far removed from its positivist principles as some of its practitioners would like to think. Postpositivist orientations 24 toward valuing empirical evidence, making efforts toward detached objectivism, and deductive reasoning continue to carry weight, even if researchers are less confident about their conclusions.

Interpretivism

Interpretivism, which issues from an acknowledgment of the constructed nature of all social reality, recognizes no single all-encompassing Truth, but rather multiple (small “t”) truths that are the products of human subjectivities. Thus, cultural and contextual specifics are critical to understanding, and inductive reasoning becomes the privileged path to making sense of unwieldy social realities. Reality, which is shaped by experience, thus becomes something to be interpreted. Such interpretivism sees human action as inherently meaningful with meanings being processual, temporal, and historically unfinished. The subjectivity of the ethnographer is quite consequential here. Under any form of interpretivism, the outcomes of researcher bias are acknowledged. Sometimes efforts are made to mitigate researchers’ subjectivities. Such techniques might involve reflexive journaling, inventorying subjectivities, and other attempts to manage and track bias (Schwandt, 2000 , p. 207n11). Yet, increasingly, interpretivist approaches accept that within ethnography the human is the research instrument and, as such, cultural, social, and personal frames of reference are inescapable.

Critical Research

The critical research paradigm focuses on the workings of power, with attention to axes including (but not limited to) race, gender, ethnicity, age, class, sexuality, and differential abilities. As opposed to the positivist stance of neutrality and detachment, critical researchers distinguish themselves by their personal and sometimes emotional investment in the welfare of the individuals and communities they work among. Critical researchers are committed to using their research to empower such communities by working with them to create meaningful social change. 25 As such, they aspire to make the processes surrounding research transparent to both the communities they work among and their various audiences. Critical perspectives emerged in connection with various social movements of the 1960s and 1970s and, accordingly, are often fashioned as a form of scholar activism. Recently, participant action and collaboration have become key methodological imperatives shaping the relationships formed around various critical research projects. Through such developments, questions regarding who initiates research, controls its direction, and owns its products have become vitally important.

Ethnographers do not just take part in the daily lives of the people they conduct research among; as a consequence of their participation, they impact people’s lives and, in turn, are implicated in them. It is therefore difficult to separate cognitive, social, and moral concerns surrounding research. All are influenced by the research paradigm(s) the ethnographer observes. Paradigmatic orientations affect the entire ethnographic process, starting with the ways research is conceived of and designed, what qualifies as data, and ultimately how such data are treated.

Through the previous discussion of paradigms and essential attributes, I have drawn attention to ethnography as a research methodology, as opposed to a method. Again, this distinction is important to my effort to differentiate ethnography from qualitative field research more generally. Nevertheless, when someone mentions doing ethnographic research, a handful of research activities (or methods) come to mind. These include having sustained contact with a community of people through participant observation, writing field notes, and (usually) interviewing. In the following sections, I give each of these research conventions additional consideration.

Participant Observation

Participant observation, as the term suggests, refers to a research disposition somewhere between full participation, just like (or as) a member of a community, and strictly observing. While participant observation is often conceptualized as a location on a continuum between these two extremes—with ideally some level of balance 26 —I believe it is better thought of as a simultaneous process that oscillates between varying degrees of participation and observation. Such oscillations occur both situationally and temporally. In the case of the latter, they might take place in the context of a particular event or more generally over the course of different research phases. Participant observation has historically been championed as providing the virtues of both an insider’s (participant) and an outsider’s (observer) perspective. As a foundation of ethnographic understanding, a discussion of this insider/outsider binary is instructive even if such neat distinctions rarely, if ever, exist in the lived world.

Whereas a recognized goal of ethnography is to grasp people’s understandings of their world, since its inception the primary means of achieving this goal has been through experiential understanding. Writing in his introduction to Argonauts , Malinowski (1922/1966, p. 5) recalled that, to “get … the hang of tribal life,”

I had to learn how to behave, and to a certain extent, I acquired “the feeling” for native good and bad manners. With this, and with the capacity of enjoying their company and sharing some of their games and amusements, I began to feel that I was indeed in touch with the natives, and this is certainly the preliminary condition of being able to carry on successful field work. (p. 8)

Yet to simply grasp the native’s point of view is often not enough. Ethnographers have long recognized that “those cultural features of a particular society that are the most deeply ingrained are the least likely to be explicated and questioned by native members themselves” (Wengle, 1988 , p. xvii). As a consequence of ethnocentrism —that is, the tendency for all people to position their own cultural beliefs and practices at the center of their worldview (i.e., to see them as “normal”)—native members of a cultural group are at times blind to many of the most salient aspects of their lifeways. 27 Thus, a flexible and situated position somewhere between an insider and an outsider is typically upheld as ideal.

As a practice, participant observation involves an inherent critique of interviewing. Although interviewing is fundamental to most ethnographic projects, advocates of participant observation are quick to point out that, if the goal is to understand behaviors and worldviews in their cultural context, interviews alone will not suffice. There is usually some disjuncture between what people do and what they say they do. At one level, this can be seen as a distinction between ideal and actual behavior. In an interview setting, people are more likely to shade their representations of behaviors toward cultural ideals. For example, studies point out the tendency among Americans to underreport the amount of alcohol they consume (Rathje & Murphy, 1992 ). Whether consciously underreported or not, this pattern is likely connected to the cultural ideal against drinking too much. Yet even in circumstances where a strong cultural ideal is not in play, people’s behaviors amount to more than what they choose or are able to tell an interviewer in the context of an interview. Native language speakers, for example, would have considerable difficulty explaining the rules to their language or how they know what they know without additional linguistic training. Even in a situation where both conditions are met (someone is aware and can explain ), an interviewee must make decisions about what to emphasize and what to ignore or gloss over. Such choices might lead them to steer clear of topics that the interviewer would find salient. 28

To return to the drinking example, in particular settings where the ability to consume a lot of alcohol is linked to status, it may be likely that quantities will be overreported. Of course, such settings are usually informal, are semiexclusive, and involve peer groups—for example, the stereotypical morning after the college fraternity party. Another advantage of participant observation over interviewing alone is that it provides access to these interior spaces. Fieldworkers achieve this by locating such spaces, gaining access (including building rapport), and, notably, spending time there. The famous Hawthorne studies on worker productivity found that people tend to alter their behavior for short periods of time under the scrutiny of a researcher or observer (Landsberger, 1958 ). Such reactivity can jeopardize ethnography’s aspirations for naturalistic inquiry. Thus, an ideal, if nearly unattainable, goal of participant observation is that the researcher becomes familiar enough within the research setting that everyday life proceeds as if he or she was not there. Factors surrounding this include duration of time in a setting, resemblance between researcher and members of the researched community, and level of participation.

Duration of Time in the Setting

The general rule is that the longer a researcher stays in “the field,” the more accustomed people become to his or her presence—not to mention the greater the understanding of what is going on. Yet this is conditional. Wolcott ( 1987 ) pointed out that, “based on any one researcher’s skill, sensitivity, problem, and setting, optimum periods of fieldwork may vary” (p. 39). Nevertheless, it is worth noting that within anthropology the Malinowski-derived standard has been a minimum of 1 year in the field.

Resemblance between Researcher and Members of the Researched Community

This resemblance includes both physical and social resemblances. Greater resemblance, in theory, facilitates “life as usual,” whereas notable differences are a perpetual reminder that there is a researcher present. Some of the most recognizable differences concern race, language proficiency, decisions regarding self-presentation, and, in certain instances, age and gender.

Level of Participation

This, in part, depends on the researcher’s aspirations—for example, a researcher may aspire to a stance that, at different times, involves full participation or minimum participation (Junker, 1960 ). At the same time, and in conjunction with the previously noted factors, the various communities researchers engage have differing levels of accessibility and inclinations toward hospitality (e.g., insisting that someone “join in”); and beyond language alone, researchers have different competencies 29 —all of which can impact their level of participation.

In sum, participant observation is simultaneously the most fundamental, complex, and uncertain method of ethnographic research. Its temporal parameters can range from strictly designated fieldwork outings—for example, a few hours in the field on a weekday afternoon—to an all-consuming living experience (24 hours a day) spanning several years. Its spatial parameters can be as narrow as a Midwest college bar (Spradley & Mann, 1975 ), as broad as multiple sites across a global landscape (Wulff, 1998 ), and as amorphous as translocal (Gupta & Ferguson, 1997 ) and virtual (Nardi, 2010 ) fields of activity. 30 While a good deal of planning goes into participant observation research projects, the combination of its ill-defined parameters and the fact that it plays out in the lived world render it difficult to forecast and, consequently, a largely improvised endeavor.

Field-Note Writing

A second principal method of ethnographic research is the creation and management of ethnographic field notes. These systematic in-the-field writings are inextricably linked to participant observation in that they serve as the primary means of recording the detailed observations and insights gleaned through such experiences. Accordingly, the quality and character of field-note writing have implications on an ethnographer’s ability to accurately and effectively report research findings. 31 Historically, field notes received little methodological attention. Like ethnography more generally, their resemblance to people’s everyday activities—particularly the act of keeping a personal journal or diary—cultivated the belief that instructions to simply “write down everything you see and hear” would suffice. In the literature that has since emerged on field-note writing, there is no consensus on a single correct method. I would advise any researcher to use the available methodological prescripts as guidelines but to develop particular routines and procedures that align with their own best writing habits as well as the specific circumstances of research. Nevertheless, a handful of best practices consistently show up in the literature and together illustrate why field-note writing and keeping a diary are not one and the same.

Schedule a significant amount of time each day or soon after each fieldwork “outing” to write field notes. Details fade with the passage of time, so do not unnecessarily delay field-note writing. In a full-immersion fieldwork situation—where participant observation comprises the entirety of one’s living experience—this practice of writing field notes (i.e., articulating and reflecting on observations and experiences) can be thought of as the major nonparticipatory endeavor that the researcher consistently engages in.

Employ jottings or “scratch notes” (Sanjek, 1990 , p. 96)—that is, quickly scribbled words or phrases, written in the context of participant observing, intended to jog one’s memory when writing. A researcher should always carry a small notebook or some equivalent jot-recording technology (e.g., a small handheld recorder). Additionally, when observing/experiencing the world with the intention of documenting it through field-note writing, it is important to rely on all one’s senses and not merely vision alone. Sounds, smells, tastes, and touches can all be powerful means to creating scenes on a page.

Organize different approaches to field-note writing categorically. For example, Emerson et al. (2011, pp. 57–79) discussed four general field-note subcategories: (a) descriptions based on concrete sensory details of physical spaces, people, objects, or actions, (b) dialogues between people, (c) characterizations portraying how a person acts and lives, and (d) narratives involving either sketches (i.e., snapshots) of a setting/character or episodes illustrated through continuous action and interaction. In all of these categories, it is important for the field-note writer to distinguish between that which is concrete and/or directly observed—for example, verbatim quotes—and that which is inferred, approximated, or logically assumed (Bailey, 2017 ). Field notes can additionally take the form of methodological notes (highlighting research techniques used and/or planned), analytic notes (periodic forays into conceptual understandings that strive to approximate professional writing 32 ), and personal notes (therapeutic and potentially revealing outlets for discussing one’s relationships, feelings, and emotions).

Ethnographic Interviews

Ethnographers typically conduct interviews as a primary method of research. However, whereas participant observation is so central to ethnography that some well-practiced scholars might be forgiven for simply—and in my view, mistakenly—equating the two, interview-based research and ethnography are distinctly different (Becker & Geer, 1957 ; Lamont & Swidler, 2014 ). Ethnographers, like most qualitative researchers, conduct interviews, but, unlike participant observation, interviews alone do not come close to approximating ethnography.

Ethnographic interviewing is distinct from what I will call general interview-based research in several ways. First, ethnographic interviews typically take place after a researcher has been in the field for some period of time. Ethnographers do not enter the field assuming they know what is most important; firsthand experience in a social arena is thought to facilitate better interview questions (O’Reilly, 2012 ). It is furthermore presumed that a level of familiarity between researcher and researched, and perhaps even mutual respect, leads to better research collaborations.

Second, ethnographers understand and at times analyze interviews as speech events—meaning that an interview is more than just a transcript of questions and answers. Contextual factors including (but not limited to) place, time, body language, fluidity of dialogue, and prior relationship between interviewer and interviewee may all have a bearing on the way an interview plays out (O’Reilly, 2012 ). In fact, an ethnographer may find as much value in what a person chooses not to talk about as in what they emphasize. Additionally, the texture of statements—such things as inflection, accent, volume, and cadence—combined with context, can often alter the literal meaning of what is said.

Finally, some ethnographers consider everyday dialogue with people in the field as a form of informal interviewing. If an interview is defined as a consciously initiated verbal exchange through which a researcher—primarily via questions and answers—learns from the people they conduct research among about a given topic, we must be cognizant of the fact that, during the course of participant observation–based fieldwork, these types of exchanges take place all the time. At what point does asking someone how to take the bus downtown or inquiring, over coffee, about why someone did not join his or her sister in visiting a relative turn into an interview? The point is, with participant observation research, these distinctions are conditional and often undefined.

Participant observation, field-note writing, and ethnographic interviewing are by no means the only research methods ethnographers employ. The data collection techniques of ethnographic research are often determined pragmatically in relation to theoretical orientations, research questions, and the availability and appropriateness of various options. Ethnographers also gather and analyze pieces of material culture, make nonparticipatory behavioral observations; record videos; take photographs; engage in community mapping; conduct surveys, genealogies, and domain analyses; and examine archival documents, censuses, and various media materials, in addition to a range of other methods. Nevertheless, participant observations, the field notes they inspire, and interviewing comprise the core practices of most ethnographic researchers.

Ethnographic Comportment

As a final framework for understanding ethnography and what distinguishes it from other forms of participant observation–based field research, I introduce the idea of ethnographic comportment as a politics of positionality, which bears on an ethnographer’s conduct and demeanor throughout the research and writing process. The critical awarenesses that underly ethnographic comportment, in many respects, are extensions of ethnography’s now-standard mandate for reflexivity. Generally speaking, reflexivity in ethnography amounts to an awareness of “one’s own role in the construction of social life as [ethnographic research] unfolds” (O’Reilly, 2012 , p. 11). It involves “a continual internal dialogue and critical self-evaluation” regarding one’s positionality, assumptions, and agendas (Berger, 2015 , p. 220). The origins of reflexivity can be traced to ethnographers’ postwar rise in self-consciousness (Nash & Wintrob, 1972 ), which was fully realized with anthropology’s 1980s postmodern turn (Clifford & Marcus, 1986 ; Marcus & Fischer, 1986 ). In the early 21st century, reflexivity is thought of as both an important aspect of ethnographic knowledge production and a means to assessing research accountability and validity. Trained ethnogra phers are well aware of this—to the point, perhaps, where reflexivity becomes embodied knowledge or a part of who we are.

Ethnographic training also includes familiarity with ethnography’s history and key debates (McGranahan, 2014 ). This history began during the colonial era at a time when, according to Kathleen Gough ( 1968 ), “Western nations were making their final push to bring practically the whole pre-industrial non-Western world under their political and economic control” (p. 401). Anthropologists, particularly, are well schooled in this history and, as a foundation of contemporary disciplinary training, debate the extent to which past ethnographers were willingly and/or unwillingly complicit in furthering it (see Lewis, 2013 ). Ethnographers working in sociology observe a similar tradition of researching marginalized urban communities (Vidich & Lyman, 2000 ) and representing them in ways, or through analytical categories, that were often not consistent with their self-understandings and/or best interests.

