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The 10 government trends reshaping the postpandemic world
What are the most transformational trends in the public sector today.
William D. Eggers
United States
Executive Director, Deloitte’s Center for Government Insights
William Eggers is the executive director of Deloitte’s Center for Government Insights, where he is responsible for the firm’s public sector thought leadership. His most recent book is Delivering on Digital: The Innovators and Technologies that Are Transforming Government (Deloitte University Press, 2016). His other books include The Solution Revolution, the Washington Post best-seller If We Can Put a Man on the Moon, and Governing by Network. He coined the term Government 2.0 in a book by the same name. His commentary has appeared in dozens of major media outlets including the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, and the Washington Post.
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- Mike Canning
Principal I Deloitte Consulting LLP
Mike Canning, principal, Deloitte Consulting LLP, recently led Deloitte’s Government & Public Services (GPS) Industry. GPS includes nearly 26,000 practitioners, providing consulting, risk and financial advisory services to 47 states, cabinet-level agencies in the U.S. government as well as at higher education and non-profit organizations. Mike was also the Lead Client Service Partner (LCSP) for Military Health Systems (MHS) and specializes in helping health plan organizations solve major issues including strategic planning, merger and acquisition activities, business transformations and implementation of large-scale projects. In his tenure, Mike has served as chair of Deloitte’s Global Committee and as a member of its Strategy and Governance Committee on the Board of Directors. He has also served as Deloitte’s Global Consulting Managing Director of Services, the National Managing Director of Deloitte Consulting’s US Strategy & Operations practice, and the Strategy & Transformation Leader for US Consulting. Mike has over 30 years of experience with the firm, starting as a research analyst in Deloitte’s Detroit office in 1988. Mike serves on the boards of directors for New Profit and Celebrity Series of Boston. Mike holds a Bachelor of Arts from Oberlin College, a Bachelor of Music from Oberlin Conservatory of Music, as well as a Master in Business Administration from the University of Chicago. Mike and his wife reside in the Boston, Mass. area with their three children.
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- Beth McGrath
Managing Director | Deloitte Consulting LLP
Beth McGrath is Deloitte’s global leader for Government and Public Services. In her role, she is committed to strengthening synergies across global Industries and government and public Services with a focus on client mission needs and solutions. McGrath has broad, multidisciplinary, strategic, and operational management experience acquired from 25+ years of successful performance in the United States government sector. As a member of Deloitte’s Strategy practice, she advises government and commercial organizations on strategies that help further innovation and improve business operations.
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Government Trends 2022 focuses on how governments are striving to become future-ready postpandemic. This year, we cover 10 trends, grouped under three themes: building resilience, integrating for results, and government for all the people.
Everyone had hoped that by 2022 the pandemic would be over and that nations would be getting back to normal—or at least establishing a new normal. But for many countries, the virus continues to create havoc. The pandemic continues to present unique challenges for governments: a health crisis coupled with massive economic disruption and unprecedented demands for social support.
The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) put it this way: “The biggest lessons of the crisis are that governments will need to respond to future crises at speed and scale while safeguarding trust and transparency.” 1 Even as the pandemic grudgingly recedes, governments have begun the work of building for the future.
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Last year, our Government Trends 2021 report focused on how governments were seeking to enhance agility, improve operations, and rebuild trust. Government Trends 2022 continues to build on those themes, but with a strong focus on how governments are striving to become future-ready. The report captures 10 of the most transformative trends in government today, grouped under three themes:
- Building resilience: Focus on long-term resiliency to future shocks
- Connected for greater value: Overhaul and integration of structures, systems, and data-sharing to drive greater impact
- Government for all the people: Making programs and services truly equitable and inclusive
The 2022 report distills extensive research on government, including what’s happening in the trenches. Our collaboration this year with Apolitical brings you voices from the frontlines—public servants who are pioneering these innovative trends.
We published the first Government Trends report three years ago. At the time, we noted the dizzying pace at which our world was being reshaped and the ways in which governments were adapting to these changes. Little did we know that the rate of change would drastically accelerate due to the pandemic. Three years is a relatively short period, and the themes covered in the first two reports are still relevant today. Figure 1 provides a look at all the trends covered in the first three reports, how they are related, and how they have evolved. Some issues, such as digital government, have been a constant theme through the years. Other issues, such as trust in government and ensuring inclusive services, have come to greater prominence more recently. The chart also shows the growing importance of a resilient government.
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Or copy link, the 10 trends transforming government in 2022.
What makes a trend a trend? To begin with, each trend must be evident in governments around the world—it doesn’t count if it isn’t happening in multiple places. Moreover, a trend must have relevance in governments and economies of various sizes. In addition, each trend must have moved beyond small pilots of experimentation and begun to penetrate the heart of government. On the other hand, they should still be emerging rather than a mature, universal practice.
Theme: Building resilience
Resilience is the ability to successfully respond to a disruptive event. Building resilience is a long-term exercise. The pandemic isn’t the only disruption challenging government—technology shifts, climate change, economic disruption, and supply chain issues are just some of the areas in which governments are striving for greater resilience.
Trend 1: Climate-resilient government: How governments are addressing climate change
Climate resilience has risen to the top of government leaders’ agendas, who are increasingly linking climate action to their mission. More and more government agencies, even those not directly linked to the environment, are making climate a priority. For example, city planners are looking at ways to use data analytics to prepare for climate-related disruptions. Governments around the world are also increasingly investing in resilient infrastructure, enhancing communities’ capacity to withstand extreme weather events, and ensuring that disadvantaged communities aren’t left to address climate-related risks on their own.
Trend 2: Reshoring and "friendshoring" supply chains: Reshaping supply chains to improve economic resilience
Supply chain problems are creating shortages for both suppliers and consumers, in some cases putting a nation’s access to critical goods at risk. In response, governments are encouraging the reshoring of critical supply chains to reduce external dependencies and increase resilience. Where reshoring is not possible, nations are “friendshoring” by creating a network of trusted suppliers from friendly countries.
Trend 3: Future-proofing the labor force: Enabling the adaptive worker of the future
The COVID-19 pandemic massively disrupted the labor force. Even before that, exponential technological advances were constantly altering the labor landscape, widening the skills mismatch and demand-supply gap for specific jobs. Labor force participation rates are declining, and employee stress is growing, leading to what some have called the “great resignation.” Governments are trying to bring labor policies in line with this new economic reality, with the broader aim of improving the labor markets’ efficiency and future-proofing the labor force. These policies include changes to education, skills training, credentialing, and employment frameworks.
Theme: Connected for greater value
Government is trying to overcome challenges that limit its ability to deliver greater impact and address critical problems, especially ecosystem challenges that cross interagency boundaries. Arranging agency structures around “problems” rather than simply departmental boundaries allows governments to respond better to complex societal issues. Data-sharing plays a crucial role in this “silo-hacking” effort by becoming a connecting thread between agencies. Government is also acting as a catalyst in the innovation ecosystem to foster better collaboration and more inclusive societal problem-solving. Finally, international collaboratives are gaining momentum to help prepare the world for future health disruptions.
Trend 4: Linked-up government: Building connections for greater impact
Silos within and between agencies administering government programs have long been obstacles to addressing wicked problems, delivering services, and achieving collective results. In response to factors ranging from COVID-19 to rising public expectations for integrated services, governments are creating interagency structures that break down silos and connect government agencies to respond to complex citizen needs. For example, a growing number of states and localities in the United States have created “Children’s Cabinets,” through which the heads of related departments work toward collective goals on a range of issues, from early childhood education to disconnected youth programs.
Trend 5: Data-fueled government: Breaking down silos with turbo-charged data
The pandemic underlined the importance of sharing data. Effective data-sharing requires underlying infrastructure such as cloud and advanced data management tools—emailing spreadsheets just won’t cut it. Agencies that lacked these tools struggled to catch up, and many established a new role: the chief data officer. This trend toward data collaboration seeks to derive greater benefits from shared data.
Trend 6: Government as catalyst: Driving innovation ecosystems
Government doesn’t have to solve every public problem on its own. Some of government’s greatest achievements have been through playing the catalyst role rather than attempting to do all the heavy lifting on its own. Governments can catalyze innovation in many ways, serving as enabler, funder, convenor, or ecosystem integrator. Governments can accelerate solutions by linking external innovation capabilities to public problem solvers or by advancing next-generation technologies.
Trend 7: New era of global public health partnerships: Collaborating for better health preparedness
The pandemic proved that as our world becomes more interconnected, we become at greater risk of pathogenic spread. But it also showed how interconnection could help develop a collective and coordinated response to tackle a crisis of this or even greater magnitude. Aided by increasing digitization, international collaboratives are gaining momentum to help prepare the world for future health disruptions. More and more governments are collaborating with international organizations to develop early warning capabilities, accelerate scientific research and development, and build health capacities in less developed nations.