Training in ethnography should also incorporate considerations of the power dynamics that continue to shape ethnographic encounters (Koivunen, 2010 ; Wolfe, 1996 ). These critical awarenesses inspire sensibilities that ethnographers carry with them throughout the research enterprise. I am in no position to prescribe the exact decisions and actions that follow from such awarenesses. Does the White British ethnographer researching in Ghana meaningfully grapple with the politics surrounding the favorable attention she receives as a European in Africa, or does she simply explain that Ghanaians are nice and she had no trouble building rapport? Does she struggle with the historical implications of potentially projecting her own frames of understanding onto contemporary Abron music practices or does she simply report what she understands she is seeing and move on? The choice is up to the ethnographer; however, it should be made with some understanding of and critical reflection on the enterprise she is taking part in. To summarize, ethnographic comportment involves a historical awareness and reflexive self-awareness of one’s participation in ethnography as a research tradition. Following João de Pina-Cabral’s ( 1992 ) assertion that ethnographers match what they observe “against the accumulated knowledge of [their] discipline” (p. 6), I maintain that such knowledge increasingly includes a critical outlook on both the historical and the resonating fault lines of ethnography as practiced.

At a moment when the (mis)use of ethnography as an umbrella term for any and all qualitative research threatens its integrity, researchers who are seriously invested in ethnography are reflexive of their participation in this research tradition. Accordingly, they adopt a disposition of accountability for their role in advancing rejuvenated and/or progressive forms of ethnographic practice. Throughout the process of research, ethnographers are (self-)conscious about how they comport themselves in relation to their research and the people they are researching among; they are also conscious—albeit often abstractly—of the end product that they are working toward. Such textual awareness (Van Maanen, 2011 ) influences their decision-making throughout the various, flexible, and often unforeseeable stages of an ethnographic project. When their work is finished, they hope that both their in-the-field conduct and their written ethnography will be regarded as good (see Harrison, 2018 ) and, in the best of instances, that the latter will contribute to furthering the ethnographic tradition in positive ways.

In sum, ethnographic comportment is predicated on the idea that the embodied knowledge a researcher has accrued through disciplinary and methodological training guides them, as a form of improvised analysis, throughout the ethnographic enterprise toward the goal of producing work that is valued in its own right, (usually) by the researched community, and as part of the ethnographic tradition.

At a time when the proliferation of ethnography threatens to untether it from its core commitments and fundamental modes of inquiry, I see a pressing need to reprofessionalize ethnography by calling attention to its historical foundations, outlining its central practices and research principles, and presenting new frameworks, which I believe are helpful in grasping and gauging its contemporary significance. An awareness of ethnography’s history—its complicated engagements with colonialism and progressive humanism—should inform all efforts to move it forward. Beyond key practices like participant observation, field-note writing, and ethnographic interviewing, ethnography is marked by its attention to culture as an explanatory construct, lavish contextualization, iterative modes of data collection and analysis, empathetic engagements, and abundant storytelling. In embracing these attributes, ethnographers thoughtfully observe, reflect on, and represent the complexities of social life and culturally situated perspectives of people.

Ethnographers are not particularly adept at problem solving, in large part because the knowledge they procure, produce, and distribute is expansive, conditional, and historically unfinished. While “bucolic wise men” gather at the village store and resolve gun control debates or immigration issues in minutes, the ethnographer among them is perpetually suspicious of such quick answers. She understands that her job is to listen for meaning. She may participate—to extend the dialogue or maintain her own internal dialogue as she reflects on the grounded perspectives being shared around her. Above all else, she recognizes that people on all sides of a debate have convictions, passions, and frameworks of understanding that should be respected and that, as researchers, we should aspire to better understand. Increasingly, such patience and attention to human complexities are under threat by assembly line modes of academic production that treat time and knowledge as commodities. Yet by resisting these inclinations—and offering a counter to narrow definitions of research efficiency—ethnography secures its relevance to understanding the varied ways people live their lives and means through which they know what they know.

Future Directions

How can ethnography continue to flourish within contexts of accelerating academic production? How can it maintain its patient, thoughtful, and unfinished research practices at a time when academic value is equated with efficiency, volume of output, and tangibility of results?

Given that many people in the early 21st century engage with digital/social media technologies as aspects of their daily lives, how can ethnography best attend to the intersections between virtual and physical worlds?

In contexts of increased political and methodological conservatism, where institutional review boards require completed research designs and protocols as prerequisites to approval, how can ethnographers represent their iterative and inductive modes of research in ways that comply with institutionally mandated expectations?

As the lines between ethnography and everyday life become increasingly fuzzy, what new modes of ethnographic understanding and representation should be acknowledged and embraced?

In ethnography’s postpostmodern reformulations and trajectories, how should researchers map the borders of the field (ontologically and in terms of the various interests that ethnographic studies can serve)?

Ethnography’s foundations are in writing culture, yet, historically, ethnographers are deeply implicated in the project of literatizing nonliterate societies. Given this paradox, what nonliteral forms of ethnographic representations might a contemporary, critical, and historically informed ethnographic project take? How can we move beyond writing culture ?

Here, I am using field in both the traditional sense of fieldwork conducted within a physical place/space and in the Bourdieuian sense of a field of cultural practice (Bourdieu, 1984 ).

Ethnographies can also take the shorter form of essays and professional journal articles, as well as nonliterary forms like “films, records, museum displays, or whatever” (Geertz, 1973 , p. 19n). Recognizing this—yet in the interest of avoiding cumbersome qualifications—throughout the remainder of the chapter I treat ethnography foremost as a writing practice.

Etymologically, ethnography combines ethno , meaning “culture (or race),” and graphy, meaning “to write, record, and describe.” Thus, ethnography can be thought of as the process and product of writing, recording, and describing culture.

In addition to my own writings, there is a wealth of very good work on ethnography’s history—for example, see Darnell ( 2001 ), Jones ( 2010 ), Kuper ( 1996 ), Lassiter ( 2005 ), and Stocking ( 1983a ).

Broadly speaking, the distinction between social and cultural anthropology is based on national traditions, with the former practiced in England and the latter in the United States. More specifically, British (social) anthropology has historically stressed the interrelationships between social institutions and observes foundational figures like Malinowski and Alfred R. Radcliffe-Brown, whereas American (cultural) anthropology recognizes cultural coherences as outlined through the work of Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict (Garbarino, 1977/1983 ).

In the introduction to Argonauts of the Western Pacific , Malinowski ( 1922/1966 ) included a footnote explaining that, “according to a useful habit of the terminology of science, [he] uses the word Ethnography for the empirical and descriptive results of the science of Man, and the word Ethnology for speculative and comparative theories” (p. 9, fn).

Historically, the masculine pronouns he/him/his were used as universal references to all people—in this case falsely implying that all ethnographers were men. Rather than cluttering the text with numerous [ sic ]s, I let these pass without further comment. In instances where I offer gendered pronouns, as a general (but not exclusive) rule, I use the feminine she/her/hers. Following Margery Wolf ( 1992 ), I do not do this “to privilege the female voice but to call attention to the way in which the supposedly generic ‘he’ does in fact privilege the male voice” (p. 56).

Malinowski was certainly not the first to acknowledge the importance of “native subjectivity”—in fact, several commentators have highlighted this as an area where American anthropologists greatly outpaced their British counterparts (Bunzl, 2004 ; Darnell, 2001 ; Lassiter & Campbell, 2010 ). Indeed, cultural relativism as an anthropological movement is most prominently connected with Franz Boas and his students, Margaret Mead ( 1928/1961 ), Melville Herskovits ( 1972 ), and, most famously, Ruth Benedict ( 1934/2005 ). Yet the significance of Malinowski’s powerful dictate to understand native subjectivities—as a “goal, of which an ethnographer should never lose sight” (1922/1966, p. 25)—is illustrated by the frequency with which he has been and continues to be cited.

A short list of Malinowski’s students at the London School of Economics includes Raymond Firth, E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Hortense Powdermaker, Edmund Leach, Jomo Kenyatta, Lucy Mair, Audrey Richards, and Meyer Fortes.

Howard Becker ( 1999 ) is critical of this designation, arguing that “ ‘Chicago’ was never the unified chapel … [nor] unified school of thought” that many believe it to have been (p. 10).

These include Nel’s Anderson’s The Hobo (1923/1961), Frederick Thrasher’s The Gang ( 1927 ), Louis Wirth’s The Ghetto ( 1928 ), Harvey W. Zorbaugh’s The Gold Coast and the Slum (1929), Paul Cressey’s The Taxi-Dance Hall ( 1932 ), and E. Franklin Frazier’s The Negro Family in Chicago ( 1932 ).

For example, until 1929, the department at Chicago was known as the Department of Sociology and Anthropology. Among the (other) notable anthropologists in the department during these formative years were Boas’s students, Edward Sapir and Fay-Cooper Cole; Robert Redfield, who married Park’s daughter; and Ralph Linton, who taught classes there while affiliated with Chicago’s Field Museum (Faris, 1967 ).

Commenting on the improvisational nature of anthropological ethnography, Lisa H. Malkki ( 2007 ) suggested that sociologists approach ethnography “with a different sensibility” (p. 186, n2). Additionally, there appears to be some historical reluctance within the sociological tradition to refer to their brand of field research as ethnography. In Buford H. Junker’s ( 1960 ) seminal introduction to social science fieldwork, for example, based on extensive interviews with University of Chicago student fieldworkers, ethnography is only referenced on a few occasions. In one telling passage, Junker describes the ethnographer’s task of “start[ing] from scratch by learning the language of his esoteric people” in opposition to the sociological field worker operating “in some part of an otherwise already familiar cultural milieu” (1960, p. 70).

Malinowski ( 1922/1966 ) specifically said that “one of the first conditions of acceptable ethnographic work certainly is that it should deal with the totality of all social, cultural, and psychological aspects of a community, for they are so interwoven that not one can be understood without taking into consideration all the others” (p. xvi). This idea of anthropology as a holistic science—assuming the interconnections and mutual influences between various aspects of social life—continues to be reiterated in the introductory chapters of almost all discipline textbooks.

Several very good overviews of the qualitative research methods used in ethnography exist, including Bailey ( 2017 ), Bernard ( 1995 ), Emerson, Fretz, and Shaw ( 2011 ), Gobo ( 2008 ), Hammersley and Atkinson ( 1995 ), Pawluch, Shaffir, and Miall ( 2005 ), and Spradley ( 1980 ).

Whereas historically ethnographers thought of their work as focusing on neatly bounded cultures, usually (mis)represented as being isolated from globalizing influences, 21st century ethnographers understand their work to be focused on culture as a socially orienting concept—accordingly, the term shifts from being a noun to an adjective (e.g., cultural beliefs, cultural values, cultural processes).

This is not to suggest, as others have (see Marcus & Fischer, 1986 , p. 156), that “native” ethnographers lose their capacity for radical critique as a result of their Western anthropological training (McClaurin, 2001 ).

In making this characterization, I am building on Karen O’Reilly’s ( 2012 ) description of ethnography as an iterative–inductive process .

See Christians ( 2000 ) for a thorough discussion of these three guiding pillars surrounding qualitative research ethics.

I insert this qualification to recognize an earlier (less enlightened) period when some would argue that ethnography was used as an instrument of colonial domination (see Asad, 1973 ; Deloria, 1969 ; Gough, 1968 ).

I make this comparison based on behavior, not presumed intent. I am well aware that many people view politicians as being disingenuous. I am in no way implying that ethnographers operate with insincere intentions. Thank you to Steve Gerus for bringing this similarity to my attention.

I juxtapose this understanding of writerly against the example of an instruction manual, which as a very unwriterly text does not recognize its readers’ capacity to think on their own and therefore presents information in unimaginative ways with the intention of providing little room for alternative interpretations.

This can be found in Harrison, 2009 , pp. 1–6.

For a short summary of postpositivism, see Bailey ( 2017 ).

In particular cases, where such researchers work among more powerful groups, these commitments might be toward exposing the workings of power, thus leading toward the same ends of empowering those who are marginalized.

These in-between spaces are sometimes distinguished as observing participation and participating observation (see Bernard, 1995 ; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1995 ; Junker, 1960 ).

This is sometimes referred to as homeblindness , defined as being blind to crucial dimensions of one’s own lifeways because they are taken for granted (Czarniawska, 1997 ). While I acknowledge that ethnocentrism more typically involves putting one’s culture above others, I maintain that homeblindness is a product of ethnocentrism.

Additionally, there might be countless potential reasons for an interviewee to be less than forthcoming.

For instance, someone doing an ethnography of pickup basketball games may have easier access if he or she has a background in playing basketball.

Today, many people engage the virtual, online, social media, or networked worlds consistently throughout their daily lives. To the extent that ethnographers are interested in engaging with people in everyday settings and circumstances, it would seem reasonable and even potentially quite illuminating for ethnographers to be attentive to the intersections of online and offline activities (Lane, 2016 ).

There are several excellent books that discuss field-note writing; see, for example, H. Russell Bernard’s Research Methods in Anthropology (1995); Carol A. Bailey’s A Guide to Qualitative Field Research ( 2017 ); and Robert M. Emerson, Rachel I. Fretz, and Linda L. Shaw’s Writing Ethnographic Fieldnotes ( 2011 ). I strongly recommend that any novice researcher carry one of these books when embarking on fieldwork.

My definition of analytic notes is consistent with what Emerson et al. ( 2011 ) called in-process memos .

Amit, V. ( 2000 ). Introduction: Constructing the field. In V. Amit (Ed.), Constructing the field: Ethnographic fieldwork in the contemporary world (pp. 1–18). New York, NY: Routledge.

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15 Great Ethnography Examples

Ethnography is a research method that involves embedding yourself in the environment of a group or community and recording what you observe. It often involves the researcher living in the community being studied. This leads to a much richer understanding of the people being examined than doing quantitative research.

The thing I love about ethnography is that it paints a thorough picture of people’s lives. It is, in its own way, the most raw, honest, and detailed form of academic research.

In my previous blog posts, I have discussed my admiration for thick description as a way to pierce beyond stereotypes and view the world through the lens of our subjects.

And there’s no doubt that ethnographic research has helped us learn so much more about how people navigate their cultural circumstances.

Below are some examples of ethnography – both abstract (with the hope that it helps students think about some ways they can do ethnography) and real-life (with the hope that you will read some inspiring ethnographic studies).

Ethnography Examples

To start, here are some ways you could potentially do ethnography:

• Ethnography of Indigenous People: There are many examples of ethnographic studies that look at indigenous cultures and how they’re similar or different to Western culture. Beware of the trap of colonialism during this work.
• Mundane Ethnography: Remember, ethnography doesn’t have to happen in a far off land. You can do autoethnography where you study yourself , or a study of somewhere very banal, like your workplace or home.
• Educational Ethnography: There is a rich history of teachers and researchers using ethnographic methods in classrooms to explore how learning happens.
• Ethnography in a Shop: Be the ethnographer within a supermarket by interacting with the people there on a daily basis (maybe as the cashier) and observe how people interact and collide within the space.
• Working-Class and Immigrant Ethnography: Many sociologists use ethnographic methods to take an inside look at how people on the margins of society grapple with global concepts like capitalism, globalization, and race.
• Digital Ethnography: Since the rise of the internet, there have been many researchers interested in the digital lives of people. Some of my favorite studies have revealed how we create our identities online.

My Favorite Ethnographic Research Books

1. learning to labour.

Author: Paul Willis

One of my favorite ethnographic works, Learning to Labour follows working-class ‘lads’ in the British Midlands as they participate in counter-cultural and ‘anti-social’ behaviors.

The most fascinating aspect of this book is the rich elucidation of how these working-class boys reject narratives of upward mobility and revel in rejecting mental work at school. But at the same time, they create their own value hierarchies.

In fact, the boys don’t even leave school when they are legally allowed, despite giving a veneer of being anti-school. Instead, they remain there, because there is their own social and even educational value they can get out of it. They prize the manual labor they do in class and, after leaving school, continue to prize physical labor in the workplace while deriding and dismissing mental labor.

2. Being Maori in the City

Author: Natacha Gagné

When indigenous people live in urban environments, their authenticity as indigenous peoples is often brought into question.

Thus, Gagné’s examination of Maori identity in Auckland presents a valuable insight into how people continue to live out their indigenous identities in a changing, urbanized, and colonized landscape.

Gagné spent two years living with Maori people in Auckland and highlights in the book how their identity continues to be central to how they interact both with one another and with broader society.

3. Ethnography of a Neoliberal School

Author: Garth Stahl

While a wide range of academic research has looked at how neoliberalism can affect education, an ethnographic approach allows Stahl to demonstrate how it turns up as lived experience.

Neoliberalism is an approach to governance that focuses on the corporatization of society. In education, this means that schools should be run like companies.

There is no better example, of course, than charter schools .

In my favorite chapter, Stahl demonstrates within one anonymized charter school how teachers are increasingly subjected to performance quotas, KPIs, and governance that narrow down the purpose of education and give them very little freedom to exercise their expertise and provide individualized support to their students.

4. Coming of Age in Samoa

Author: Margaret Mead

Margaret Mead’s groundbreaking ethnography, Coming of Age in Samoa , had implications for two important reasons:

• It highlighted the importance of feminist perspectives in ethnographic research.
• It challenged a universalizing stage-based conceptualization of human development.

Mead’s work was conducted at a time when the Western world was in a moral panic about adolescents’ stress and emotional behaviors. The prevailing idea – promoted mainly by male psychologists – was that most of those behaviors were a natural part of the developmental cycle.

Mead, however, saw that female Samoan adolescents had much different experiences of adolescence and would not have fitted into the western mold of how a female adolescent would behave or be treated.

The Samoan society’s liberal ideas around intimacy and the lower levels of academic stress placed on the girls meant they lived very different realities with far less stress and social pressure than their Western counterparts.

5. Ghetto at the Center of the World

Author: Gordon Mathews

Mathews’s Ghetto at the Center of the World explores a multiethnic high-density housing complex in Hong Kong.

While seen by many locals as a ghetto (despite its relative safety!), Mathews shows how the motley group of residents, migrants, and tourists in the building live rich lives at what appears to be ground zero of globalization.

For the people in the building, globalization has offered opportunities but hasn’t solved all their problems. Each person that Mathews follows has their own story of how they navigate a globalized world while maintaining hope for a better future.

Additional Influential Ethnographic Studies

• Argonauts of the Western Pacific – This study was notable because it presented a turn toward participant observation in ethnography rather than attempts at fly-on-the-wall objectivity.
• The Remembered Village – A study of caste systems in India, this study is most notable for its methodological influence. Srinivas, the author, lost his field notes, but he continued on with presenting his findings, causing widespread controversy about its methodological merits.
• Space and Society in Central Brazil – This study explores the experiences of the Panará indigenous people of Brazil as they attempt to secure protected space from the colonialization occurring around them. It’s notable for its insights into how the Panará people organize themselves both culturally and spatially.
• White Bound – This book follows two groups, a white anti-racist group and a white nationalist group, and explores how each deals with whiteness. While the groups have fundamentally different goals, even the anti-racist group continue to contribute to white privilege .
• City, Street and Citizen – Suzanne Hall’s study of the mundane city street explores how multiethnicity is played out in globalized cities. It is a fascinating look at how lives take place within shared spaces where social contact occurs.

Ethnography is, in my humble (and of course subjective) opinion, the most exciting form of primary research you can do. It can challenge assumptions, unpick social norms, and make us all more empathetic people.

Chris Drew (PhD)

Dr. Chris Drew is the founder of the Helpful Professor. He holds a PhD in education and has published over 20 articles in scholarly journals. He is the former editor of the Journal of Learning Development in Higher Education. [Image Descriptor: Photo of Chris]

• Chris Drew (PhD) https://helpfulprofessor.com/author/chris-drew-phd/ 5 Top Tips for Succeeding at University
• Chris Drew (PhD) https://helpfulprofessor.com/author/chris-drew-phd/ 50 Durable Goods Examples
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• Chris Drew (PhD) https://helpfulprofessor.com/author/chris-drew-phd/ 30 Globalization Pros and Cons

3 thoughts on “15 Great Ethnography Examples”

Thanks very much for that. I am an early childhood teacher, already published on the topic of bilingual and multilingual children in our sector. One of my lecturers has suggested an ethnographic study of some of our immigrant children. Not sure where to start with that, but this has put me in the right frame of mind. Thanks again

Dear Chris,

Any suggested topic on ethnographic research i can start with here in the hospital where i am working. I am a nurse for cardiovascular patients undergoing open heart surgeries.

As you’re in a high risk setting, you might be best asking your managers at the workplace about this one. You could also consider an autoethnography where you do a study on yourself within the settings.

Best of luck with the study.

Regards, Chris

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• Open access
• Published: 05 December 2021

Ethnographic research as an evolving method for supporting healthcare improvement skills: a scoping review

• Georgia B. Black   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-2676-5071 1 ,
• Sandra van Os   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-0021-8758 1 ,
• Samantha Machen   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-4727-4423 1 &
• Naomi J. Fulop   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-5306-6140 1  

BMC Medical Research Methodology volume  21 , Article number:  274 ( 2021 ) Cite this article

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A Correction to this article was published on 11 April 2022

This article has been updated

The relationship between ethnography and healthcare improvement has been the subject of methodological concern. We conducted a scoping review of ethnographic literature on healthcare improvement topics, with two aims: (1) to describe current ethnographic methods and practices in healthcare improvement research and (2) to consider how these may affect habit and skill formation in the service of healthcare improvement.

We used a scoping review methodology drawing on Arksey and O’Malley’s methods and more recent guidance. We systematically searched electronic databases including Medline, PsychINFO, EMBASE and CINAHL for papers published between April 2013 – April 2018, with an update in September 2019. Information about study aims, methodology and recommendations for improvement were extracted. We used a theoretical framework outlining the habits and skills required for healthcare improvement to consider how ethnographic research may foster improvement skills.

We included 274 studies covering a wide range of healthcare topics and methods. Ethnography was commonly used for healthcare improvement research about vulnerable populations, e.g. elderly, psychiatry. Focussed ethnography was a prominent method, using a rapid feedback loop into improvement through focus and insider status. Ethnographic approaches such as the use of theory and focus on every day practices can foster improvement skills and habits such as creativity, learning and systems thinking.

Conclusions

We have identified that a variety of ethnographic approaches can be relevant to improvement. The skills and habits we identified may help ethnographers reflect on their approaches in planning healthcare improvement studies and guide peer-review in this field. An important area of future research will be to understand how ethnographic findings are received by decision-makers.

Peer Review reports

Research can help to support the practice of healthcare improvement, and identify ways to “improve improvement” [ 1 ]. Ethnography has been identified particularly as a research method that can show what happens routinely in healthcare, and reveal the ‘ what and how of improving patient care [ 2 ]. Ethnography is not one method, but a paradigm of mainly qualitative research involving direct observations of people and places, producing a written account of natural or everyday behaviours and ideas [ 3 ]. Ethnographic research can identify contextual barriers to healthcare improvement. For example, Waring and colleagues suggested that hospital discharge could be improved by allowing staff to have more opportunities for informal communication [ 4 ].

There have been advances in ethnographic methods that support its role in supporting healthcare improvement. Multi-site, collaborative modalities of ethnography have evolved that suit the networked nature of modern healthcare [ 5 ]. Similarly, rapid ethnographic approaches (e.g. Bentley et al. [ 6 ];) meet the needs of improvement activities to produce findings within short timeframes [ 7 ]. However, the production of sustained ethnographic fieldwork has waned in response to demands for rapid evidence [ 6 , 8 , 9 ]. Critics of rapid ethnographic methods worry that they are diluting ethnography within applied contexts more widely [ 5 , 10 ].

The relationship between ethnography and healthcare improvement has been the subject of methodological concern [ 8 ]. The first concern is that some research identified as ethnography does not fit within the ethnographic paradigm, merely collecting observational data without a theoretical analysis, interpretation or researcher reflexivity [ 11 ]. A second concern is whether the topics of ethnographic inquiry produce findings that are seen as useful for improvement [ 12 ], particularly if they do not make explicit recommendations or produce checklists [ 8 , 13 , 14 , 15 ]. Authors fear that ethnographic findings that capture complexity [ 16 ] and expose taken-for-granted behaviours and phenomena [ 14 , 17 ] may be too abstract to be relevant to healthcare improvement [ 8 ]. However, these critiques position ethnographic research as a product which may be taken up by healthcare improvers, rather than seeing ethnographic work itself as an improvement activity. We take the view that healthcare improvement aims to change human behaviour to improve patient care, and is therefore reliant on the development of particular skills and habits (such as good communication) [ 18 ]. We would consider that engaging in ethnographic research may support skill development and habit formation that serves healthcare improvement.

In the literature of ethnography in healthcare improvement, there is not much discussion of the close relationship between methodological features of ethnographic research, and their impact on improvement skills. The aim of this paper is twofold: (1) to describe current ethnographic methods and practices in healthcare improvement research and (2) to consider how these may affect habit and skill formation in the service of healthcare improvement [ 19 ].

This is a scoping review following the methods outlined by Arksey & O’Malley and later refined by Levac et al., [ 20 , 21 ] including a systematically conducted literature review and reported in accordance with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR; see Additional file 1 for PRISMA checklist). No protocol was published for this review. Our literature search and analyses were conducted iteratively, searching reference lists and undertaking discussions with colleagues about key lines of argument. We also held a workshop at Health Services Research UK conference in 2018 on this topic to gain a wide range of stakeholder views.

Systematic retrieval of empirical papers and purposive sampling

Our search strategy was designed to capture a wide range of approaches to ethnography from different journals, healthcare settings and types of research environment. It was not our aim to capture every study using this methodology, but to map the current field. Thus we did not search grey literature, books or monographs. The search strategy was developed and piloted in consultation with a health librarian. Medline (on OVID platform), PsychINFO, CINAHL and EMBASE databases were searched, and six journals were hand-searched, including: BMJ Quality & Safety, Social Science and Medicine, Medical Anthropology, Cochrane library, Sociology of Health and Illness and Implementation Science. These databases were searched between dates April 2013 – April 2018 and an update was performed in September 2019 using the search terms outlined in Additional file 2 . We limited the search to these dates in order to capture the most recent methodological characteristics of ethnographic studies in this field.

We screened titles and then abstracts according to the inclusion and exclusion criteria detailed in Table 1 . We included studies which self-identified as using ethnography or ethnographic methods rather than using our own criteria. This is because ethnography can be hard to define, and use of criteria may risk excluding papers which exemplify the sorts of tensions and workarounds we are trying to capture.

The retrieved papers were screened by GB, SVO and SM based on inclusion and exclusion criteria (Table 1 ). The total number of papers after screening titles, abstracts and full texts was 274 (Fig. 1 ).

PRISMA statement of all references retrieved, screened and included in the scoping review

Numerical charting

Characteristics of each paper, such as title, authors, journal, year, country and healthcare subject area were extracted (see Table 2 ).

Thematic analysis and development

We coded all 274 papers using NVivo software for stated aims and recommendations. This included close reading, and retrieval of key ideas and quotations from the papers that exemplified key ideas in relation to healthcare improvement, methodology and the authors’ reflections on these. The coded extracts of aims and recommendation in conjunction with the closer reading of the sub-sample were used to inductively develop conceptual ideas, such as how the corpus of papers explicitly aimed to contribute to healthcare improvement, and if not, how this affected the types of conclusions drawn. Some papers were read in greater depth to understand how the authors’ methods related to their findings and conclusions. In order to consider how ethnography supports habits and skills associated with healthcare improvement, we drew on a framework which identifies five habits of ‘improvers’: creativity, learning, systems thinking, resilience and influencing [ 19 ]. Applying this model to our selected papers, we mapped traits or approaches to the ethnographic studies that exemplified these habits either in the authors, or as part of developing these habits in others (e.g. healthcare decision-makers and professionals). Thematic interpretations and lines of argument were generated and discussed by all the authors.

Overview of study characteristics

The included studies covered a wide range of ethnographic methodologies and healthcare subjects, published internationally (Table 2 ) in predominantly social science and clinical journals (see Additional file 3 ). The full list of the 274 included studies is available in Additional file 4 .

Most studies described themselves as an ‘ethnography’ or ‘ethnographic’, although some described their methodology as ‘mixed methods’ including ethnographic components. For example, Collet et al. conducted a mixed methods participatory action research study using observations to produce an “ethnographic description” [ 22 ].

Almost all studies relied on observation and interviews as the main data sources. It was not always specified whether researchers took a participant or non-participant approach to observation. There were some examples of other data sources e.g. video data, surveys, documents, field notes, diaries, and artefacts. A few examples contained a paucity of data, such as only video data [ 23 ], limited fieldwork [ 24 ], a small number of interviewees [ 25 ], or reliance on focus group data alone [ 26 ]. Methods associated with qualitative methodology (but not necessarily ethnographic) were also used, such as data ‘saturation’ to denote that additional data did not provide new insights into the topic [ 27 ].

There were a number of minority or unusual ethnographic variations:

Quantitative ethnography [ 23 ]: temporal coding of physicians' workflow and interaction with the electronic health record system, and their patient.

Cognitive ethnography [ 28 ]: “identifying and elaborating distributed cognitive processes that occur when an individual enacts purposeful improvements in a clinical context”.

Street-level organizational ethnography [ 29 ]: intensive case study methods to explore the implications of healthcare policy at a street level.

Phenomenological ethnographies [ 30 ]: focussing on the lived experience and meanings associated with a phenomenon.

Geo-mapping [ 31 ]: geomapping of selected service data to define Latino immigrant community before conducting interviews and observations.

Use of different types of ethnography to support healthcare improvement

We found that many studies used methods that could identify issues relating to power and vulnerability, with potential relevance to how healthcare improvement problems are defined and solved, and by whom [ 1 ]. For example we noted a significant minority of studies using institutional and critical ethnography, mostly in vulnerable populations (see Table 3 ). These studies were explicitly attentive to systems and power relations, rather than on individual practices. We suggest that the use of geographically-oriented methods such as geo-mapping and street-level organisational ethnography are also attentive to the power structures inherent in place and space, and could be relevant to other geographical healthcare improvement topics such as networked healthcare systems, care at home and patient travel for treatment.