Theme: Government for all the people
The pandemic has thrown a spotlight on diversity, equity, and inclusion. As governments moved services online during the pandemic, it became critical to improve digital access. Moreover, government leaders are reimagining social care programs to improve the delivery of services and drive greater impact in disadvantaged communities.
Trend 8: Digital access for all: Equity in digital service delivery
Remote work, virtual classes, and telehealth represent just a few of the ways governments used digital tools to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic. However, this also brought forth the digital divide and equity issue. For example, 40% of the global population still lacks internet access. Governments are acutely aware that inadequate access to digital connectivity and tools could mean billions of constituents being left out of the broader digitization movement. In response, governments are improving digital access—availability, affordability, and adoption to bridge the digital divide. They are also redesigning digital platforms, ecosystems, and infrastructure to help disadvantaged populations access services and social care.
Trend 9: Designing for inclusive engagement: Digital communications for richer community connection
Government’s ability to cut through the noise and deliver accurate, important messages to the people who need them is crucial to the success of public sector programs. Good communication can help build trust, which is important for driving inclusive engagement. Governments are reimagining traditional methods of communication, focusing on how to engage marginalized communities, and doing so through new mediums.
Trend 10: Reimagining social care: Recasting the social safety net
The pandemic has put enormous pressure on social care systems. It has compelled governments to re-examine how they can provide equitable, seamless, and effective social care services. As a result, social care leaders are increasingly integrating data across multiple sources to develop early interventions, adopting a human-centered mindset to design and deliver programs, and providing more holistic “wraparound” support to help recipients quickly gain stability. Also, they’re investing in building the resiliency of individuals and communities.
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UN E-Government Survey 2022
The United Nations E-Government Survey 2022 is the 12th edition of the United Nations’ assessment of the digital government landscape across all 193 Member States. The E-Government Survey is informed by over two decades of longitudinal research, with a ranking of countries based on the United Nations E-Government Development Index (EGDI), a combination of primary data (collected and owned by the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs) and secondary data from other UN agencies.
This edition of the Survey includes data analysis in global and regional contexts, a study of local e-government development based on the United Nations Local Online Service Index (LOSI), consideration of inclusion in the hybrid digital society, and a concluding chapter that outlines the trends and developments related to the future of digital government. As wish all editions, it features extensive annexes on its data, methodology and related pilot study initiatives.
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View 2022 United Nations e-Government Survey Global Launch Event, 28 September 2022 ( UN Web TV )
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Fiscal transparency informs citizens how government and tax revenues are spent and is a critical element of effective public financial management. Transparency provides citizens a window into government budgets and those citizens, in turn, hold governments accountable. It underpins market confidence and sustainability. The Congressionally mandated Fiscal Transparency Report (FTR) is a tool to identify deficiencies and support needed changes. The Office of Macroeconomic Affairs (OMA) of State’s Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs (EB) prepares the annual FTR in consultation with State’s Bureau of Energy Resources (ENR) and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) .
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The Department of State hereby presents the Fiscal Transparency Report pursuant to section 7031(b) of the Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2022 (Div. K, P.L. 117-103) (FY 2022 SFOAA). The report describes the minimum requirements of fiscal transparency developed, updated, and strengthened by the Department in consultation with other relevant federal agencies. It reviews governments that were originally identified in the 2014 fiscal transparency report as well as Equatorial Guinea. It assesses those that did not meet the minimum fiscal transparency requirements and indicates whether those governments made significant progress toward meeting the requirements during the review period of January 1 – December 31, 2021. The report also provides a description of the fiscal transparency innovation fund’s FY 2021 project plans and outlines objectives for FY 2022.
Fiscal Transparency
The Department’s fiscal transparency review process assesses whether governments meet minimum requirements of fiscal transparency. For this report, the minimum requirements of fiscal transparency include having key budget documents that are publicly available, substantially complete, and generally reliable. The review includes an assessment of the transparency of processes for awarding government contracts and licenses for natural resource extraction. Fiscal transparency is a critical element of effective public financial management, helps build market confidence, and underpins economic sustainability. Fiscal transparency fosters greater government accountability by providing a window into government budgets, helping citizens hold their leadership accountable, and facilitating better-informed public debate.
Annual reviews of the fiscal transparency of governments that receive U.S. assistance help ensure U.S. taxpayer funds are used appropriately and provide opportunities to dialogue with governments on the importance of fiscal transparency.
Consistent with section 7031(b)(2) of the FY 2022 SFOAA and the House Report 117-84 accompanying the FY 2022 SFOAA, this report identifies the significant progress made by each government to publicly disclose national budget documentation, contracts, and licenses, which is additional to information disclosed in previous years. It makes specific recommendations of short- and long-term steps governments should take to improve fiscal transparency. Finally, it includes a description of how funds appropriated by the act are used to improve fiscal transparency, including benchmarks for measuring progress.
Section 7031(b)(1) of the FY 2022 SFOAA requires the Secretary of State to “update and strengthen” minimum requirements of fiscal transparency for each government receiving assistance appropriated by the Act as identified in the 2014 Fiscal Transparency Report. Section 7031(b)(2) further requires the Department to make or update any determination of “significant progress” or “no significant progress” in meeting the minimum requirements of fiscal transparency for each government that did not meet the minimum requirements. Pursuant to Delegation of Authority 513, the Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources made those determinations for 2022.
The fiscal transparency determinations may change from year to year due to updating and strengthening minimum requirements of fiscal transparency as required by law, changes in governments’ performance on public financial management, or new information coming to the Department’s attention. As a result, some governments may fall short of these requirements, despite in some cases maintaining or even improving their overall level of fiscal transparency. The report includes a description of how certain governments fell short of the minimum requirements. It outlines any significant progress being made to disclose publicly national budget documentation, contracts, and licenses. It also provides specific recommendations of short- and long-term steps governments should take to improve fiscal transparency. Finally, the report outlines the process the Department of State followed in completing the assessments and describes how U.S. foreign assistance resources were used to support fiscal transparency.
While a lack of fiscal transparency can be an enabling factor for corruption, the report does not assess corruption. A finding that a government “does not meet the minimum requirements of fiscal transparency” does not necessarily mean there is significant corruption in the government. Similarly, a finding that a government “meets the minimum requirements of fiscal transparency” does not necessarily reflect a low level of corruption.
Fiscal Transparency Review Process and Criteria
The Department reviewed the minimum requirements of fiscal transparency in consultation with other relevant federal agencies and updated and strengthened those requirements. The Department assessed the fiscal transparency of the 140 governments identified in the 2014 fiscal transparency report plus Equatorial Guinea, determined whether each country met the minimum requirements, and identified measures governments that failed to meet the minimum requirements implemented in order to make significant progress toward meeting the requirements.
In conducting the 2022 review, the Department assessed the fiscal transparency of governments during the review period of January 1 – December 31, 2021. The Department considered information from U.S. embassies and consulates, other U.S. government agencies, international organizations, and civil society organizations. U.S. diplomatic missions consulted with foreign government officials, international organizations, and civil society organizations to obtain information for these assessments.
In its evaluation, the Department recognizes that countries’ specific circumstances differ, and specific fiscal transparency practices vary among governments. Nevertheless, the report evaluates whether designated countries meet basic minimum fiscal transparency requirements to enable meaningful public participation in budgeting processes.
Minimum Requirements of Fiscal Transparency
The House Report accompanying the FY 2022 SFOAA defines “minimum requirements of fiscal transparency” to mean the public disclosure of:
- National budget documentation (to include income and expenditures by ministry) and
- Government contracts and licenses for natural resource extraction (to include bidding and concession allocation practices).
The 2022 fiscal transparency review process evaluated whether the government publicly disclosed key budget documents, including expenditures broken down by ministry and revenues broken down by source and type. The review process also evaluated whether the government had a supreme audit institution that meets international standards of independence and audits the government’s annual financial statements, and whether such audits are made publicly available. The review further assessed whether the process for awarding licenses and contracts for natural resource extraction is outlined in law or regulation and followed in practice, and whether basic information on such awards is publicly available. The Department applied the following criteria in assessing whether governments met the minimum requirements of fiscal transparency.
Budget information should be:
- Publicly Available: Budget documents, including the executive budget proposal, enacted budget, and end-of-year report, should be widely and easily accessible to the public. Complete documents may be available from government offices or libraries, widely available government publications, or mass media channels. Budget documents should be disseminated within a reasonable period. A “reasonable period” generally corresponds to:
- At least one month before the start of the fiscal year and before budget approval by the legislature for the executive budget proposal,
- Within three months of enactment for the enacted budget, and
- Within 12 months of the end of the fiscal year for the end-of-year report.