The high prevalence of ethnographic studies with vulnerable populations (e.g. psychiatry, end of life care) suggests that ethnography is also being conceptualised as an emancipatory method, reversing healthcare power structures in its focus. This has been a traditional focus of ethnography since social changes in power and representation in the 1970s, incorporated into the development of healthcare research methodology [ 40 , 41 ]. Some methods used were calculated to maximise the potential for supporting vulnerable groups, for example, Nightingale et al. [ 42 ] used focused ethnography (prolonged fieldwork in a small number of settings) to look at patient-professional interactions in paediatric chronic illness settings. The authors suggested that focussed ethnography is particularly suited to settings where fostering trust is essential. We would also suggest that ethnography may be particularly suited to settings in which participants are less able to verbalise their experiences.

The reviewed studies suggested that video ethnography can support healthcare improvement at a team level. For example, Stevens et al. [ 43 ] promoted video ethnography as a way to capture in-depth data on intimate interactions, in their study of elective caesareans. The video data allowed them to make use of timing data (e.g. of certain actions), physical positioning of different actors and equipment, and verbatim dialogue recording. The video data also suited the technical nature of the procedure, which was relatively time-limited. This form of data collection may not suit environments where healthcare activities are more spread out.

The impact of healthcare practitioner involvement in ethnographic fieldwork and findings

We noted that the use of ethnography for healthcare improvement has led to healthcare practitioners’ widespread involvement in data collection or analysis. We suggest that this is a form of negotiation across the healthcare-academia boundary, translating from ‘real world’ to data and back again. This has potential to create rich and relevant ethnographic studies that are geared towards improvement. However, some studies were undermined by a lack of reflexivity about the dual practitioner-ethnographer role.

A significant number of papers involved healthcare practitioners in fieldwork (e.g. Abdulrehman, 2017, Hoare et al. 2013; [ 37 , 44 ]). For example in Hoare et al. the lead researcher was a nurse, and wrote that they hoped “to bring both an emic and etic perspective to the data collection by bracketing my emic sense of self as a nurse practitioner in order to become a participant observer within my own general practice ” [ 37 ]. In this study, the findings fed directly into local service improvement as the lead researcher felt compelled to “share new ‘best practice’ information and join in the conversation.” There was little discussion about how this affected the generalisability of the findings, and whether their recommendations were adopted.

Similarly, Bergenholz et al. [ 45 ] conducted a study where a nursing researcher completed the main fieldwork and “assisted the nurses with practical care .” They acknowledged that “This may have caused limitations with regards to ‘blind spots’ in the nursing practice, but that it also gave access to a field that might be difficult for ‘outside-outsiders’ to gain .” However, there was no commentary on where the blind spots or extra access occurred, and how this may have affected the relevance and dissemination of their findings.

How might ethnography support healthcare improvement habits?

In this section, we evaluate the studies included in the review in terms of how their methods relate to improvement. We draw on the idea that successful improvement is based on a set of habits and their related skills acquired through experience and practice [ 19 ]. This section is structured around Lucas’s five habits of ‘improvers’: creativity, learning, systems thinking, resilience and influencing [ 19 ]. Under those headings, we describe the mechanisms by which ethnographic studies can support healthcare improvement habits, using illustrative examples.

Resilience is defined as being adaptable, particularly tolerating calculated risks and uncertainty, and proceeding with optimism. Being able to recover from adverse events is core to improvement, reframing them as opportunities. Adaptation and the ability to bounce back from adverse events and variation are core to improvement.

Tolerating the uncertainty of ethnographic data collection

While we did not relate these traits to any particular ethnographic approach in our studies, we would consider that undertaking any ethnographic project requires resilience, as data collection is inherently exploratory and uncertain. For example, Belanger et al. wanted to know how health care providers and their patients approach patient participation in palliative care decisions. The authors explicitly eschewed the pull to create guidelines or other formalised knowledge, but aimed to explore the “unforeseen and somewhat unavoidable ways in which discursive practices prompt or impede patient participation during these interactions.” [ 46 ]

Creativity is defined as working together to encourage fresh thinking by generating ideas and thinking critically.

Using a theoretical lens

Researchers may consider healthcare through a particular theory or framework (e.g. private ordering [ 47 ], masculine discourse [ 48 ], compassion [ 49 ]). The restriction of the theoretical lens enables critical thinking, and keeps the ethnographer creatively engaged. For example, Mylopoulos & Farhat [ 28 ] used the concept of adaptive expertise in a cognitive ethnography to explore “the phenomenon of purposeful improvement” in a teaching hospital. This theoretical lens revealed that clinicians were engaging in “invisible” improvement in their daily work, in “specific activities such as scheduling, establishing patient relationships, designing physical space and building supporting resources”. The authors suggested that these practices were devalued in comparison to more formal improvement activities, justifying the utility of the ‘adaptive expertise’ theory in bringing the daily improvement practices to light.

Challenging current problems and perspectives

We identified studies that challenged or reframed existing improvement problems e.g. Mishra [ 50 ]. This role removes the ‘blinkers’ of improvement research [ 51 ], and can ‘dissolve’ previously intractable implementation problems. For example, Boonan et al. [ 52 ] studied the practice of bar-coded medication from the perspective of nurses using the intervention. In their discussion, the authors challenge the assumption that if you introduce technology, then you will mitigate human factor risks. They highlighted that external pressures on hospitals perpetuate this perspective, and that “nurses and patients are consequently drawn into this discourse and institutional ruling, to which they are not oblivious”. Their recommendation was to understand the skills of nurses in tailoring technology to meet individual patients’ needs rather than trusting in systems blindly.

Learning is defined as harnessing curiosity and using reflective processes to extract meaning from experience.

Inviting reflection

We noted that some studies did not make explicit recommendations for improvement, but wrote their findings in a manner that would invite reflection on its subject matter. For example, Thomas & Latimer [ 53 ] wrote that they view their role as provocateurs of new ideas, stating that their intention “is not to propose specific policies or discourses designed to change or improve practice. More modestly, we hope that by analysing the everyday and by theorising the mundane, this article will ignite reflexive, ethical and pluralistic dialogues – and so better communication between practitioners, parents and the wider lay public – around reproductive technologies and medical conditions” (authors’ underline; p.951-2) [ 53 ]. Others such as Mackintosh et al [ 54 ] used their discussion section to examine their results in the context of other theories and provide illumination: “Our focus on trajectories illuminates the physiological process of birth and the unfolding pathology of illness (and death). This frame provides a means for us to link the agency of those involved in organising the care of acutely ill patients with the wider socio-political factors beyond the clinic, such as governmentality and risk (Heyman 2010, Waring 2007), death brokering (Timmermans 2005) and the medicalisation of birth and death (De Vries 1981).” (p.264). These two examples show that ethnographic work can be offered as an opportunity for learning and reflection, without a translation to specific recommendations.

Supporting a more ethical, expansive, inclusive, and participatory mode of healthcare

Problem-finding is highlighted as an important part of learning in improvement [ 19 ]. Several studies paid attention to multivocality and power, using this to find problematic, unethical and exclusive practices in healthcare. For example, some studies reported previously unheard viewpoints [ 55 , 56 , 57 ], or identified restrictive organisational barriers and normative assumptions [ 58 , 59 ]. Others promoted ethnography as a way of exploring ethics and morality [ 47 , 60 , 61 ], such as criticising research that prioritizes the needs of individuals over the good of society [ 62 ]. Ross et al. [ 63 ] suggested that it is also more ethical to use critical ethnography than other evaluative methods in researching vulnerable populations (e.g. neurological illness), by being able to “explore perceived political and emancipatory implications, [clarify] existing power differentials and [maintain] an explicit focus on action” .

Some studies directly researched power within the healthcare setting. For example, Batch and Windsor’s study of nursing workforce suggested that senior nurse leaders should use their positions to advocate for better working conditions [ 35 ], “ Manageable nurse/patient ratios, flexible patient-centred work models, equal opportunity for advancement, skill development for all and unit teamwork promotion”. Challenging traditional cultural assumptions that have produced and reproduced stereotypes is problematic because they most often are, by their very nature, invisible. In a more critical approach, Gesbeck’s thesis [ 62 ] on diabetes care work challenges the very mechanism of achieving healthcare improvement through research, stating that “we need to change the social and political context in which health care policy is made. This requires social change that prioritizes the good of the society over the good of the individual—a position directly opposed to the current system oriented toward profit and steeped in the ideology of personal responsibility.”

Systems thinking

Systems thinking is defined as seeing whole systems as well as their parts and recognising complex relationships, connections and interdependencies.

Suggesting reorientation to new ‘problem’ areas

We found that many ethnographic studies emphasised skills of synthesis and connection-making, reorienting improvement to different areas, for example in overarching policy recommendations (e.g. Hughes [ 36 ]; Liu et al. [ 64 ], Matinga et al. [ 65 ]), or resetting priorities. For example, Manias’ [ 66 ] ethnography of communication relating to family members' involvement in medication management in hospital suggests that “greater attention should be played on health professionals initiating communication in proactive ways ” [p.865]. In another example, Cable-Williams & Wilson’s (2017) focussed ethnography captures cultural factors within long-term care facilities. Their discussion suggests that acknowledgement of death is under-represented in front-line practice and government policy, reorienting discussions towards an integration of living and dying care.

Exposing hidden practices within the everyday

We found that several studies drew attention to ‘hidden’ practices in healthcare work, allowing them to evaluated and improved. For example, we found reference to practices such as coordinating [ 67 ], repair [ 68 ], caretaking [ 69 ], scaffolding [ 68 ], tinkering [ 52 ] and bricolage [ 58 ]. We also found that some studies had new interpretations of ‘the everyday’ or ‘taken-for-granted’ (e.g. nursing culture [ 34 , 35 , 45 , 70 ], interprofessional practice [ 67 , 71 , 72 , 73 , 74 , 75 ]). Authors’ outputs included frameworks [ 76 ] or models [ 69 , 71 , 77 , 78 ] that map these types of practices in a way that is helpful for intervention development or quality improvement. For example, Mackintosh et al. [ 54 ] looked at rescue practices in medical wards and maternity care settings using Strauss’s concept of the patient trajectory. Their findings highlighted the risks inherent in the wider social practices of hospital care, and suggested that improvement was needed at a level “beyond individual and team processes and technical safety solutions.”

Influencing

Influencing is defined as engaging others and gaining buy-in using a range of facilitative processes.

Direct translation of findings to targets for improvement

Lucas suggests that to be influential, ethnographic studies need to have some empathy with clinical reality, whilst being facilitative and comfortable with conflict [ 19 ]. This was shown in ethnographic studies that made pragmatic recommendations, such as in Jensen’s study of clinical simulation. They advised that simulation might be useful in staging “adverse event scenarios with a view to creating more controlled and safer environments.” ( 80). In MacKichan et al. [ 79 ] observations and interviews were used to understand how primary care access influenced decisions to seek help at the emergency department. The authors made empathic, actionable recommendations such as “ simplifying appointments systems and communicating mechanisms to patients.” (p.10).

Evaluating the context of healthcare improvement

By capturing contextual and social aspects of healthcare improvement, ethnographic evaluations can support leaders and managers who are trying to implement improvement activities. This is a particularly helpful trait in ethnographic studies that pay attention to politics, governance and social theory in their evaluation of new interventions, “zooming out” [ 80 ] beyond the patient-clinician interaction to broader social networks. For example, Tietbohl et al. [ 81 ] investigated the difficulties of implementing a patient decision support intervention (DESI) in primary care through the theoretical lens of relational coordination between “physician and clinical staff groups (healthcare professionals)”. The authors’ recommended attention to the “underlying barriers such as the relational dynamics in a medical clinic or healthcare organization” when creating policies and programs that support shared decision-making using support interventions. This sort of insight can make it more likely that new policies or interventions will succeed. This skill was particularly fertile in the tradition of techno-anthropology, exploring technology-induced errors and the real-world interaction between people and technology, e.g. decision-support tools [ 81 , 82 , 83 , 84 , 85 , 86 ], the introduction of robot caregivers [ 87 ] and clinical simulations [ 88 ]. Other approaches included an investigation of one intervention or change but with a theoretical lens of inquiry.

Summary of findings

This scoping review has identified the methodological characteristics of 5 years of published papers that self-identify as ethnography or ethnographic in the field of healthcare improvement. Ethnography is currently a popular research method in a wide range of healthcare topics, particularly in psychiatry, e.g. mental health, dementia and experiential concerns such as quality of life. Focused ethnography is a significant sub-group in healthcare, suggesting that messages about the importance of research timeliness have taken hold [ 89 ].

We have identified ethnographic methods reported in these papers, and considered their utility in developing skills and habits that support healthcare improvement. Specific practices associated with the ethnographic paradigm can encourage good habits (resilience, creativity, learning, systems thinking and influencing) in healthcare, which can support improvement. For example, using relevant theories to look at every day work in healthcare can foster creativity. The use of critical and institutional ethnography could increase skills in ‘systems thinking’ by critically evaluating how healthcare improvement problems are defined and solved, and by whom.

Comparison with previous literature

This scoping review is the first to consider how current ethnographic methods and practices may relate to healthcare improvement. Within the paradigm of applied healthcare research, there is normative value in being ‘useful’ or ‘impactful’ in our research, which affects our prospects for funding and career success [ 12 ]. However, our review has uncovered a multitude of ways that an ethnographic study can be useful in relation to healthcare improvement, without creating actionable findings. We found a spectrum of interactions with healthcare improvement: some authors explicitly eschewed recommendations or clinical implications; others made imperative statements about required changes to policy or practice. However, this diversity was not necessarily a reflection on how ‘traditional’ the ethnographic methodology was. This challenges the paper by Leslie et al. which puts ethnographic studies in two output categories with respect to healthcare improvement: critique versus feedback [ 8 ]. Instead, we uncovered a variety of ways that ethnography can support healthcare improvement habits, such as encouraging reflection, problem-finding and exposing hidden practices in healthcare.

We did find that supporting healthcare improvement through ethnographic research can require strategic effort, however. For example, we noted that several authors wrote multiple articles based on the same project, often for different types of journal to reach different audiences such as diverse readerships in health services and academic settings. For example, Collier and colleagues published two papers based on a video ethnography of end-of-life care (both in 2016), one in a healthcare quality journal [ 32 ] and one in a qualitative research journal [ 76 ]. The former is shorter, with explicit recommendations for patient safety, whereas the latter is longer, has more detailed results and long sections on reflexivity. Similarly, Grant published an article in a sociology journal [ 90 ] and a healthcare improvement paper [ 91 ] on the same work about medication safety. The sociological paper covered “spatio-temporal elements of articulation work” whereas the other put forward “key stages” and risks, suggesting that it was more closely oriented to improvement.