Information on government debt obligations should also be publicly available, including aggregate, government-backed debt for major state-owned enterprises. The enacted budget and end-of-year report must be available online. Additionally, information on debt obligations must be publicly available and updated at least annually. If a government had a sovereign wealth fund, it must disclose its source of funding and general approach to withdrawals.
Beginning with this review period, if a government had a sovereign wealth fund, it also must have had a sound legal framework.
- Substantially Complete: Publicly available budget documents should provide a substantially full picture of the government’s planned expenditures and revenue streams, including natural resource revenues. Budgets should include expenditures broken down by ministry and revenues broken down by source and type. Budget documents should detail allocations to and earnings from state-owned enterprises. If not, such information should be available in other public documents. Major state-owned enterprises should have publicly available audited financial statements. A published budget that does not include significant cash or non-cash resources, including foreign aid, would not be considered substantially complete. Budget documents should incorporate all special accounts or funds. If there are off-budget accounts that have a legitimate purpose, they should be audited, the results made public, and the accounts subject to oversight. Budget documents should also include expenditures to support executive offices or royal families where such expenditures represent a significant budgetary outlay. The review process recognizes military and intelligence budgets are often not publicly available for national security reasons. However, military and intelligence budgets should be approved by the parliament and subject to civilian oversight.
- Reliable: Budget documents and related data are considered reliable if the information contained therein is credible, meaning actual government revenues and expenditures correspond to the enacted budget. The government should review budget execution through the course of the year, such as by producing monthly or quarterly budget execution reports. Significant departures from planned receipts and expenditures should be explained in supplementary budget documents and publicly disclosed in a timely manner. Financial statements should be prepared according to internationally accepted principles that yield consistent and comparable statements. The supreme audit institution should meet international standards of independence, audit the executed budget, and verify the annual financial statements. The results of such audits, to include an executive summary with findings or recommendations by the supreme audit institution, should be published within a reasonable period (generally within 12 months of the dissemination of the end-of-year report).
Beginning with this review period, the government must have mechanisms in place to effectively follow up on supreme audit institution recommendations.
Natural resource extraction contracting and licensing procedures should be:
- Transparent: Criteria and procedures for the contracting and licensing of natural resource extraction should be publicly available and codified in law or regulation. These laws and regulations should be followed in practice. The basic parameters of concessions and contracts should be made publicly available after the decision. Such information should include the geographic area covered by the contract or license, the resource being developed, the duration of the contract, and the company to which the contract or license is awarded.
Significant Progress or No Significant Progress
A determination of “significant progress” indicates a government satisfactorily addressed a key deficiency in meeting the minimum requirements of fiscal transparency during the review period. A key deficiency is some material condition or fact that causes a government not to meet the minimum requirements of fiscal transparency.
Fiscal Transparency Innovation Fund
Section 7031(b)(3) of the FY 2022 SFOAA requires certain funds appropriated as “Economic Support Funds” under title III of the Act be made available for programs and activities that assist governments and civil society organizations in promoting fiscal transparency. In FY 2012, the Department and USAID created the Fiscal Transparency Innovation Fund (FTIF). The Department of State’s Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs and USAID’s Bureau of Development, Democracy, and Innovation solicit proposals and award funds in accordance with established guidelines. With FY 2022 funds, the Department and USAID plan to support projects to enhance: (1) governments’ capacity to develop and execute comprehensive, reliable, and transparent budgets; (2) citizens’ visibility into state expenditure and revenue programs; and/or (3) citizens’ ability to advocate for specific issues related to government budgets and budget processes.
Consistent with the relevant Congressional Notification, the Department of State and USAID are taking steps to obligate a total of $7 million in FY 2021 Economic Support Funds under the FTIF to support 19 projects, including in the following countries: The Bahamas, Belize, Burundi, Cameroon, Ecuador, Egypt, The Gambia, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, The Philippines, South Sudan, Tajikistan, Uganda, Yemen, and Zimbabwe. Funding will also support a multi-country project that may benefit additional countries. The projects are designed to advance efforts by government and civil society to enhance fiscal transparency and public financial management practices and to improve public awareness and involvement in the expenditure of public resources.
Conclusions of Review Process
The Department concluded that, of the 141 countries (and the Palestinian Authority) evaluated, the governments of 72 met minimum requirements of fiscal transparency. Sixty-nine did not meet the minimum requirements of fiscal transparency. Of these 69, however, 27 made significant progress toward meeting the minimum requirements of fiscal transparency.
The Department assessed the following governments as meeting the minimum requirements of fiscal transparency for 2022: Albania, Argentina, Armenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Brazil, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Côte d’Ivoire, Croatia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Fiji, The Gambia, Georgia, Ghana, Greece, Guatemala, Guyana, Honduras, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Israel, Jamaica, Jordan, Kenya, Kosovo, Kyrgyz Republic, Latvia, Lithuania, Malaysia, Malta, Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Mexico, Micronesia (Federated States of), Moldova, Mongolia, Montenegro, Morocco, Namibia, Nepal, Nigeria, North Macedonia, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Samoa, Serbia, Seychelles, Singapore, Slovakia, Slovenia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Timor-Leste, Togo, Tonga, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, and Uruguay.
The Department assessed the following as not meeting the minimum requirements of fiscal transparency for 2022, and the table identifies whether each made significant progress toward meeting those requirements:
Specific Assessments
This section describes areas where governments did not meet the Department of State’s minimum requirements of fiscal transparency during the review period and includes specific recommendations of short- and long-term steps such governments should take to improve fiscal transparency. For those governments determined to have made significant progress toward meeting the minimum requirements, the section also includes a brief description of such progress.
Brian P. McKeon Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources
U.S. Department of State
The lessons of 1989: freedom and our future.
Sen. Paul Report: $482.3 Billion in Wasteful Government Spending in 2022
(CNS News.com) -- In his annual report on wasteful government spending, The Festivus Report 2022 , Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) highlights 31 items of "waste" totaling $482,276,543,907, approximately $482.3 billion.
"Some of the highlights" from the report "include the National Institutes of Health spending $2.3 million injecting beagle puppies with cocaine, and separately spending $187,500 to verify that kids love their pets," reported Paul's office in a statement.
"The Department of Health and Human Services spent $689,222 to study romance between parrots, the NIH funded a $3 million annual research project to watch hamsters on steroids fight, and the U.S. Census Bureau spent $2.5 million on Super Bowl Ads," said Paul's office.
This is the eighth Festivus Report Senator Paul has released since entering the Senate in January 2011. In addition to the examples of wasteful spending, Paul's report notes that the U.S. national debt is above $31 trillion and that the "debt has risen so rapidly that the Congressional Budget Office projects that, within the next 30 years, there is not a single year in which the federal budget will balance."
Among the items of wasteful federal spending in the report are the following:
$140 Million in COVID Relief Funds to Construct an 11,000 Square Foot Spa. Broward County, Florida used $140 million in COVID relief funds to "to construct an 800-room luxury hotel overlooking the Atlantic Ocean that includes 30,000 square feet of pool decks, a rooftop bar, and even a 11,000-square-foot spa and fitness center."
$31.5 Million in COVID Relief Funds to Purchase Luxury Cars. Since the pandemic started, the U.S. government has spent more than $4.55 trillion on relief aid. More than $100 billion was stolen from those funds. "In fact, four people managed to use over $31.5 million in COVID-19 relief funds to purchase luxury cars," reported Sen. Paul. "You’ve got that right: you helped four people – one of whom isn’t even a U.S. citizen – purchase luxury cars."
"I’m talking really expensive vehicles, here: Porsches, Ferraris and even Lamborghinis," said Paul. "One managed to purchase a whole 'fleet' of luxury cars using $17 million (yes, you read that right) taxpayer dollars,18 which included a Corvette Stingray, a Porsche Macan and a Bentley Convertible. Of that, the Federal government has only recouped $7.2 million."
$1.6 Million in COVID Relief Money to Upgrade Turf Fields . COVID relief funds were used to "help" schools recover from the pandemic but there were few restrictions on how the schools spent the money -- 20% had to be sued to help students "recover from learning loss."
For instance, the Whitewater Unified School District in Wisconsin "received roughly $2 million in COVID-19 relief funds, and only used the minimum 20% on students," reads the report. "$1.6 million was left to use on other projects, and they decided to use it all on upgrading the school athletic fields. Now we know where the school district’s priorities are -- and it’s not helping students recover from months of remote learning!"
$168 Million to Help Illegal Immigrants Avoid Deportation. As the Festivus Report states, "In 2021, the Department of Health and Human Services’ Office of Refugee Resettlement provided the Vera Institute of Justice $168 million with a one-year contract to provide free legal services to help illegal immigrants avoid deportation."
From those funds, a "vast majority" are "subcontracted to lawyers who provide legal representation in HHS facilities and immigration courts," reads the report. "In fact, the government has provided the organization with over $1.1 billion of your taxpayer dollars since 2008.... What border crisis?"