There have been some considerable debates about changes in ethnographic methods and tools, with concerns about lost researcher identity, dilution of the method, and challenges to “upholding ethnographic integrity” [ 92 ] . We contest this, suggesting that new variants such as focussed and cognitive ethnography are evolving in response to the complexity of hospitals and healthcare [ 93 ], while also being highly regulated, standardised and ordered by biomedicine. Such complex environments cannot be studied and improved under one paradigm alone. Ethnographic identity and method have also been affected by the cross-pollination of ethnography with other social science paradigms and applied environments (e.g. clinical trials, technology development). Debates about theoretical and methodological choices are not only made merely with respect to healthcare improvement, but also in response to professional pressures (e.g. university requirements for impact) [ 12 ], and the mores of taste situated within the overlapping communities of practice that evaluate ethnographic healthcare research [ 94 ]. That said, we echo previous authors’ calls for attention to reflexivity, particularly in embedded or clinician-as-researcher roles [ 95 ].

Our scoping review challenges a previously expressed concern that ethnographic studies may not produce findings that are useful for improvement [ 10 , 12 , 16 ]. By considering different ethnographic designs in relation to skills and habits needed for improvement, we have shown that studies need not necessarily produce ‘actionable findings’ in order to make a valuable contribution. Instead, we would characterise ethnography’s role in the canon of healthcare research methodologies as a way of enhancing improvement habits such as comfort with conflict, problem-finding and connection-making.

Strengths and limitations

This review has a number of limitations. The search may not have found all relevant studies, however the retrieved papers are intended as an exemplar rather than an exhaustive or aggregative review. The review is also limited to journal articles as evidence of researchers’ approach to improvement. This ignores many other ‘offline’ and ‘online’ activities such as meetings, presentations, blogs, books, and websites, which are conducted to disseminate findings and ideas. Our reliance on self-report for the identification of ethnographic studies will have excluded some studies within an ethnographic paradigm who chose different terms for their methodology (e.g. critical inquiry, case study). The strengths of this paper are its comprehensive coverage, incorporating all representative studies in healthcare research published within a five year period, and a wide range of ethnographic sub-types and healthcare subjects, drawn from an international pool of research communities.

We did not prescribe the right way for ethnographers to engage in healthcare improvement, indeed, we have identified that a variety of approaches can be relevant to improvement. The habits we identified may help ethnographers reflect on their approaches in planning healthcare improvement studies and guide peer-review in this field. Issues of taste, traditionalism and researcher identity need to be scrutinised in favour of value and audience. An important area of future research will be to understand how ethnographic findings are received by decision-makers, and further focused reviews on the relationship(s) between ethnographic methods, quality improvement skills and improvement outcomes.

Availability of data and materials

All papers included in the review are listed in Additional file 4 and are publicly available from their publishers’ websites.

Change history

11 april 2022.

A Correction to this paper has been published: https://doi.org/10.1186/s12874-022-01587-9

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Acknowledgements

The authors wish to thank Lorelei Jones, Natalie Armstrong, Justin Waring and Bill Lucas for their insightful comments and direction in the undertaking of this work.

This paper is independent research funded by the National Institute for Health Research CLAHRC North Thames. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the National Institute for Health Research or the Department of Health and Social Care.

NJF is an NIHR Senior Investigator. GB is supported by the Health Foundation’s grant to the University of Cambridge for The Healthcare Improvement Studies Institute.

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NJF and GB led the development and conceptualization of this scoping review and provided guidance on methods and design of the scoping review. GB, SVO and SM made contributions to study search, study screening, and all data extraction work. All authors analysed the data. All authors contributed to the writing and editing of the paper, and all authors have read and approved the manuscript.

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Black, G.B., van Os, S., Machen, S. et al. Ethnographic research as an evolving method for supporting healthcare improvement skills: a scoping review. BMC Med Res Methodol 21 , 274 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12874-021-01466-9

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Doing Ethnographic Research: Activities and Exercises

• By: Kimberly Kirner & Jan Mills
• Publisher: SAGE Publications, Inc.
• Publication year: 2020
• Online pub date: February 08, 2021
• Discipline: Anthropology
• Methods: Research questions , Survey research , Narrative research
• DOI: https:// doi. org/10.4135/9781544334080
• Keywords: feedback , justification , population , reading materials , stimuli , students , time on task Show all Show less
• Print ISBN: 9781544334066
• Online ISBN: 9781071849262
• Buy the book icon link

Key Features: Example and Non-Example Boxes that explain how to complete the exercise as well as what not to do. Write-In Exercises that make this supplemental book act like a real field journal. Example Assignments that can be applied in any classroom setting or in an online environment. Self-Reflection Questions that encourage inner development and thought to better your research. Templates that can be used in your ethnographic research, like the Grant Application Template that can be used to apply to grants for your research! Conversational-style approach that make it easy to use and understand, whether you are a professor, student or professional. Easy-to-use and easy-to-transport book that will accompany your Ethnographic Research!

Front Matter

• Acknowledgments
• About the Authors
• Chapter 1 | The Basics of Research Design
• Chapter 2 | Ethics
• Chapter 3 | Sampling
• Chapter 4 | Participant Observation
• Chapter 5 | Writing Field Notes
• Chapter 6 | Interviewing
• Chapter 7 | Coding and Analysis
• Chapter 8 | Surveys and Mixed Methods Design
• Chapter 9 | Cultural Domains: Modeling Cognition and Knowledge
• Chapter 10 | Indirect Observation: Material Culture and Using Archives or Media
• Chapter 11 | Behavior and Context: Mapping and Passive Direct Observation
• Chapter 12 | Putting It All Together: Culminating Experiences

Back Matter

• Appendix A Notes for Instructors
• Appendix B Adult Consent Form Template
• Appendix C Online Survey Consent Form Template
• Appendix D Developing Group Folk Taxonomies and Group Decision-Tree Models
• Appendix E IRB Template Human Subjects Protocol for Institutional Review Board
• Appendix F IRB Panel Assessment Form
• Appendix G Grant Template
• Appendix H Grant Review Panel Form
• Appendix I Technical Report Template
• Appendix J Peer Review Panel Form
• Appendix K Paper Presentation Review Form
• Appendix L Poster Review Form
• Appendix M Grading Your Colleagues: Individual and Group Reflections
• Appendix N Activity Reflection Questions

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What is Ethnographic Research? Definition, Methods, Examples

Appinio Research · 05.01.2024 · 38min read

Ever wondered how researchers immerse themselves in the intricacies of different cultures, communities, and human behaviors to uncover profound insights? In ethnographic research, the quest to understand the richness of human experience takes center stage. This guide will unravel the techniques, challenges, and transformative potential of ethnographic research. From delving into the foundations of this captivating methodology to exploring real-world applications, we'll journey through the captivating world of ethnography, offering you a passport to an in-depth understanding of people, societies, and the intricate tapestry of their lives.

What is Ethnographic Research?

Ethnographic research is a qualitative research method that seeks to understand and interpret the social and cultural behaviors, practices, and beliefs of individuals or groups within their natural context. Unlike other research approaches, ethnography emphasizes immersion in the research setting, allowing researchers to observe and interact with participants to gain deep insights into their lives. It is a holistic and participant-focused approach that aims to uncover the underlying meanings and significance of cultural phenomena.

The primary purpose of ethnographic research is to explore and describe the complexities of human behavior, culture, and society. This research method allows researchers to:

• Gain In-Depth Understanding : Ethnography enables researchers to immerse themselves in the lives of participants, gaining a profound understanding of their experiences, perspectives, and worldviews.
• Contextualize Behavior : By observing and interacting with individuals or groups within their natural settings, ethnographers can contextualize behavior and cultural practices, understanding why and how they occur.
• Uncover Hidden Insights : Ethnographic research often uncovers insights that may be hidden from traditional research methods. It sheds light on the nuances, contradictions, and subtleties of human behavior and culture.
• Inform Decision-Making : Findings from ethnographic studies can inform decision-making processes in various fields, such as education, healthcare, marketing, and community development. This research method provides practical insights that can drive positive change.
• Challenge Assumptions : Ethnography challenges preconceived notions and stereotypes, promoting a more nuanced and empathetic understanding of diverse cultures and societies.

Historical Context and Development

Ethnographic research has deep historical roots, dating back to the late 19th century when anthropologists and sociologists began conducting fieldwork among various cultures and societies. Pioneers like Bronisław Malinowski and Franz Boas played instrumental roles in shaping the discipline.

Over the years, ethnographic research has evolved and diversified. While its early focus was primarily on remote and non-Western societies, contemporary ethnographers explore various settings, including urban environments, workplaces, educational institutions, and healthcare facilities.

The development of ethnography has also been influenced by technological advances, allowing for new data collection and analysis methods. Ethnographers now have access to digital tools, audiovisual recording devices, and qualitative analysis software, enhancing the depth and breadth of their research.

Importance of Ethnographic Research

Ethnographic research holds immense importance in today's interconnected and multicultural world. Its significance lies in its ability to:

• Bridge Cultural Gaps : Ethnography fosters cross-cultural understanding by enabling researchers to immerse themselves in the lived experiences of others, transcending cultural barriers.
• Inform Policy and Practice : Findings from ethnographic studies inform the development of policies, interventions, and practices that are culturally sensitive and effective.
• Humanize Research : Ethnography humanizes research by focusing on the stories, voices, and perspectives of individuals, making research more relatable and impactful.
• Challenge Stereotypes : It challenges stereotypes and assumptions, promoting a more inclusive and respectful appreciation of diverse cultures and societies.
• Enhance Empathy : Ethnographic research cultivates empathy by encouraging researchers to see the world through the eyes of their participants, fostering a deeper connection and understanding of the human experience.

As we delve deeper into the world of ethnographic research, these foundational concepts, historical context, and the significance of this research method will serve as a solid framework for our exploration of its techniques, applications, and impact.

How to Prepare for Ethnographic Research?

Ethnographic research is a journey of discovery that begins long before you step into the field. Proper preparation is vital to ensure the success of your study. Let's delve into the essential aspects of preparation.

Research Planning and Objectives

Before embarking on your ethnographic research, you must clearly define your research objectives. Ask yourself what you hope to achieve through this study. Are you seeking to gain insights into consumer behavior, understand the dynamics of a particular community, or explore cultural practices within an organization? Your objectives will guide your research design and methodology.

To set effective objectives:

• Start with a clear and concise statement of what you want to learn.
• Ensure your objectives are specific, measurable, achievable, relevant, and time-bound (SMART).
• Consider the practical implications of your research and its potential impact on your field or industry.

Selection of Study Population

Choosing the right study population is a critical decision that will shape the trajectory of your ethnographic research. The demographics, location, and characteristics of your participants should align with your research objectives.

• Demographics : Who are the people you want to study? Consider factors such as age, gender, socio-economic status, and cultural background.
• Location : Where will you conduct your research? Is it a specific geographic area, an online community, or a workplace?
• Characteristics : What unique qualities or experiences do your participants possess that are relevant to your study?

Your study population is the lens through which you will observe and understand the world you are researching, so choose wisely.

Data Collection Methods and Tools

Ethnographic research relies on a variety of data collection methods to capture the richness of human experiences and behaviors. Familiarize yourself with these methods and select the ones that best align with your research objectives. Some standard methods include:

• Participant Observation : Immerse yourself in the community or setting you are studying, actively participating and recording your observations.
• In-depth Interviews : Conduct open-ended interviews to gather personal narratives and insights from participants.
• Focus Groups : Bring together a small group of participants to engage in discussions about specific topics, revealing group dynamics and shared beliefs.
• Surveys and Questionnaires : Use structured surveys to collect quantitative data alongside qualitative findings, allowing for broader insights.

Choosing the correct data collection methods and tools is essential for capturing the depth and breadth of your research subject. Each method has its strengths and limitations, so consider a mix of approaches to obtain a comprehensive view.

Ethical Considerations in Ethnographic Research

Ethical integrity is at the core of ethnographic research. As you immerse yourself in the lives and experiences of others, it's essential to uphold ethical principles and protect the well-being and rights of your participants.

• Informed Consent : Obtain informed consent from participants, ensuring they understand the purpose, scope, and potential consequences of the research.
• Anonymity and Confidentiality : Safeguard the identities and sensitive information of participants, using pseudonyms if necessary.
• Respect for Cultural Sensitivity : Be culturally sensitive and aware of potential biases when conducting research in diverse communities or settings.
• Balancing Observation and Intervention : Strive for a balance between observing and intervening, ensuring your presence does not harm or disrupt the environment.

Ethical dilemmas can arise during ethnographic research, and addressing them transparently and responsibly is essential. Seek guidance from ethical review boards or colleagues when faced with complex ethical decisions. Your commitment to ethical conduct will enhance the credibility and impact of your research.

With these essential preparations in place, you are ready to embark on your ethnographic research journey with confidence and purpose.

How to Conduct Ethnographic Research?

Now that you've laid the groundwork in preparation, it's time to delve into the heart of ethnographic research: data collection and analysis. We will explore the various methods used to gather insights into the world you are studying.

Participant Observation

Participant observation is a hallmark of ethnographic research, where you become an active participant in the community or setting you are studying. It involves immersing yourself in the culture and environment, actively engaging with the people and events.

• Engage and Build Rapport : Establish trust and build relationships with the participants. Engage in conversations and activities to gain access to their perspectives.
• Taking Field Notes : Document your observations, experiences, and interactions meticulously. Keep a field journal to record your thoughts, emotions, and key events.
• Participate and Reflect : Actively participate in the community's activities while reflecting on your experiences. Be mindful of your role as an observer and its potential impact on the environment.
• Maintain Objectivity : Strive to maintain objectivity while acknowledging your own biases and perspectives. Balance immersion with the critical distance necessary for analysis.

In-depth Interviews

In-depth interviews provide a window into individual experiences and perspectives. They offer a deeper understanding of specific aspects of your research subject. To conduct effective in-depth interviews:

• Develop Open-ended Questions : Craft questions encouraging participants to share their stories, experiences, and insights. Avoid leading or closed-ended questions.
• Active Listening : Be an active listener, allowing participants to express themselves fully. Show empathy and curiosity to elicit rich responses.
• Establish Trust : Create a comfortable and non-judgmental environment. Assure participants of confidentiality and their right to withdraw from the interview at any time.
• Sampling Diversity : Consider diversity in your interviewee selection to capture a range of perspectives and experiences within the community or setting.

Focus Groups

Focus groups are a valuable method for understanding group dynamics, shared beliefs, and diverse opinions within a community or setting.

• Define Clear Objectives : Specify the goals of the focus group and the topics to be discussed. Ensure participants understand the purpose of the discussion.
• Moderation Skills : Be an effective moderator, guiding the conversation while allowing participants to interact freely. Encourage open dialogue and diverse viewpoints.
• Small and Diverse Groups : Keep focus groups small (typically 6-10 participants) and diverse to stimulate discussions and explore varying perspectives.
• Record and Analyze : Record focus group discussions and transcribe them for analysis. Identify common themes, disagreements, and emerging ideas.

Surveys and Questionnaires

Surveys and questionnaires can complement qualitative data with quantitative insights, allowing for a broader understanding of your research subject. To use surveys effectively:

• Design with Clarity : Craft clear and concise questions. Ensure survey items are free from ambiguity and bias. Pilot-test the survey to identify any issues.
• Sampling Strategy : Define your target audience and select a representative sample. Consider using random or stratified sampling techniques to minimize bias.
• Data Analysis : Use statistical tools to analyze survey data. Identify trends, correlations, and patterns that can enhance your qualitative findings.

Data Recording and Analysis

Accurate data recording and thorough analysis are essential to extract meaningful insights from your ethnographic research.