$3 Million to Construct a Gandhi Museum. In the fiscal year 2022 omnibus spending bill there were $9 billion in earmarks, including $3 million for a Mahatma Gandhi museum. The website for the museum describes its purpose as "establishing 'a cultural and educational place-based initiative to inspire visitors to embrace these timeless values in their own lives.'"
$3 Million to Watch Hamsters Fight on Steroids. Since "1996, the National Institutes of Health has annually awarded Northeastern University over $3 million dollars to watch steroid-injected hamsters fight to study whether "current drugs for aggressive youth suppress steroid-induced aggression," reads the report.
Instead of using more drugs to counter steroid abuse, asks the report, maybe it would be better "to stop abusing steroids altogether. ... But this entire study raises an obvious question: should we be injecting steroids in rodents in the first place?"
$2.3 Million to Inject 6-Month Beagle Puppies With Cocaine. "The National Institutes of Health National Institute on Drug Abuse gave SRI International $2.3 million to inject beagle puppies with cocaine," states the report. "Watchdog group White Coat Waste Project (WCW) revealed that seven 6-month-old beagle puppies were implanted with a 'telemetry unit,' used monitor vitals, then were trained to wear a special jacket used to inject them with various drugs, including cocaine."
"What’s up with your government’s obsession with getting animals high?" asks the Festivus Report.
$1.1 Million to Train Mice to Binge Drink Alcohol. Since "2017, the NIH has given the University of Concepcion in Chile $1,101,157115 to study the influence of glycine receptors on alcohol consumption….by training mice to get drunk," reads the report. For the study, "researchers injected two different types of mice with alcohol within a tight enclosure, recorded their behavior over five minutes, and then compared their reactions."
Apparently, humans and mice may get drunk the same way, although the report wonders if the "government really needs that much money to get some mice tipsy?"
$118,971 to Research if Thanos Could Snap His Fingers Wearing the Infinity Gauntlet. Thanos is a fictional character in the Marvel movie Avengers: Infinity War. In the movie, "Thanos sports an 'Infinity Gauntlet,' which gives the wearer extraordinary powers merely by snapping one’s fingers," reads the report. "Inspired by the film, researchers at Georgia Tech convinced grant reviewers at the National Science Foundation (superhero fans themselves, one assumes) to give them $118,971 to study if a real-life Thanos could actually snap his fingers while wearing the Infinity Gauntlet."
"The study ultimately determined wearing metal gloves while attempting to snap does not generate enough friction between one’s fingers to successfully create a snap. In their own words, '[o]ur results suggest that Thanos could not have snapped because of his metal armored fingers. So, it's probably the Hollywood special effects, rather than actual physics, at play!'"
The list of items examined in the Festivus Report are listed below.
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Americans’ views of government: decades of distrust, enduring support for its role, 65% say most political candidates run for office 'to serve their own personal interests', 65% say most political candidates run for office ‘to serve their own personal interests’.
Pew Research Center conducted this study to better understand Americans’ attitudes about U.S. government. For this analysis, we surveyed 5,074 U.S. adults in April and May 2022. Everyone who took part in this survey is a member of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. Read more about the ATP’s methodology .
Here are the questions used for the report , along with responses, and its methodology .
Americans remain deeply distrustful of and dissatisfied with their government. Just 20% say they trust the government in Washington to do the right thing just about always or most of the time – a sentiment that has changed very little since former President George W. Bush’s second term in office.
The public’s criticisms of the federal government are many and varied. Some are familiar: Just 6% say the phrase “careful with taxpayer money” describes the federal government extremely or very well; another 21% say this describes the government somewhat well. A comparably small share (only 8%) describes the government as being responsive to the needs of ordinary Americans.
The federal government gets mixed ratings for its handling of specific issues. Evaluations are highly positive in some respects, including for responding to natural disasters (70% say the government does a good job of this) and keeping the country safe from terrorism (68%). However, only about a quarter of Americans say the government has done a good job managing the immigration system and helping people get out of poverty (24% each). And the share giving the government a positive rating for strengthening the economy has declined 17 percentage points since 2020, from 54% to 37%.
Yet Americans’ unhappiness with government has long coexisted with their continued support for government having a substantial role in many realms. And when asked how much the federal government does to address the concerns of various groups in the United States, there is a widespread belief that it does too little on issues affecting many of the groups asked about, including middle-income people (69%), those with lower incomes (66%) and retired people (65%).
Among 11 groups included in the survey, the only group about which a majority of adults (61%) say the government does too much for are high-income people.
Republicans and Democrats generally agree that the government does too little regarding issues of concern for several groups, including retirees, rural residents, suburbanites and middle-income people. And nearly identical shares of both Republicans and independents who lean toward the Republican Party (52%) and Democrats and Democratic leaners (56%) say it does too little on issues affecting “people like you.”
However, Democrats are more likely than Republicans to say the government does too little on issues impacting children (63% of Democrats vs. 44% of Republicans) and parents (49% vs. 41%). And while 43% of Democrats say the federal government does too little on issues affecting people in cities, just 27% of Republicans say the same. Democrats (79%) also are considerably more likely than Republicans (50%) to say the government does too little to address issues facing lower-income people.
The public’s attitudes on the overall size and scope of government – and whether the government should have a “major role” in specific issue areas – have changed little in recent years. Clear majorities of Americans (60% or more) say the government should have a major role in 11 of 12 issue domains included in the new survey – including terrorism, immigration and the economy, as well as ensuring access to health care and protecting the environment. The only exception is for helping people out of poverty (52% say it should have a major role).
Republicans are less likely than Democrats to favor a major role for government in most areas; this is especially – and increasingly – the case for alleviating poverty. Still, majorities of Republicans favor a major role for government in eight of the 12 areas. Majorities of Democrats say the government should have a major role in all 12.
These are among the findings from a new Pew Research Center survey conducted April 25-May 1, 2022, among 5,074 U.S. adults on the Center’s nationally representative Americans Trends Panel. The study builds upon the Center’s previous reports about the government’s role and performance, most recently published in 2020 and 2017 .
As in the past, state and local governments are viewed more favorably than the federal government. Yet amid controversies over state policies on issues ranging from abortion to the textbooks used in public schools, the relationship between the federal government and state governments has raised a number of differing concerns among the public. (Note: This survey was conducted before the leak of a draft opinion from the Supreme Court indicating that the court is likely to overturn the Roe v. Wade decision, which guarantees access to abortion. For more on public attitudes toward abortion, see “ America’s Abortion Quandary ”).
About a third of Americans (34%) are extremely or very concerned that the federal government is doing too much on issues better left to state governments; another 35% are somewhat concerned about this. An identical share expresses an entirely different concern – that state governments are not willing enough to work with the federal government (34% say they are extremely or very concerned about this).
Republicans (54%) are far more likely than Democrats (18%) to say they are extremely or very concerned that the federal government is doing too much on issues better left to the states. Democrats are more likely to say they are extremely or very concerned about states being uncooperative with the federal government (48% vs. 18%).
Moreover, about half of Democrats (53%) say they are extremely or very concerned that an individual’s rights and protections may vary depending on the state in which they live. By contrast, a smaller share of Republicans (33%) have a similar level of concern that a person’s rights may vary by state.
Other important findings
Low trust in government among members of both parties. As in the past, trust in government is higher among the party of the president than among the “out” party; still, only 29% of Democrats and just 9% of Republicans say they trust the government just about always or most of the time. The share of Republicans expressing trust in the federal government is currently as low as it has been at any point in the last 60 years; levels of trust among Democrats reached historic lows during George W. Bush’s and Donald Trump’s presidencies. ( For more, see this interactive on public trust in government, 1958-2022. )
In their own words – how people feel about government performance. When asked to name, in their own words, areas where the federal government is doing a bad j ob, people cite a number of issues, including taxes and spending, immigration (with some specifically citing the situation at the U.S.-Mexico border) and social welfare programs. When asked about where the government is doing a good job, people also cite multiple issues; national security and foreign policy are mentioned most often.
Most say laws are needed to protect people from themselves. Republicans and Democrats have fundamental differences of opinion about the government’s role in protecting Americans. Among the public overall, 59% say that sometimes laws are needed to protect people from themselves; 39% say it is not the government’s job to protect people from themselves. A 61% majority of Republicans say it’s not the government’s job to protect people from themselves; an even larger majority of Democrats (77%) say laws are sometime needed for that purpose.
Declining confidence in career government employees. A larger share of adults say they have a great deal or fair amount of confidence in career employees at federal agencies (52%) than in officials appointed by the president to oversee agencies (39%). However, the share expressing confidence in career employees has declined 9 points since 2018; there has been less change in confidence in political appointees.