• Organized Data Collection : Maintain well-organized records of your data, including field notes, interview transcripts, and survey responses. Use digital tools to assist with data management.
• Thematic Coding : Employ thematic coding to categorize and organize qualitative data. Identify recurring themes, patterns, and concepts within your data.
• Narrative Analysis : Dive into the narratives and stories within your data. Explore the cultural context and underlying meanings embedded in the narratives.
• Triangulation : Consider using multiple data sources and methods to enhance the credibility and validity of your findings. Triangulation involves cross-referencing information to ensure accuracy.
• Iterative Process : Data analysis is often an iterative process. Continuously revisit your research questions and objectives as you delve deeper into your findings.

In ethnographic research, data collection and analysis are the tools that help you uncover the hidden layers of culture, behavior, and society. Remember that each method has its strengths and limitations, so choose and adapt your approach based on your research goals and the nature of your study population.

Data Analysis in Ethnographic Research

Once you've gathered a wealth of ethnographic data, the next crucial step is to analyze it effectively. Let's examine the various methods and tools used to make sense of the rich qualitative data you've collected.

Thematic Coding

Thematic coding is a systematic approach to organizing and categorizing qualitative data. It helps you identify recurring themes, patterns, and concepts within your data.

• Data Familiarization : Begin by thoroughly familiarizing yourself with your data—this may include field notes, interview transcripts, and survey responses.
• Code Development : Create a set of codes or keywords representing key ideas, concepts, or themes in your data. These codes serve as labels for different aspects of your data.
• Coding Process : Go through your data systematically, assigning relevant codes to specific portions of text or data points. Be consistent in your coding approach.
• Coding Software : Consider using qualitative data analysis software like NVivo or MAXQDA to streamline the coding process and manage large datasets.
• Theme Emergence : As you code, pay attention to emerging themes and patterns. These may be unexpected and can lead to deeper insights.
• Data Reduction : Once coding is complete, summarize and condense the data under each code. This helps in the later stages of analysis.
• Cross-referencing : Cross-reference coded data to see how themes relate to one another. This can reveal complex relationships within your data.

Thematic coding is a powerful tool for identifying the core ideas and concepts that emerge from your ethnographic research. It provides a structured framework for further analysis.

Narrative Analysis

Narrative analysis focuses on the stories and narratives within your ethnographic data. It delves into the cultural context and underlying meanings embedded in the narratives.

• Story Identification : Identify the narratives or stories within your data. Look for personal experiences, anecdotes, and accounts that reveal cultural insights.
• Contextualization : Understand the cultural, social, and historical context in which the narratives are situated. This context provides crucial insights into the meaning of the stories.
• Character Analysis : Analyze the characters within the narratives, their roles, and their relationships. Pay attention to how they shape the narrative.
• Plot and Structure : Examine the narrative structure, including the beginning, middle, and end. Identify any patterns or shifts in the storytelling.
• Themes and Motifs : Identify recurring themes, motifs, or symbols within the narratives. These elements often carry cultural significance.
• Interpretation : Interpret the narratives by considering the cultural norms, values, and ideologies embedded in the stories. Analyze the implications of these narratives for your research.

Narrative analysis allows you to dig deep into the storytelling aspect of your data, uncovering the cultural narratives that shape the experiences and perspectives of your participants.

Comparative Analysis

Comparative analysis involves comparing different cases or groups within your ethnographic study. This method can highlight variations and similarities, shedding light on significant trends.

• Case Selection : Select specific cases or groups within your study that you intend to compare. Ensure these cases are relevant to your research objectives.
• Data Comparison : Compare data from different cases or groups systematically. Look for patterns, differences, and commonalities in their behaviors, experiences, or beliefs.
• Pattern Recognition : Identify recurring patterns and themes that emerge through comparison. These patterns may relate to cultural practices, behaviors, or attitudes.
• Contextual Understanding : Consider the context in which each case or group operates. Understanding the unique context is crucial for accurate interpretation.
• Cross-case Analysis : Conduct a cross-case analysis to draw meaningful conclusions about the overarching themes or trends in your data.

Comparative analysis allows you to gain a broader perspective on your research subject by examining how different contexts or groups influence the phenomena you're studying.

Qualitative Data Software

Qualitative data analysis software is valuable for managing and analyzing ethnographic data, particularly when dealing with large datasets. These software programs, such as NVivo, MAXQDA, and Dedoose, offer several advantages:

• Data Management : Store and organize your data in a structured manner, making it easy to locate and retrieve specific information.
• Efficient Coding : Streamline the coding process by using features that allow you to tag and categorize data quickly.
• Cross-referencing : Easily cross-reference coded data, facilitating in-depth analysis and exploration of relationships.
• Visualization Tools : Create visual representations of your data, such as charts and graphs, to aid in data interpretation and presentation.
• Collaboration : Collaborate with other researchers by sharing your data and analysis within the software platform.
• Project Documentation : Keep track of your research process, coding decisions, and analysis notes within the software, ensuring transparency and reproducibility.

Using qualitative data software can save you time and enhance the rigor of your ethnographic data analysis. It offers a user-friendly interface and various features tailored to the needs of qualitative researchers.

With these tools and techniques at your disposal, you can confidently embark on the journey of data analysis in ethnographic research, unraveling the intricate tapestry of insights hidden within your qualitative data. Remember that the depth of your analysis will determine the richness of the stories you uncover.

How to Report Ethnographic Findings?

Having conducted your ethnographic research and analyzed the data, the next critical step is to communicate your findings effectively. Here are some strategies and techniques for reporting and presenting ethnographic insights.

Writing Ethnographic Research Reports

Writing a well-structured and comprehensive research report is essential for conveying the depth and significance of your ethnographic findings. To craft an impactful ethnographic research report:

• Clear Structure : Begin with an introduction that sets the stage for your research. Provide a clear statement of your objectives and research questions. Outline the structure of your report.
• Detailed Methodology : Describe your research methodology in detail, including data collection methods, participant selection, and ethical considerations. Transparency is key.
• Rich Description : Present your findings using rich descriptions, incorporating quotes, anecdotes, and narratives to illustrate key points. Paint a vivid picture of the cultural and social context.
• Thematic Presentation : Organize your report thematically, presenting key themes and patterns that emerged from your data. Use clear headings and subheadings to guide the reader.
• Interpretation and Analysis : Offer thoughtful interpretation and analysis of the themes, connecting them to your research objectives. Discuss the implications of your findings.
• Visual Aids : Supplement your text with visuals such as photographs, charts, and graphs where appropriate. Visual aids can enhance understanding and engagement.
• Recommendations : Provide practical recommendations or insights that can be applied in relevant fields, whether it's marketing, healthcare, education, or community development.
• Conclusion : Summarize your key findings and their significance. Highlight the contributions of your research and suggest avenues for future studies.
• Citations and References : Ensure proper citation of sources and references. Use a consistent citation style (e.g., APA, MLA) throughout your report.
• Appendices : Include any supplementary materials, such as interview transcripts, in an appendix for those who wish to delve deeper into your data.

Writing an ethnographic research report is not just about presenting facts; it's about telling a compelling and informative story that captures the essence of your research subject.

Visual Presentation of Data

In addition to a written report, visual presentation of data can be a powerful way to convey your ethnographic findings. Visuals can make complex information more accessible and engaging.

• Charts and Graphs : Use charts and graphs to illustrate quantitative data or show trends and comparisons. Bar charts, pie charts, and line graphs are commonly used for this purpose.
• Photographs and Images : Include relevant pictures and images that provide visual context to your findings. Ensure proper permissions and ethical considerations for using participant photos.
• Infographics : Create infographics that condense key information into visually appealing and easy-to-understand formats. Infographics can be particularly useful for summarizing complex data.
• Maps : If your research involves geographic elements, use maps to visually represent locations and spatial relationships. Geographic information systems (GIS) can assist in creating informative maps.
• Flowcharts and Diagrams : Utilize flowcharts and diagrams to illustrate processes, workflows, or relationships within your research subject.
• Visual Consistency : Maintain a consistent visual style throughout your presentation to enhance readability and professionalism. Use colors, fonts, and formatting consistently.
• Accessibility : Ensure your visual elements are accessible to all audiences, including those with disabilities. Provide alternative text for images and use accessible design principles.
• Captions and Labels : Include clear captions and labels for all visuals to provide context and explanations.

Visual presentation of data can be a powerful supplement to your ethnographic research report, enabling your audience to grasp the essence of your findings at a glance.

Effective Communication of Ethnographic Insights

Effectively communicating ethnographic insights goes beyond the written report and visual aids. It involves engaging with various stakeholders and tailoring your communication to your target audience.

• Know Your Audience : Understand who will be consuming your research findings. Are they academics, business professionals, community members, or policymakers? Tailor your communication to their needs and interests.
• Engage Stakeholders : Actively engage with stakeholders throughout your research process. Involve them in discussions, share preliminary findings, and gather their input.
• Storytelling : Use the power of storytelling to convey your ethnographic insights. Share compelling anecdotes and narratives that resonate with your audience and illustrate key points.
• Visual Presentations : When presenting your findings in person, consider using visual aids like slideshows or posters. Ensure these visuals complement your spoken narrative.
• Interactive Workshops : Organize workshops or interactive sessions to engage your audience actively. Encourage discussions and collaboration to deepen understanding.
• Plain Language : Avoid jargon and academic language. Use plain language that is accessible to a broader audience. Explain technical terms when necessary.
• Feedback and Q&A : Be open to questions and feedback from your audience . Address their inquiries with clarity and patience.
• Actionable Insights : Highlight actionable insights your audience can use in their respective fields or decision-making processes. Emphasize the practical implications of your research.

Effective communication ensures that your ethnographic insights have a meaningful impact and can drive positive change in the areas to which they apply. It bridges the gap between research and real-world application.

In summary, reporting and presenting ethnographic findings is about translating your in-depth research into formats that are accessible, engaging, and relevant to your intended audience. Whether through written reports, visual elements, or interpersonal communication, the goal is to convey the richness of your ethnographic research in a compelling and informative manner.

Ethnographic Research Applications

Ethnographic research is a versatile and robust method that can be applied across various fields and disciplines. We'll delve into some applications of ethnographic research, shedding light on how it can provide valuable insights in diverse areas.

Marketing and Consumer Behavior Studies

Ethnographic research is pivotal in understanding consumer behavior , preferences, and decision-making processes. By immersing researchers in the consumer's world, it uncovers hidden motivations and contextual factors that drive choices. Here's how ethnographic research is applied in marketing:

• Consumer Insights : Ethnography allows marketers to gain deep insights into the daily lives, habits, and aspirations of their target audience. This understanding helps in tailoring products and marketing strategies.
• Observing Purchase Behaviors : Researchers can observe and analyze how consumers behave in real-life shopping situations . This includes tracking shopping patterns, in-store navigation, and product selections.
• Brand Perception : Ethnography uncovers how consumers perceive and interact with brands . It provides insights into brand loyalty, trust, and the emotional connections that drive consumer choices.
• Product Innovation : Ethnographic research can inspire product innovation by identifying unmet needs and opportunities. By witnessing how products fit into consumers' lives, companies can design solutions that truly resonate.
• Market Segmentation : Ethnographic insights enable the creation of more refined market segments based on actual behaviors and lifestyles rather than demographic data alone.

Healthcare and Medical Anthropology

Ethnographic research is instrumental in healthcare and medical anthropology, offering a holistic understanding of health-related practices, patient experiences, and cultural factors influencing health outcomes.

• Patient-Centered Care : Ethnographic studies explore patient perspectives, beliefs, and healthcare-seeking behaviors. This information helps healthcare providers offer patient-centered care that respects cultural norms and values.
• Cultural Competency : Healthcare professionals and policymakers use ethnographic insights to develop cultural competency, ensuring that healthcare services are sensitive to diverse cultural backgrounds.
• Public Health Interventions : Ethnographic research informs the design and implementation of public health interventions. It identifies barriers to health behavior change and effective strategies for outreach.
• Medical Decision-Making : Understanding how patients and families make medical decisions helps medical professionals communicate effectively and provide tailored care plans.
• Healthcare Disparities : Ethnography uncovers disparities in access to healthcare, highlighting social, economic, and cultural factors that impact health outcomes.

Education and Classroom Observations

In education, ethnographic research provides valuable insights into classroom dynamics, teaching methods, and student experiences. It helps educators and researchers improve educational practices.

• Understanding Learning Environments : Ethnography offers a window into the daily experiences of students and teachers in the classroom. Researchers can observe interactions, teaching styles, and learning challenges.
• Curriculum Development : Insights from ethnographic research can inform curriculum development by tailoring educational content to meet the needs and interests of students.
• Teacher-Student Relationships : Ethnography allows for the exploration of teacher-student relationships, identifying factors that enhance or hinder effective teaching and learning.
• Cultural Awareness : Teachers can benefit from ethnographic studies highlighting cultural diversity within classrooms. This awareness helps create inclusive and culturally sensitive teaching practices.
• Policy and Reform : Ethnographic research provides data that informs education policy and reforms. It helps policymakers understand the realities of classrooms and make evidence-based decisions.

Urban Planning and Community Development

Ethnographic research is vital in urban planning and community development initiatives, offering insights into the dynamics of neighborhoods, communities, and urban spaces.

• Community Engagement : Ethnography involves engaging with community members, listening to their concerns, and involving them in the planning process. This participatory approach fosters community buy-in and empowers residents.
• Understanding Neighborhoods : Researchers use ethnographic methods to understand the social, economic, and cultural dynamics of neighborhoods. This knowledge informs urban development projects and revitalization efforts.
• Public Spaces : Ethnography can shed light on how public spaces are used and experienced by residents. It guides the design of parks, plazas, and other community areas.
• Social Services : Ethnographic research helps identify social service needs within communities, allowing for targeted interventions and support programs.
• Cultural Preservation : In culturally diverse urban areas, ethnography assists in preserving and celebrating cultural traditions, languages, and heritage.

Ethnographic research empowers urban planners and community developers to create more vibrant, inclusive, and sustainable urban environments by considering the perspectives and needs of the people who inhabit them.

Ethnographic Research Examples

To truly grasp the power and potential of ethnographic research, let's delve into some compelling real-world examples where this methodology has been employed to gain profound insights and drive impactful decisions.

Example 1: Enhancing User Experience in a Social Media Platform

Research Focus : Improving the user experience (UX) of a popular social media platform.

Methodology : Ethnographers embedded themselves within the platform's user community. They observed how users interacted with the platform, from posting content to engaging with others. In-depth interviews and surveys were conducted to understand user preferences and pain points.

Findings : The ethnographic study revealed that users valued real-time interaction and visual content. However, they felt overwhelmed by the sheer volume of information. Armed with these insights, the platform redesigned its algorithms to prioritize relevant content and introduced features that encouraged more meaningful interactions. As a result, user engagement and satisfaction significantly increased.

Example 2: Transforming Healthcare Delivery in Rural Areas

Research Focus : Improving healthcare delivery in underserved rural communities.

Methodology : Ethnographic researchers spent months immersed in rural healthcare clinics. They observed patient journeys, interactions with healthcare providers, and the challenges faced by both patients and medical staff. In-depth interviews and focus group discussions were conducted with community members.