Political candidates seen as motivated by their own interests, less by serving their communities. As the 2022 political campaigns heat up, 65% of adults – including nearly identical shares in both parties – say that all (15%) or most people (50%) who seek office at the local, state or federal level do so to serve their own personal interests. By contrast, just 21% say all or most people who run for office do so in order to serve their communities.
Most Americans have at least some confidence in nation’s future. Only about a quarter of adults (24%) say they are satisfied with the current state of the nation, and the public views a number of problems – especially inflation – as serious. Yet a majority of Americans continue to say they have a lot (17%) or some (51%) confidence in the future of the United States. These views have changed little since 2021.
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Table of contents, public trust in government: 1958-2022, americans’ trust in scientists, other groups declines, trust in america: do americans trust their elections, beyond red vs. blue: the political typology, americans see broad responsibilities for government; little change since 2019, most popular.
About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts .
UBS Publishes Annual Report and Sustainability Report 2022
ZURICH & BASEL, Switzerland–(BUSINESS WIRE)–Regulatory News:
UBS (NYSE:UBS) (SWX:UBSN):
Ad hoc announcement pursuant to Article 53 of the SIX Exchange Regulation Listing Rules
The Annual Report presents fully audited results for the year ending 31 December 2022. It provides comprehensive and detailed information on the firm, its strategy, business, governance and compensation, financial performance and risk, treasury and capital management, as well as on the regulatory and operating environment in 2022. UBS’s net profit attributable to shareholders for 2022 was USD 7,630 million and diluted earnings per share were USD 2.25, unchanged from the unaudited net profit published on 31 January 2023.
The Sustainability Report details how UBS meets clients’ sustainable finance and investing needs and supports them in the transition to a low-carbon economy. It also provides details on the firm’s sustainability strategy, environmental activities and efforts to address societal challenges within the organization and beyond. For 2022, invested assets in sustainable investments grew to USD 268 billon, up from USD 251 billion at the end of 2021. UBS’s reporting on sustainability has been reviewed on a limited assurance basis by Ernst & Young Ltd against Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) standards.
The reports are filed with the US Securities and Exchange Commission (Form 20-F for the Annual Report and Form 6-K for the Sustainability Report). Both can be accessed as full HTML versions to allow for interactive, device independent and user-friendly reading. Along with associated disclosures, they are available at ubs.com/annualreporting .
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Taking on transition: Impact report 2022
Impact report 2022: taking on transition, anna skarbek, ceo of climateworks centre, introduces the organisation’s 2022 impact report..
In 2022, the global community held firm in its commitment to a net zero future, amidst a challenging year with continued impacts from the COVID pandemic, war in Ukraine, energy security concerns and rising living costs worldwide.
Climateworks saw, first-hand, leaders at the G20 and COP27 reaffirm the 1.5-degree Celsius Paris Agreement goal and commit to a just transition for communities vulnerable to the worst impacts of climate change.
Australia’s federal election marked an inflection point, with every major party’s platform including a formal, economy- wide commitment to net zero emissions. Still, states and territories continued to set the pace for Australia’s transition to renewable energy and zero emission vehicles, as shown in our policy assessment of government climate action in 2022.
Corporate and financial institutions, buoyed by a supportive political environment, expanded their horizons to consider scope 3 emissions and their alignment to science-based targets, as evident in our analysis of, and work with, corporates across Australia.
Significant financial and political clout coalesced in the Asia– Pacific region with the launch of the Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net Zero (GFANZ) regional network, where Climateworks is pleased to have a voice on the advisory board.
The roots of a net zero future are taking hold, all around us. Now, we need to ensure that this future comes to pass. As you’ll see from these highlights of our impact from 2022, Climateworks is taking on the transition to net zero by targeting the change we need to see with government, companies and institutions.
Influencing government’s climate agendas
In 2022, we seized opportunities to shape governmental net zero implementation.
In Australia, Climateworks met with and advised new federal and state governments in more than 50 briefing sessions and 11 submissions where we recommended ambitious coordinated action informed by our evidence and experience. Our advice was reflected in several policy announcements this year, including the Victorian Government setting the strongest emissions reduction goals of any large Australian state.
In Indonesia, our team co-led sessions for the G20 Energy Transition Working Group to consider using Islamic endowments for renewable energy investment, leading to recommendations that Indonesia’s Vice President endorsed. We also led the development of an environmental, social and governance (ESG) framework for the Indonesian Financial and Development Supervisory Board, BPKP, an agency with supervisory power over the country’s state owned enterprises representing 53 per cent of the economy and tasked with supporting the President’s commitment to transition the nation to net zero.
Striving to limit warming to 1.5°C
Since the Paris Agreement in 2015, research has shown that each increment of temperature rise has significant consequences for the frequency and severity of extreme weather events – every tenth of a degree matters. Action in line with limiting warming to 1.5°C is imperative, so we continue to hold that standard across our analysis and engagement.
In 2022, our 1.5°C benchmarks informed commitments and strategies throughout Australia, including by the Australian Council of Superannuation Investors, Westpac, the Australian Energy Market Operator, Australasian Centre for Corporate Responsibility and others. The year marked the completion of a three-year effort by the Australian Industry Energy Transitions Initiative, co-convened by Climateworks, to create 1.5°C-aligned net zero pathways for heavy industry supply chains. We also provided many executive briefings on Australia’s 1.5°C pathway, including to the ASX CEOs in the Climate Leaders Coalition, who endorsed 1.5°C-alignment for value chain, or ‘indirect’, emissions. We assessed the climate commitments of 187 of Australia’s largest companies against a 1.5°C pathway, through our updated Net Zero Momentum Tracker. This tool helps identify which ASX200 companies are leading and where more attention can be focused in the future.
We chose where to apply our efforts based on our whole-of-economy perspective and our sectoral pathways analysis. Our multi-year efforts to affect changes to the National Construction Code – as a means to reduce emissions in the buildings sector – came to fruition in 2022, with the code’s first upgrade to energy efficiency requirements in more than a decade. Similarly, our latest electric vehicle uptake report built on more than 10 years of Climateworks research and coalition-building around fuel efficiency standards. The report was released ahead of the 2022 National Electric Vehicle Summit as part of a chorus urging for standards, which were initiated at the summit. Policy changes like these are vital in the transition to net zero, but it can take years to build the evidence and influence to enact the change, so it is only one of the ways we pursue system-wide change.
Embedding climate action into the ‘rules of the games’
To accelerate the transition we also pursued interventions that embed net zero in the ‘rules of the game’ in key economic sectors. In 2022, we focused on capacity building for those sectors facing a change in the way they operate to meet new emissions reduction imperatives.
This included working with Australia’s biggest banks and consultancies to transfer our specialist knowledge on net zero emissions pathways to these organisations, particularly important given their wide reach and influence in the business community. We partnered for director briefing sessions and created new scalable and modular business training for embedding net zero. We delivered over 100 hours of training to more than 1,000 senior institutional banking staff on what it means for a company to be 1.5°C-aligned and how bank employees can support their corporate customers.
Our work with Indonesia’s financial auditor BPKP included a range of capacity-building efforts to bring hundreds of auditors up to speed on how to measure climate and sustainability across the country’s more than 600 government agencies and state-owned enterprises. Climateworks also teamed up with Filantropi Indonesia to build climate knowledge for some of Indonesia’s largest philanthropic donors. We are providing technical assistance and best-practice examples from the region.
Working with the ASEAN Centre for Energy, supported by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade’s (DFAT) Partnership for Infrastructure, we hosted workshops for senior energy or climate ministry staff from all 10 ASEAN member states, strengthening their capacity to plan and finance net zero energy systems that will support nationally determined contributions (NDCs). The sessions, supported and opened by the Australian Ambassador to ASEAN and the Director of Singapore’s Energy Market Authority, marked a deepening Australia–ASEAN collaboration.
Stepping into 2023
With Indonesia taking up chairmanship of the ASEAN member states in 2023 as well as holding a presidential election in 2024, our team in Jakarta is well placed and excited to help Indonesia create and finance a just energy transition and lead the region to do the same.
At the end of 2022, we hired a new Southeast Asia Lead to guide our expanding efforts in the region. This year we will implement an ambitious strategy for Southeast Asia’s climate transition, building the partnerships and presence we need to support it.
Climateworks will continue to guide governments, financial institutions and industry towards more ambitious emissions reduction trajectories. Globally, the race is on for such commitments to be acted on, and urgently. This includes driving suitable investments and policies aligned with science to achieve zero emissions in all sectors. Climateworks is now focused on enabling the necessary shift from commitment to implementation.
We will do this by providing pathways and analysis, making connections and building capacity in those people and institutions with the power to reduce emissions at scale, and influencing the alignment to Paris Agreement goals in core ‘rules of the game’ in governments and industry.
Anna Skarbek CEO, Climateworks Centre
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Since 2009 Climateworks has played an influential role in supporting critical sectors to shift to low-emissions solutions.