Findings : The ethnographic study unveiled barriers such as limited access to transportation and healthcare information, which hindered timely medical care. Armed with these insights, healthcare organizations partnered with local transportation providers and launched educational outreach programs. These interventions led to improved healthcare access and better health outcomes for rural residents.

Example 3: Revitalizing an Urban Neighborhood

Research Focus : Revitalizing a declining urban neighborhood.

Methodology : Ethnographic researchers integrated themselves into the neighborhood's fabric, attending community events, engaging with residents, and documenting their daily lives. They also conducted surveys and interviews to understand the aspirations and concerns of residents.

Findings : The ethnographic study highlighted the importance of community pride and a desire for safer public spaces. With these insights, urban planners and community leaders initiated projects to refurbish parks, enhance street lighting, and promote local cultural events. These efforts not only transformed the neighborhood aesthetically but also fostered a sense of belonging and community cohesion.

These real-world examples demonstrate the versatility and impact of ethnographic research in diverse contexts. From digital platforms to healthcare and urban planning, ethnography uncovers hidden truths, informs strategic decisions, and drives positive change. It's a methodology that celebrates the human experience, one immersive observation at a time.

Ethnographic Research Best Practices

To overcome the challenges and maximize the effectiveness of ethnographic research, researchers can follow best practices that have evolved over time. These practices are instrumental in ensuring the quality and rigor of ethnographic studies.

• Clear Research Objectives : Begin with well-defined research objectives and questions to guide your study.
• Participant Observation : Immerse yourself in the research setting, actively engaging with participants and gaining their trust.
• Triangulation : Use multiple data sources and methods to enhance the reliability and validity of your findings.
• Ethical Considerations : Prioritize ethical conduct, obtain informed consent, and protect the privacy and dignity of participants.
• Continuous Reflexivity : Reflect on your role as a researcher and your potential biases throughout the research process.
• Transparency : Document your research methods, decisions, and any changes made during the study to ensure transparency and replicability.
• Member Checking : Consider involving participants in the research process by sharing findings with them and seeking their input.
• Pilot Testing : Pilot-test your data collection instruments and methods to identify and address potential issues.
• Data Management : Organize and manage your data systematically, using qualitative analysis software if needed.
• Collaboration : Collaborate with colleagues and seek peer feedback to enhance the quality of your research.
• Contextualization : Always place your findings in the broader cultural, social, and historical context to enhance their meaning and significance.
• Interdisciplinary Approach : Consider drawing from other disciplines and approaches to enrich your ethnographic research.

By adhering to these best practices, ethnographic researchers can navigate challenges and ensure the integrity and impact of their studies. Ethnography remains a dynamic and adaptable research method that continues to evolve and adapt to the complexities of the modern world.

Ethnographic Research Challenges and Limitations

While ethnographic research offers invaluable insights, it also presents unique challenges and limitations researchers must navigate. Understanding these challenges is essential to conduct ethnographic research effectively.

• Time-Intensive : Ethnographic research can be time-consuming, requiring extended periods of immersion and data collection. Researchers must commit to long-term fieldwork.
• Resource Demands : Conducting ethnography often demands significant resources, including funding, research assistants, and access to the research site.
• Subjectivity : The researcher's presence and subjectivity can influence the data collected. It's essential to acknowledge and manage biases and maintain objectivity.
• Access and Trust : Gaining access to certain communities or settings may be challenging, and building trust with participants can take time.
• Ethical Dilemmas : Ethnographic research may present ethical dilemmas, especially when observing sensitive or vulnerable populations. Researchers must navigate these ethical complexities.
• Generalizability : Ethnographic findings are often context-specific and may not be easily generalized to broader populations. Researchers must be cautious about overgeneralization.
• Limited Sample Size : Due to the intensive nature of ethnography, sample sizes tend to be small. This limits the statistical power of the research.
• Data Management : Managing and analyzing qualitative data from ethnographic research can be complex, requiring specialized skills and tools.
• Researcher Fatigue : Prolonged fieldwork can lead to researcher fatigue, potentially affecting the quality of data collected.
• Interpretation Challenges : Interpreting ethnographic data can be challenging, as it often involves qualitative analysis that may be open to multiple interpretations.

Conclusion for Ethnographic Research

Ethnographic research serves as a powerful compass for exploring human cultures, behaviors, and societies. It enables researchers to step into the shoes of those they study, uncovering hidden stories and perspectives that might otherwise remain concealed. By embracing the principles and best practices outlined in this guide, you too can embark on journeys of discovery, fostering a deeper appreciation for the diverse world we inhabit. Ethnography is not merely a research method; it is a bridge that connects researchers to the lived experiences of others. It empowers us to break down barriers, foster empathy, and drive positive change in a multitude of fields. So, whether you are a student, a professional, or a curious explorer of the human condition, remember that ethnographic research offers a profound lens through which to view and understand the world around us. Embrace the journey, and may your ethnographic endeavors yield meaningful insights and lasting impacts.

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Qualitative Research: Ethnography

• Data Analysis
• Ethnography
• Interviewing & Focus Groups
• Narrative Inquiry
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Journals on Ethnography

• Common Ground: Archeology and Ethnography in the Public Interest
• Cultural Anthropology
• Ethnography and Education
• The Journal for Undergraduate Ethnography
• Journal of Contemporary Ethnography
• Journal of Museum Ethnography
• Journal of Organizational Ethnography

Ethnography Methodology

Topical Ethnography

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• Last Updated: Jan 23, 2024 9:40 AM
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Ethnographic Research: Methods And Examples

Ethnography is a research method used to learn about the lives of others. It helps us understand how and why…

Ethnography is a research method used to learn about the lives of others. It helps us understand how and why people behave differently in various societies or cultures.

Ethnographic research is the process of collecting data about a group of people. It’s a popular technique used by anthropologists, sociologists and others who study human behavior. It’s mainly thought of as a qualitative research method, which means it allows us to study subjects that don’t lend themselves to numerical data. But, it can be used to collect quantitative data as well.

To find out more about the meaning of ethnographic research, read on.

What Is Ethnographic Research?

Ethnographic research methods, when to use ethnographic research methods, examples of ethnographic research, challenges of ethnographic research, advantages of ethnographic research.

When we wish to understand a particular social phenomenon, ethnographic research can be a useful tool.

Ethnography is a great method to understand how cultures work and affect the people who belong to them. To do this properly requires detailed observations about what is going on in a particular society. Here are some defining features of this type of research:

• We can conduct ethnographic research in the natural setting of subjects or respondents. Researchers must travel to where their subjects are. The fieldwork can be completed by several researchers who specialize in this type of work if it spans a large sample size or a wide geographical area.
•   Ethnographic researchers avoid making judgments about specific cases. They don’t judge people on dimensions such as morality and social behavior. Instead, they describe their experience of social groups. They don’t treat people as objects for data collection but as subjects who must give their informed consent for such research.  
• There are focused ethnographic methods where only one type of data is collected. For example, if the subject is food eaten in a certain culture, researchers may concentrate on kitchen habits, recipes and how food is sourced.
• You can collect demographic data, which includes information about the culture’s people. This is where quantitative data can also come into play.
• Ethnographers need large amounts of data. The more time researchers spend immersed in the subject’s society, the better understanding they’ll have of the culture.

Now that we’ve answered the question, “What is ethnographic research?”, let’s look at how it’s done.

As we’ve discovered, ethnographic research is a method often used to study another culture or group of people. It’s a powerful tool to understand the world better. It can be done through observation, active participation and even interviews with the people being studied.

In the field, anthropologists often take notes while observing their subjects. They also record conversations and keep a journal of what they see. Later, these findings get transcribed and analyzed for accuracy. In addition, multiple researchers can work to get a clear picture of a culture or community. All of this data can go into a book, article, or scientific report that describes the findings of the group’s research.

Let’s look at some specific research techniques used in an ethnographic study:

Observational Study

As the goal of ethnographic research is closely studying an individual (or group) in their natural environment, observation is the primary method used. Researchers can observe the same people or groups on a regular basis for several weeks or months at a time.

Paired Observation

The researchers can interview two people within the same culture. They may be related to each other in some way or involved in different actions. This method is used to gather data in many types of research, including medical research.

Participant Observation

The researcher joins a group of people being studied, either by living with them or by observing them for an extended period of time during the day. They record what they see. Participant observation is most often used in social science fields, including anthropology, social psychology and sociology.

Field Notes

Field notes come in two types: primary and secondary. In some types of research, such as participatory action research, field notes are the primary documents for analysis and interpretation. ( https://woodlees.com/ ) However, field notes are often secondary documents used to provide background information for analysis and interpretation.

While ethnography is a useful method of research, it isn’t suitable for all situations.

Some consider ethnographic research more art than science. Cultures and cultural phenomena aren’t easy to quantify, so they can be open to interpretation. That’s when the meaning of ethnographic research really comes into its own.

Quantitative researchers try to gather data objectively through numbers and statistics, while qualitative researchers use their observations to describe what they see taking place in a particular culture or society. Quantitative research tries to infer from past experiences to predict future events or results. Qualitative researchers aim to understand a culture or society by listening to what its members have to say about it.

Ethnographers can employ quantitative methods in their study. But, it’s the qualitative component that sets this method apart. The data can shed light on an issue. That’s why ethnographic methods can be so effective in getting to know groups of people, their cultures and social interactions. It tends to be used in anthropology, sociology and political science but has wider applications too.

Ethnographic research can be used to study issues big and small, cultural or business-related. Here are a few examples of its uses:

• The principal subject of ethnography or ethnological research is to study culture, society, ethnic groups and human behavior.
•  Among cognitive scientists, ethnographic research is usually done to understand the general functioning of cognition in a particular group of people.
• In business, we can see examples of ethnographic research used for product development, where companies learn how consumers use their products.
• It also applies to marketing research, where companies can develop a sense of how the public thinks about their product.
• In social work, ethnographic research is used to find out how people cope with problems and challenges they face in their daily lives.
• Another application is in the design of interactive technologies. By observing how people interact with existing technologies, engineers can design new ones that are more effective and user-friendly.

These are just a few examples of how ethnographic research can be used.

As with other research methods, there are challenges to ethnographic research. It’s important to consider these before choosing the right research method. Here are some points to keep in mind:

• It’s time-consuming. In almost every case, it takes a lot of effort for anthropologists to go into another culture and learn about it.
• Results from ethnographic research only apply to the people being studied. It’s difficult to generalize those results to other cultures or societies as a whole.
• The specifics of what was said in an interview may not be reported accurately due to communication barriers. It may also be because researchers weren’t sensitive to the people being studied. If an ethnographer is insensitive to a culture’s people, they may not talk with them freely.
• It’s subject to interpretation. A researcher’s interpretation of the data may be biased.
• Sometimes people don’t want their cultural information shared with outsiders. This may prevent them from speaking clearly or giving consent to researchers.
• There are practical and ethical concerns of ethnographic research. However, getting prior consent of the participants, maintaining their confidentiality and a proper research design can mitigate these issues.

Just as there are drawbacks, there are clear advantages to using ethnographic research. Let’s recap these:

• Ethnography can make it easier for researchers to understand a culture and the way people see themselves. This gives researchers a wider view of how cultures function, which can be very helpful.
• Ethnographic research also allows researchers to document a society or group of people. People around the world can then benefit from that knowledge.
• It provides a different way to collect data about social structures and the way people interact with one another.
• We can also use ethnographic research as a form of advocacy. For example, anthropologists can help those being studied gain access to resources that were previously unavailable to them. By studying remote or marginalized communities, we can better understand their needs and priorities.

These are just a few of the strengths of ethnographic research, a widely used method in the social sciences. Ethnographic research can provide valuable insights into people and how they live. That’s important information to have for a professional on an upward trajectory.

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Institutional ethnography – a primer

Yang yann foo.

1 Duke-NUS Medical School, Singapore

2 Department of Neurology, National Neuroscience Institute, Singapore

Xiaohui Xin

3 Health Services Research Unit, Singapore General Hospital, Singapore

Wee Shiong Lim

4 Department of Geriatric Medicine, Institute of Geriatrics and Active Aging, Tan Tock Seng Hospital, Singapore

Qianhui Cheng

5 Department of Neuroradiology, National Neuroscience Institute, Singapore

6 Department of Neurosurgery, National Neuroscience Institute, Singapore

Nigel CK Tan

This review introduces a qualitative methodology called institutional ethnography (IE) to healthcare professionals interested in studying complex social healthcare systems. We provide the historical context in which IE was developed, and explain the principles and terminology in IE for the novice researcher. Through the use of worked examples, the reader will be able to appreciate how IE can be used to approach research questions in the healthcare system that other methods would be unable to answer. We show how IE and qualitative research methods maintain quality and rigour in research findings. We hope to demonstrate to healthcare professionals and researchers that healthcare systems can be analysed as social organisations, and IE may be used to identify and understand how higher-level processes and policies affect day-to-day clinical work. This understanding may allow the formulation and implementation of actionable improvements to solve problems on the ground.

INTRODUCTION

Research can be conducted using either inductive or deductive approaches. While inductive research aims to develop a theory, deductive research focuses on testing an existing theory.( 1 ) Much of biomedical science research is conducted using the deductive approach through basic, applied, and in vitro or in vivo research and clinical trials.

But what if the research aim was not to assess the relative efficacy and safety of new versus old treatments in a randomised controlled trial? What if the goal was, instead, to explore the reasons for rising tensions between the Emergency Department (ED) and General Internal Medicine (GIM) physicians in a particular hospital?( 2 ) In such an instance, it would seem that methods such as randomisation and controlling for confounding factors might not be as appropriate for such a research question, as it deals with complex social phenomena rather than cells, tissues or pathogens. Instead, an inductive approach using qualitative research methods to explore processes, phenomena and settings would be more appropriate,( 3 ) as healthcare systems are, after all, complex social organisations where power, inequality, conflict, competition and collaboration exist.( 4 , 5 ) These realities do not lend themselves easily to deductive approaches measuring discrete variables, but they are important considerations, as social relations and interactions in healthcare organisations impact the outcome and cost of patient care.( 3 )

Similar to how a randomised controlled trial might assess the efficacy of a new drug, qualitative research can explicate social phenomena within healthcare settings that impact patients’ quality of life, such as how palliative care teamwork might affect the quality of life of patients receiving palliative care.( 6 ) Qualitative research findings may challenge existing perspectives and, therefore, could offer healthcare professionals (HCPs) and managers new and valuable insights. For example, through qualitative inquiry, Carter et al discovered that healthcare quality collaboratives are not all about collaboration – free riding and competition also abound.( 7 ) Similarly, Knowles et al found that physical co-location of different HCPs does not automatically make them work together better or lead to better care.( 8 )

This review focuses on a qualitative methodology called institutional ethnography (IE). It is meant for HCPs who are novice qualitative researchers interested in topics that include but are not limited to medical education and interprofessional collaboration. We cover what IE is, why it matters and how to apply it, using examples to illustrate key points.

WHAT IS INSTITUTIONAL ETHNOGRAPHY?