Forging the way: Impact report 2021
2021 was a year of important progress on climate, even as the world continued to grapple with many challenges from the COVID-19 pandemic. The COP26 climate summit in Glasgow moved worldwide focus firmly to limiting warming to 1.5 degrees, and to ratcheting up 2030 ambition to align with this long term target.
Holding focus: Impact report 2020
In 2020, Climateworks was proud to adapt and ‘hold focus’ despite the extraordinary circumstance of operating amid a global pandemic.
Scaling up: Impact report 2019
New research supports what is already being felt in Australia and around the world: climate change is happening faster than ever anticipated, bringing with it greater repercussions.
U.S. Department of the Treasury
Fy 2022 budget in brief.
The Congressional Justification of Appropriations (CJ) reflects the President’s Budget request for the Department of the Treasury, and is prepared in accordance with OMB Circular A-11. The CJ includes agency priorities, requested budget levels and performance plans (in accordance with the Government Performance and Results Act). The Budget-in-Brief (BIB) is a summary of that document.
FY2022 Budget-in-Brief (2 .46 MB )
FY 2022 Budget-in-Brief
- Message From the Secretary
- Table of Contents ( to be published soon )
- Executive Summary
- Departmental Offices Salaries and Expenses
- Cybersecurity Enhancement Account
- Department-wide Systems and Capital Investments Program
- Terrorism and Financial Intelligence
- Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States
- Office of Inspector General
- Special Inspector General for TARP
- Treasury Inspector General for Tax Administration
- Special Inspector General for Pandemic Recovery
- Community Development Financial Institutions Fund
- Financial Crimes Enforcement Network
- Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau
- Bureau of the Fiscal Service
- Internal Revenue Service
- Office of Financial Stability
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- China secures new, hard-won achievements in development in 2022
Chinese Premier Li Keqiang delivers a government work report at the opening meeting of the first session of the 14th National People's Congress (NPC) at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, capital of China, March 5, 2023. [Photo/Xinhua]
China stabilized the economy, steadily enhanced development quality, and maintained overall social stability in 2022, securing new and hard-won achievements in development, according to a government work report submitted Sunday to the national legislature for deliberation.
China succeeded in maintaining overall stable economic performance while overcoming great difficulties and challenges, and was able to generally accomplish the main targets and tasks for the year amid a complex and fluid environment, the report noted, saying that "such achievements are a testament to the tremendous resilience of China's economy."
The report reviewed the government work last year in a host of areas, including efforts to effectively coordinate COVID-19 response with economic and social development, and decisive and timely macro regulation to tackle new downward pressure on the economy.
The country gave priority to ensuring stable growth, employment and prices, thus bringing about a steady economic recovery, according to the report.
Citing major efforts made last year to support the economy, the report said the government stepped up relief support to enterprises facing growing difficulties, guided financial institutions on increasing credit supply and lowering financing costs, and adopted a combination of measures to expand investment, stimulate consumption and stabilize foreign trade.
It also boosted policy support to stabilize and increase employment, and strived to ensure market supply and stable prices, particularly those of food and energy in the face of a global surge in inflation, the report said.
Greater support was given to people experiencing increased difficulties in their lives to ensure their basic living needs, the report noted.
China's economy grew by 3 percent last year. A total of 12.06 million urban jobs were added, with the year-end surveyed urban unemployment rate falling to 5.5 percent. The consumer price index rose by 2 percent. The total volume of trade in goods rose by 7.7 percent, while the deficit-to-GDP ratio was kept at 2.8 percent.
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- China stabilized the economy, steadily enhanced development quality, and maintained overall social stability in 2022, securing new and hard-won achievements in development, according to a government work report submitted Sunday to the national legislature for deliberation.
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- International edition
‘Something’s coming’: is America finally ready to take UFOs seriously?
UFO-watchers say 2022 could prove a bumper year, as clamor for details grows in the wake of a highly anticipated report
L ast year was a breakthrough time for UFOs, as a landmark government report prompted the possibility of extraterrestrial visitors to finally be taken seriously by everyone from senators, to a former president , to the Pentagon.
But 2022 could be even more profound, experts say, as the clamor for UFO disclosure and discovery continues to grow, and as new scientific projects bring us closer than ever to – potentially – discovering non-Earth life.
In June, the Pentagon released a highly anticipated report on unexplained aerial phenomena (UAP), the now preferred nomenclature by some in the extraterrestrial community, which found more than 140 instances of UAPs that could not be explained.
The report came after leaked military footage documented seemingly otherworldly happenings in the sky, and after testimony from navy pilots helped to somewhat destigmatize a subject that has long been defined by conspiracy theories and dubious sightings.
All in all, the newly sincere approach to UFOs has longtime sky-watchers excited.
“I’m confident that 2022 is going to be a seismic year for UFOs,” said Nick Pope, who spent the early 1990s investigating UFOs for the British ministry of defence.
In Congress, where a bipartisan group of senators has been pushing for years for the government to release more information on UFOs, and from the US defense department and intelligence community, Pope said he senses “a genuine desire to grip the issue”.
“I think we’ll see congressional hearings on UFOs,” Pope said. “I also think we’ll see the release of more US military photos and videos of UFOs, and associated documents. Some of this may come via whistleblowers, but much of it may be released by the government itself, either proactively, or in response to requests under the Freedom of Information Act.
“Finally, I think we’ll see more high-calibre witnesses coming forward, including commercial airline pilots, military aircrew, radar operators, and intelligence officers with direct knowledge of this subject.”
It was a group of pilots who brought the issue to the fore in 2021. In a breakthrough interview with 60 Minutes , members of the US Navy lined up to recall their experiences of encountering UFOs on America’s coasts. It happened so frequently that the encounters became commonplace, Ryan Graves, a retired navy pilot, told the CBS show.
“Every day,” Graves said. “Every day for at least a couple years.”
For years, pilots had refused to share tales of their UFO experiences, worried of being labeled kooks or being passed over for promotion. The account of the navy pilots was given credibility, however, by leaked military footage which showed an oval flying object near a US navy ship off San Diego, and separate videos which showed triangular-shaped objects buzzing around in the sky.
The US government’s UFO report, released in June 2021, fueled more interest. The Pentagon studied 144 incidents reported by military pilots between 2004 and 2021 in preparing the report. Officials were able to explain one of the incidents – it was a balloon – but the rest remain a mystery.
Since then the Pentagon, pushed by US senators Kirsten Gillibrand and Marco Rubio, has launched a new office for reporting and analyzing UFO reports, although some in the UFO community suspect the government to be less than forthcoming with its findings.
Still, as the clamor for information has grown, so has interest from the scientific community, and in 2022 a slew of new projects will launch, specifically aimed at detecting alien life.
Avi Loeb, the Frank B Baird Jr professor of science at Harvard University, is behind one of those. He is the head of the Galileo Project , which aims to establish a network of sophisticated telescopes which will scan the skies for extraterrestrial objects.
The privately funded project, which involves more than 100 scientists, is building its first telescope system on the roof of the Harvard college observatory, and it will begin operating this summer. Loeb plans to make the projects’ findings publicly available.
The telescope will use infra-red cameras to take 24/7 video of the sky, and is equipped with a radio sensor, an audio sensor and a magnetometer to detect non-visual objects. A computer will use artificial intelligence to analyze the data, ignoring objects like birds, drones, planes, and meteors, and paying extra attention to any objects “that are not human-made”, Loeb said.
“We’re taking a road not taken so there may be low hanging fruit, that nobody else picked because it was not taken,” Loeb said.
For all that UFO research may be becoming destigmatized, Loeb said the field is still looked down upon by some astrophysicists and other academics, which can turn off young scientists.
“I really want the next generation to be free to discuss it, and for it to become part of the mainstream,” Loeb said. “My hope is that by getting a high resolution image of something unusual, or finding evidence for it, which is quite possible in the coming year or two, we will change it.”
The Galileo Project also hopes to use data collected by Planet Labs , which uses a fleet of miniature satellites to image the entire Earth once a day. By both looking up and down, the likelihood of discovery is increased.
Collaboration is important, Loeb said, as the search for UFOs to date has been quixotic at best. But those who claim the lack of evidence of extraterrestrials means that alien life does not exist are misguided, Loeb said.
“It’s just like a fisherman on the beach, looking at the ocean, saying: ‘Where are all the fish? I don’t see anything?’” he said. “And obviously if you don’t use a fishing net you will not find anything.”
Long-time space enthusiasts are also hopeful about the impact of the James Webb space telescope , the largest and most powerful of its kind, which Nasa launched in December 2021. When it begins operating this summer, the Webb telescope will enable astronomers to scan the skies, peering back to when the universe was first beginning to form, as well as help study exo-planets: worlds that circle other suns.