IE seeks to understand and capture, in detail, actual work processes performed by members of the organisation, and then trace how these work processes are coordinated at a higher level by policies, protocols, standards, competency frameworks and social norms. People may or may not be aware of these higher-level influences on their work. Of interest to an IE researcher is the dissonance between what institutions think people ought to do and what individuals are actually doing on the ground. Being able to identify what has been lost when people try to translate policies and what could be done to rectify the situation is the unique value afforded by IE.( 9 - 11 )

IE is not simply ethnography or focused ethnography( 12 ) conducted in a social organisation such as a family, a school or a healthcare system. Similar to ethnography, IE is committed to ‘careful descriptive research’, a stance that is characteristic of ethnography. IE differs from ethnography in its goal. The overall goal of IE is to understand how the institutional arrangements of a society expressed in textual forms – such as government policies and organisational directives – affect the everyday work experiences of people.( 13 ) This goal is clearly different from that of ethnography, whose goal is to delineate the cultural context in which a specific social behaviour takes place and makes sense.( 14 ) For example, to understand the barriers to interprofessional collaboration in a healthcare practice, ethnographers examine what the term interprofessional collaboration means to different HCPs involved, how they define their roles in the collaboration vis-à-vis the roles of others, how they interact with others and how they interpret the actions of others. By contrast, institutional ethnographers start with a specific problem experienced by one group of HCPs in the course of collaboration with others (e.g. conflicting role expectations from other professionals and from the head of their own professional group). They then trace the causes of these problems to higher levels of institutional arrangements such as reporting structure and key performance indicators set for this group in the organisation that may impede effective interprofessional collaboration. As such, while ethnographic research starts with individual actors and ends its analysis at the individual level, institutional ethnographic research starts with individual actors but ends its analysis at the institutional level. Also, unlike ethnography, which does not have a unifying theme across studies of different cultures, each account of IE adds to a cumulative body of knowledge on how larger social institutions of a society enter into and shape the everyday work experiences of people in that society.( 15 ) For example, if one IE study reveals reporting structure and key performance indicators set by the organisation as two significant institutional forces hindering interprofessional collaboration, while another IE study teases out the influences of more extended dimensions of institutional arrangements such as national healthcare policies, the knowledge generated by each study helps to render more visible the institutional forces governing individual experiences of interprofessional collaboration.

IE’s focus on the everyday work experiences of people is a result of its theoretical affiliation with Marxist historical materialism, which argues that the most important social relationship is the relationship of production, which is work.( 16 ) What then defines work? It is useful to take a step back and note that IE’s definition of work is broader than Marx’s original definition of the concept as wage labour. Besides paid employment, institutional ethnographers also consider unofficial/unpaid activities as work, so long as individuals take time and effort to engage in them.( 11 , 15 , 17 ) Examples of IE-defined work include a mother attending school meetings to discuss her child’s access to disability support,( 17 ) or the time patients spend waiting for test results at hospitals or clinics.( 11 )

Given IE’s focus on everyday work processes, the research question does not arise from extant literature.( 11 ) Instead, it comes from the dissonance between what a researcher observes to be happening in real life and what authoritative knowledge claims is happening or should be happening.( 10 , 11 ) This dissonance is called a ‘disjuncture’ ( Table I ). When the disjuncture causes a problem from the ‘standpoints’ (i.e. social positions) of particular individuals, it is called a ‘problematic’, which is equivalent to a conventional research problem.( 10 , 11 ) In essence, a problematic points to the social experiences that people encounter as troubling or difficult.( 18 )

Glossary of technical terms used in institutional ethnography (IE).

Once a problematic has been identified, IE researchers begin by iteratively collecting data describing the individuals’ standpoint, before broadening data collection to include their colleagues and remote collaborators.( 10 , 11 ) Data collection methods include observations, interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs), along with identification of ‘local’ and ‘extra-local’ texts that coordinate the individuals’ work processes.( 9 - 11 ) The term ‘texts’ refers to documents in spoken, written or graphic forms, such as policies, protocols, standards and competency frameworks.( 19 ) Local texts refer to documents generated and used by individuals in their everyday work, for instance, healthcare staff writing notes about patients. Extra-local texts refer to documents disseminated from authorities, such as clinical guidelines set by the health ministry.

Data analysis involves describing in detail the work processes of the individuals studied and tracing their everyday activities to extra-local texts to explicate the ruling relations that organise the work they do.( 17 ) To ‘explicate’ is to describe the workings of a process that is hard to uncover, while the phrase ‘ruling relations’ refers to how ‘texts’ (i.e. documents) spell out how people are supposed to work together.

AN EXAMPLE OF INSTITUTIONAL ETHNOGRAPHY

One IE study sought to understand a problematic arising from intra-professional tension between hospital physicians at the ED and GIM departments in Ontario, Canada, in the early 2010s.( 2 ) To understand the problematic – why the social relations were poor from the standpoint of the physicians – institutional ethnographers interviewed and shadowed the ED and GIM staff to understand their everyday work processes. They also identified and analysed local texts such as the physicians’ notes on patients.( 2 )

IE researchers discovered that tension began when ED physicians started admitting many frail and elderly patients without concrete diagnoses. These patients were admitted from the ED for social reasons, as opposed to clearly defined medical reasons. These patients were admitted mostly to GIM wards, adding to the busy workload and exacerbating the existing shortage of beds in these wards. As there was no clear medical need to admit these patients, many GIM physicians felt that the extra patient load had wasted their time, and consequently, tension arose between them and their ED counterparts.( 2 )

Following IE methods, researchers identified and explicated how an extra-local text governed the ruling relations of the work processes for ED and GIM physicians. This text was a new government policy mandating shorter wait times at EDs, which led to ED physicians feeling compelled to admit or discharge patients quickly, thus resulting in a change in their patient admission behaviours.( 2 ) In the parlance of IE, this mandate, in the form of a text, coordinated the social relations between the ED and GIM physicians.( 2 )

WHY DOES INSTITUTIONAL ETHNOGRAPHY MATTER?

IE asserts that the work processes of different groups of people on the ground are coordinated by extra-local texts that individuals might not be fully aware of.( 10 , 11 ) In the preceding example, the GIM physicians may or may not have been aware of the new government policy mandating shorter wait times in the ED. The GIM physicians only knew that they were experiencing a greater workload and felt resentment towards their ED counterparts for not making concrete diagnoses before admitting patients. The diminishing goodwill between the two groups of physicians thus formed the problematic of the IE study.

It is also significant that the mandated shorter wait times in the ED did not address the underlying issue of patients being sent to hospitals for social rather than medical reasons;( 2 ) the government policy only moved the workload from the ED to the GIM department. This disjuncture marks the dissonance between the official understanding of an improved hospital experience (shorter wait times) and the actual work being done on the ground (ED patients being moved to the GIM department without any problem resolution).

As shown in this study,( 2 ) through understanding people’s actual work processes on the ground, IE methods helped to uncover the link between the government mandate (extra-local text) and the resulting dysfunctional work processes affecting the ED and GIM departments which, in turn, led to heightened intra-professional tension between both departments.

In short, IE serves as a practical qualitative research methodology that helps to trace everyday work processes to higher-level coordinators such as institutional leadership and management. Through this, individuals can become aware of their position in the larger systems and potentially have the opportunity to enact change and bring about new approaches to their work.( 17 )

APPLICATION TO INTERPROFESSIONAL RESEARCH: A WORKED EXAMPLE

IE is increasingly used in health services research( 20 ) but has yet to penetrate the realm of healthcare professionals.( 11 ) Given that healthcare professionals and scholars may be unfamiliar with IE and thus may find it challenging to employ, this section seeks to provide a worked example of how an IE study on interprofessional research was conducted.

Study background

The IE study to be analysed was conducted by Braaf et al.( 21 ) They focused on the time-out procedure recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO)( 22 ) to counter the rise in avoidable surgical complications( 23 ) and adverse events( 24 - 26 ) due to suboptimal communication among interdisciplinary surgical teams. In essence, the time-out procedure is a brief pause taken before a surgery begins, wherein the whole interdisciplinary surgical team comprising the surgeon, nurse and anaesthetist are supposed to check the patient’s identity, confirm the operative site and side by inspection, and ascertain the type of surgery to be performed.

Step 1: Identifying the disjuncture and problematic

IE studies begin with the identification of a disjunction, that is, the gap between what is actually happening and what authoritative knowledge claims is or should be happening.( 10 , 11 ) Braaf et al sought to understand why interdisciplinary surgical teams failed to adhere to the time-out checklist despite the fact that Australian hospitals had incorporated it into preoperative checklists as per the WHO’s recommendations.( 21 ) This was an issue of research significance, because the disjuncture’s resulting problematic was that surgical errors continued to occur despite time-out being implemented.

From the perspective of research question formulation, IE is suitable for busy clinicians who want to address a problem they have observed or experienced in the workplace – specifically, problems that result when things that are officially supposed to be done do not happen in practice. One example would be how (pre-licensure) interprofessional education does not always lead to collaborative practice in clinical settings.( 27 ) IE would be useful to address such research problems, as there may be texts that could explicate ruling relations that do not encourage interprofessional teamwork.

Step 2: Data collection methods

The methods for data collection used by Braaf et al for their IE study included observations, interviews and FGDs.( 21 )

Braaf et al observed participants (interdisciplinary surgical HCPs) for 2–4 hours during mornings, afternoons, weekdays and weekends, totalling 350 hours.( 21 ) These observations were made at a distance to enable the informant’s speech to be heard clearly, but not so close to be intrusive, cause disruption or contaminate sterile areas.( 21 ) The observer noted the extent to which different HCPs adhered to the time-out procedure that was supposed to be implemented before each operation.( 21 ) As a data collection method, observation is useful because it is common for individuals to say they are doing one thing when in reality they are doing something else, not necessarily because they are dishonest but because they may lack awareness or may be unable to articulate the subtleties of what goes on during their interactions with others.( 28 ) Observations place researchers at the centre of the action, where they can see as well as hear what goes on.( 28 )

Besides observations, Braaf et al also conducted interviews and facilitated FGDs. A total of 30 participants took part in the interviews or FGDs. Each interview or FGD lasted for about 40 minutes. Of these 30 participants, 12 also agreed to be observed for the purpose of data triangulation.( 21 ) Braaf et al did not provide demographic details of the interview and FGD participants. However, in general, interviews are useful, as this method of data collection helps researchers gain insight into individuals’ experiences;( 29 ) in this case, their workplace experiences could explicate ruling relations, that is, the identification of remotely crafted texts such as policies and protocols that determine the actual day-to-day work that people have to do. FGD also helps in obtaining a detailed understanding of processes,( 29 ) in this instance, processes that govern participants’ workplace relations. FGDs differ from interviews in that their additional group dynamics and interactions among the participants( 29 ) could presumably help researchers to appreciate the processes from a multiple-departmental perspective.

Step 3: Data analysis method

Braaf et al then explicated the ruling relations that undermined the effectiveness of the time-out procedure. By triangulating the data collected through observations, interviews and FGDs, they found that although the interdisciplinary surgical team attempted to activate the text on quality and safety, their attempt was overwhelmed by more powerful competing extra-local texts on productivity and efficiency, specifically the state’s elective surgery access policy( 21 ) and a document spelling out the key organisational performance indicators to be accomplished.( 21 ) The researchers’ knowledge of hospital administrative processes also enabled them to triangulate regular audits (that ensure maximal utilisation of theatre time and space) with interview data, which showed that most surgeons and anaesthetists found the time-out procedure time-consuming. This led them to avoid performing it, although it took less than a minute to perform. Out of 107 surgeries observed, the entire time-out procedure was performed only 11 times. It was not performed for five surgeries, and in the remaining 91 surgeries, the procedure was either abridged (with omission of certain steps) or incomplete, where members of the team did not participate.( 21 )

Step 4: Recommendations and conclusions useful for changing practice

Based on the findings of their IE study, Braaf et al made the following recommendations to improve the implementation of time-out procedures. First, they proposed that hospital leadership should implement communication education programmes that seek to flatten extant hierarchies and promote tolerance for open questioning by co-workers. Second, they suggested that government departments crafting healthcare policies that determine hospital performance indicators must take into account the communication challenges faced by surgical teams for delivering safe patient care in constrained timeframes.( 21 )

IE is, thus, a useful problem-solving methodology to flag underlining issues. By capturing in detail how time-out was actually performed in busy operating theatre environments and tracing the extra-local texts that explicated the (hidden) ruling relations coordinating the work processes of interdisciplinary teams, IE allowed Braaf et al to generate concrete evidence to support their recommendations.( 21 ) In the present era, where evidence-based approaches reign supreme, IE provides qualitative HCPs and researchers a useful tool to explicate relations and discuss change with key stakeholders. In this example, the findings of this IE study opened up new avenues for understanding and solving the time-out problem in operating theatres. Instead of following the official time-out guidelines and focusing on how to improve adherence to these guidelines, Braaf et al demonstrated the need for government agencies to consider the realities of interprofessional communication when defining key hospital performance indicators. Additionally, they showed that the deep-rooted power asymmetry and hierarchy between doctors and nurses in the hospitals was a factor that hindered the nurses from performing their expected role in successfully leading the time-out communication, even when time pressure was not an issue.

These findings make it apparent that efforts to improve patient safety by highlighting the perceived importance of time-out among HCPs in the operating theatre are unlikely to be fruitful without dealing with power and hierarchy. The actionable insights revealed by IE render it more useful than other qualitative methodologies.

OTHER CHALLENGES

HCPs who intend to use IE may face some challenges. First, IE studies require significant resources and commitment to conduct, and the translation of findings also requires engagement with stakeholders such as hospital administration and policymakers.( 30 )

Second, as healthcare professionals are trained to consider randomised controlled trials as the gold standard for scientific research, IE studies, which have comparatively much smaller sample sizes, may be deemed as having limited reliability and generalisability. Another perceived limitation is that in IE studies, the researcher may collect data from participants and even analyse it. This practice may lead researchers who are unfamiliar with qualitative methodologies to think that the high degree of subjectivity and bias will render the findings invalid.

However, as pointed out by Cristancho et al, qualitative research has its own set of quality criteria to ensure trustworthiness and rigor.( 3 ) Adapting Frambach et al’s( 31 ) framework, we illustrate in Table II how IE studies, using the study by Braaf et al as an example, fulfil quality criteria.

Quality criteria in institutional ethnography.( 21 , 31 )

IE is a useful qualitative methodology that enables healthcare professionals and researchers to trace everyday work processes to higher-level coordinators (such as institutional leadership and management) that individuals may or may not be aware of. Through such means, stakeholders could then adopt concrete, actionable improvements that will benefit institutions as well as individual healthcare professionals.

About the First Author

Dr Foo Yang Yann is an Assistant Professor at Academic Medicine Education Institute, Duke-NUS Medical School, Singapore. She has a PhD in education and uses different theoretical frameworks and qualitative methodologies to explore wicked problems in health professions education research. Some of her recent works include identifying interprofessional collaboration barriers and facilitators through the lens of networked ecological systems theory, and evaluating how faculty development programmes that are underpinned by frameworks such as transformative learning theory can catalyse practice change. Her research interests also extend to the study of using evidence-based, theoretically informed approaches to facilitate students’ acceptance and use of feedback.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We thank Amy Cheng and Jeannie Lum from the Neuroscience Academic Clinical Programme, National Neuroscience Institute, Singapore, for administrative support, and Drs Ayelet Kuper and Tina Martimianakis from The Wilson Centre, University of Toronto, Ontario, Canada, for research mentorship. This study is supported by the Lee Foundation.