These concerted efforts could make 2022 “a banner year”, Leonard David , author of Moon Rush: the New Space Race , and a journalist who has been reporting on the space industry for more than five decades, said.
“It’s a great time to be alive. The bottom line is something’s coming. You can’t have that many people doing that much research and come up dry,” David said.
“At some point we’re going to have a confluence of scientific data that supports the likelihood that we’re a pretty mundane place here on earth, and there’s a lot of alien civilizations that are out there.
“We’ve got to start thinking we’re not alone. It’s: how crowded is it up there?”
A frequent backdrop to any discussion of alien life is how it would affect humans here on earth. Some speculate that religions could be shaken to their core, or that there could be a mass existential crisis.
David said that extraterrestrials, however, could be aware of us and be deliberately ignoring our planet, which would represent an equally devastating blow to the human sense of self-importance.
“I don’t know exactly where the Earth fits in and why we would be on the receiving end of any attention,” he said.
“We could be the dolts of the universe.”
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- Gubernatorial elections, 2022
- Connecticut
- Massachusetts
- New Hampshire
- North Dakota
Pennsylvania
- Rhode Island
- South Carolina
- South Dakota
- Northern Mariana Islands
- U.S. Virgin Islands
Thirty-six states held elections for governor in 2022. Democrats and Republicans each won 18 races. Before the 2022 elections, Republicans held 20 of these governorships and Democrats held 16.
Four offices changed party hands. Partisan control changed from Republican to Democratic in Arizona , where Katie Hobbs (D) defeated Kari Lake (R) to succeed incumbent Doug Ducey (R), in Maryland , where Wes Moore (D) defeated Dan Cox (R) to succeed incumbent Larry Hogan (R), and in Massachusetts , where Maura Healey (D) defeated Geoff Diehl (R) to succeed incumbent Charlie Baker (R). Partisan control changed from Democratic to Republican in Nevada , where Joe Lombardo (R) defeated incumbent Steve Sisolak (D).
All four of the offices that changed party hands resulted in changes to state government trifecta status . Maryland and Massachusetts changed from divided government to a Democratic trifecta. Arizona shifted from a Republican trifecta to divided government, and Nevada shifted from a Democratic trifecta to divided government. State government trifecta is a term used to describe when one political party holds the governorship and majorities in both chambers of the state legislature.
The triplex statuses of Arizona, Maryland, and Massachusetts also changed from divided government to Democratic triplexes. State government triplex is a term used to describe when one political party holds the following three statewide offices: governor, attorney general, and secretary of state.
Sisolak was the only incumbent defeated in 2022. Twenty-seven incumbents were re-elected: twelve Democrats and fifteen Republicans. Five open races were called for new governors-elect from the same party as their predecessor, and three open elections were called for governors-elect from a different party than their predecessor.
The 2022 gubernatorial elections took place in the context of the 2020 census and reapportionment , the lead-up to the 2024 presidential election , and the recovery from the coronavirus pandemic .
Some political observers cast the 2022 gubernatorial elections as a development of tensions between the state and federal governments and between branches of the federal government. According to Barry Casselman, "Usually, only one or two of these tensions predominates in an election cycle, but with many strong men and women governors, a divided Congress and Supreme Court, and a new president, a rare display of ALL these tensions at the same time might become very visible as we proceed to election day, 2022." [1]
See below for the following information:
Partisan balance
Seats up for election, battlegrounds, 2020 presidential election results in states with 2022 elections, outside race ratings, seats that flipped in 2018.
- Trifecta vulnerability in the 2022 elections
State government triplexes
Incumbents not seeking re-election, candidate lists by state, competitiveness, historical control, important dates and deadlines, about the office.
- 1.1 Historical control
- 2 Seats up for election
- 3.1 Battleground list
- 4.1 Additional presidential election data
- 5 Outside race ratings
- 6.1.1 RCV simulation polls
- 6.2 Arizona
- 6.3 Georgia
- 6.6 Michigan
- 6.7 Minnesota
- 6.10 Pennsylvania
- 6.11 Wisconsin
- 7 Seats that flipped in 2018
- 8.1 Background: State government trifectas
- 9 State government triplexes
- 10 Incumbents not seeking re-election
- 11 Candidate lists by state
- 12 Competitiveness
- 13 Important dates and deadlines
- 14 About the office
- 15 Compensation
- 16 Staff size
- 17 Involvement in budget proposals
- 18 Term limits
- 19.1.1.1 Featured analysis
- 19.1.1.2 More related articles
- 19.1.2.1 Featured analysis
- 19.1.2.2 More related articles
- 19.1.3.1 Featured analysis
- 19.1.3.2 More related articles
- 19.2 See also
- 19.3 Footnotes
The following chart displays the number of governors' offices held by each party as of the 2022 elections and immediately after the elections took place.
Republicans led in governorships from 1994 until 2006, after which there were 28 Democratic governors to the Republicans' 22. Republicans regained their national majority in the 2010 midterm elections. Between 2010 and 2017, the number of Republican governors continued to increase, reaching a high point of 34 following West Virginia Gov. Jim Justice 's switch to the Republican Party in August 2017. [2] From 2017 to 2019, Democrats won Republican-held governorships in Illinois , Kansas , Kentucky , Maine , Michigan , Nevada , New Jersey , New Mexico , and Wisconsin . Republicans, meanwhile, gained a governorship in Alaska previously held by independent Bill Walker . In 2020 and 2021, Republicans won Democratic-held governorships in Montana and Virginia . These changes brought Republicans to 28 governorships and Democrats to 22.
There were 20 Republican and 16 Democratic gubernatorial seats up for election in 2022. These statistics do not include elections in the U.S. territories. The table and map below show which states held gubernatorial elections in 2022.
Table last updated December 20, 2022.
Ballotpedia identified 13 of the 36 gubernatorial elections in 2022 as general election battlegrounds: Alaska , Arizona , Connecticut , Georgia , Kansas , Maine , Massachusetts , Michigan , Minnesota , Nevada , Oregon , Pennsylvania , and Wisconsin .
Of the 13, nine were in states with Democratic incumbents and four were in states with Republican incumbents. Three states had a governor of a party different from the candidate who won the state in the 2020 presidential election.
These battleground races were selected using the following criteria. For more information on our methodology, click here :
- the results of the 2020 presidential election in each state,
- whether the incumbent was seeking re-election,
- whether the governor's office changed partisan control the last time it was up for election, and
- how the Cook Political Report , Sabato's Crystal Ball , and Inside Elections with Nathan Gonzales rated the race.
In addition to the competitiveness data above, races were included if they were particularly compelling or meaningful to the balance of power in governments for other reasons .
Battleground list
The following map displays all states that held gubernatorial elections in 2022 shaded by the incumbent's or most recent incumbent's political affiliation. Battleground races are highlighted in brighter colors. Hover over a state for more information.
- Democrats were defending one governorship in a state that Donald Trump (R) won in 2020: Kansas .
- Republicans were defending six governorships in states President Joe Biden (D) won in 2020 : Arizona , Georgia , Maryland , Massachusetts , New Hampshire , and Vermont .
- Presidential election, 2020
- States won by Donald Trump in 2020 with Democratic-held governorships up for election in 2022
- States won by Joe Biden in 2020 with Republican-held governorships up for election in 2022
Additional presidential election data
The following section compares state-level returns for the 2020 presidential election across the 36 states which held gubernatorial elections in 2022.
- Joe Biden (D) carried eight states—California, Connecticut, Hawaii, Maryland, Massachusetts, New York, Rhode Island, and Vermont—by a margin larger than 20%. At the time of the 2022 election, three of those states (Maryland, Massachusetts, and Vermont) had Republican governors.
- Joe Biden (D) carried seven states—Colorado, Illinois, Maine, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Mexico, and Oregon—by margins between 5% and 20%. At the time of the 2022 election, one state (New Hampshire) had a Republican governor.
- Joe Biden (D) carried six states—Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada,Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin—by a margin smaller than 5%. At the time of the 2022 election, two states (Arizona and Georgia) had Republican governors.
- Donald Trump (R) carried one state—Florida—by a margin smaller than 5%. At the time of the 2022 election, Florida's governor was Republican Ron DeSantis .
- Donald Trump (R) carried seven states—Alaska, Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska, Ohio, South Carolina, and Texas—by margins between 5% and 20%. At the time of the 2022 election, one state (Kansas) had a Democratic governor.
- Donald Trump (R) carried seven states—Alabama, Arkansas, Idaho, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Tennessee, and Wyoming—by margins larger than 20%. At the time of the 2022 election, all of those states had Republican governors.
The following table compared gubernatorial race ratings from The Cook Political Report , Sabato's Crystal Ball , and Inside Elections prior to the November 2022 elections.
Polls are conducted with a variety of methodologies and have margins of error or credibility intervals . [5] The Pew Research Center wrote, "A margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points at the 95% confidence level means that if we fielded the same survey 100 times, we would expect the result to be within 3 percentage points of the true population value 95 of those times." [6] For tips on reading polls from FiveThirtyEight , click here . For tips from Pew, click here .
Below we provide results for polls that are included in polling aggregation from FiveThirtyEight and RealClearPolitics , when available. Click here to read about FiveThirtyEight' s criteria for including polls in its aggregation. We only report polls for which we can find a margin of error or credibility interval.
RCV simulation polls
The following poll asked respondents to rank their choices. The pollster then ran ranked-choice voting simulations based on responses.
Polls are conducted with a variety of methodologies and have margins of error or credibility intervals . [8] The Pew Research Center wrote, "A margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points at the 95% confidence level means that if we fielded the same survey 100 times, we would expect the result to be within 3 percentage points of the true population value 95 of those times." [9] For tips on reading polls from FiveThirtyEight , click here . For tips from Pew, click here .
Polls are conducted with a variety of methodologies and have margins of error or credibility intervals . [18] The Pew Research Center wrote, "A margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points at the 95% confidence level means that if we fielded the same survey 100 times, we would expect the result to be within 3 percentage points of the true population value 95 of those times." [19] For tips on reading polls from FiveThirtyEight , click here . For tips from Pew, click here .
Polls are conducted with a variety of methodologies and have margins of error or credibility intervals . [34] The Pew Research Center wrote, "A margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points at the 95% confidence level means that if we fielded the same survey 100 times, we would expect the result to be within 3 percentage points of the true population value 95 of those times." [35] For tips on reading polls from FiveThirtyEight , click here . For tips from Pew, click here .
Polls are conducted with a variety of methodologies and have margins of error or credibility intervals . [46] The Pew Research Center wrote, "A margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points at the 95% confidence level means that if we fielded the same survey 100 times, we would expect the result to be within 3 percentage points of the true population value 95 of those times." [47] For tips on reading polls from FiveThirtyEight , click here . For tips from Pew, click here .
Polls are conducted with a variety of methodologies and have margins of error or credibility intervals . [58] The Pew Research Center wrote, "A margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points at the 95% confidence level means that if we fielded the same survey 100 times, we would expect the result to be within 3 percentage points of the true population value 95 of those times." [59] For tips on reading polls from FiveThirtyEight , click here . For tips from Pew, click here .
Polls are conducted with a variety of methodologies and have margins of error or credibility intervals . [141] The Pew Research Center wrote, "A margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points at the 95% confidence level means that if we fielded the same survey 100 times, we would expect the result to be within 3 percentage points of the true population value 95 of those times." [142] For tips on reading polls from FiveThirtyEight , click here . For tips from Pew, click here .
Polls are conducted with a variety of methodologies and have margins of error or credibility intervals . [148] The Pew Research Center wrote, "A margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points at the 95% confidence level means that if we fielded the same survey 100 times, we would expect the result to be within 3 percentage points of the true population value 95 of those times." [149] For tips on reading polls from FiveThirtyEight , click here . For tips from Pew, click here .
Polls are conducted with a variety of methodologies and have margins of error or credibility intervals . [173] The Pew Research Center wrote, "A margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points at the 95% confidence level means that if we fielded the same survey 100 times, we would expect the result to be within 3 percentage points of the true population value 95 of those times." [174] For tips on reading polls from FiveThirtyEight , click here . For tips from Pew, click here .
Polls are conducted with a variety of methodologies and have margins of error or credibility intervals . [191] The Pew Research Center wrote, "A margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points at the 95% confidence level means that if we fielded the same survey 100 times, we would expect the result to be within 3 percentage points of the true population value 95 of those times." [192] For tips on reading polls from FiveThirtyEight , click here . For tips from Pew, click here .
Polls are conducted with a variety of methodologies and have margins of error or credibility intervals . [220] The Pew Research Center wrote, "A margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points at the 95% confidence level means that if we fielded the same survey 100 times, we would expect the result to be within 3 percentage points of the true population value 95 of those times." [221] For tips on reading polls from FiveThirtyEight , click here . For tips from Pew, click here .
In 2018, the previous midterm election year, the same 36 gubernatorial seats were on the ballot. Partisan control of eight flipped, with Democrats gaining control of seven governorships from Republicans and Republicans gaining one from an independent.
Thirteen state government trifectas were vulnerable in the 2022 elections, according to Ballotpedia's annual trifecta vulnerability ratings. Democrats were defending seven vulnerable trifectas and Republicans were defending six. On this page, we assessed the likelihood of each existing state government trifecta breaking, and of new state government trifectas forming in 2022.
The Democratic trifecta in Delaware was highly vulnerable. Delaware did not hold its gubernatorial election in 2022, but Democrats had a 14-7 seat majority in the state Senate. Republicans need a net gain of four seats to win a majority.
Democratic trifectas in Colorado , Maine , and Nevada were moderately vulnerable. Three Democratic trifectas— Illinois , Oregon , and Washington —were considered somewhat vulnerable.
Arizona was the only highly vulnerable Republican trifecta this year. The governor's race was rated as a Toss-up , and Republicans had a one seat majority in both the state House and Senate. Three Republican trifectas in Georgia , New Hampshire , and Texas were classified as moderately vulnerable. The Republican trifectas in Florida and Iowa were somewhat vulnerable.
Ballotpedia also assessed the chances of new trifectas forming in states that were currently under divided government. According to our methodology, states that qualified as a possible Democratic trifecta pickup were Maryland , Massachusetts , Minnesota , and North Carolina , while Republicans had pickup chances in Alaska and Kansas . In Michigan , Pennsylvania , and Wisconsin , both parties had the opportunity to establish a state government trifecta.
Background: State government trifectas
The term state government trifecta refers to a situation in which one party has control of the governorship and a majority of seats in both chambers of a state's legislature. Heading into the 2022 elections, Republicans had 23 trifectas, Democrats had 14 trifectas, and 13 states had divided government, meaning neither party had trifecta control.
One state's trifecta status changed as a result of the 2021 elections—Democrats lost their trifecta in Virginia as a result of Republicans winning the gubernatorial election and control of the state House.
The term state government triplex refers to a situation in which the governor, secretary of state, and attorney general in a given state are all members of the same party. Heading into the 2022 elections, Republicans had 22 triplexes, Democrats had 18 triplexes, and 10 states had divided governments where neither party had a triplex.
One state's triplex status changed in 2021—Virginia's Democratic triplex was replaced with a Republican triplex when Republicans won the elections for governor and attorney general . In Virginia, the governor appoints the secretary of state .
Eight sitting governors—five Republicans and three Democrats—did not seek re-election in 2022. All but one ( Charlie Baker ) was prevented from running for re-election due to term limits. The governors not running for re-election in 2022 were:
- Doug Ducey (R-Ariz.)
- Asa Hutchinson (R-Ark.)
- David Ige (D-Hawaii)
- Larry Hogan (R-Md.)
- Charlie Baker (R-Mass.)
- Pete Ricketts (R-Neb.)
- Kate Brown (D-Ore.)
- Tom Wolf (D-Penn.)
The following table provides an overview of candidates in 2022 gubernatorial elections. Candidate lists may be incomplete until each state's filing deadline has passed.
An election is considered more competitive when there is no incumbent running for re-election. Incumbent advantage is frequently cited in political theory and its importance frequently debated. For example, data compiled by OpenSecrets shows the re-election rate for incumbents in the U.S. House of Representatives has been 85% or higher for each of the 28 two-year election cycles between 1964 and 2020. From 2010-2020, the re-election rate averaged 92.2%.
Across the 36 gubernatorial elections that took place in 2022:
- Twenty-eight incumbents filed for re-election. Seven of the eight incumbents who did not file for re-election were prevented from doing so by term limits.
- Nineteen of the 28 incumbents running for re-election faced at least one challenger from their party in the primary.
- All 36 elections had at least one Democrat and one Republican running in the general election.
The table below lists important dates throughout the 2022 election cycle, including filing deadlines and primary dates.
The table below lists changes made to election dates and deadlines in the 2022 election cycle. Items are listed in reverse chronological order by date of change, with the most recent change appearing first.
In the United States, the title governor refers to the chief executive of each state. The governor is not directly subordinate to the federal authorities but is the political and ceremonial head of the state. The governor may also assume additional roles, such as the commander-in-chief of the National Guard when the role is not federalized. The governor may also have the ability to commute or pardon a criminal sentence.
In all states, the governor is directly elected and, in most cases, has considerable practical powers. Notable exceptions with weak governorships include the office of the governor in Texas , though this may be moderated by the state legislature and, in some cases, by other elected executive officials. Governors can veto state bills. The specific duties and powers vary widely between states.
Compensation
Involvement in budget proposals, term limits, line-item veto powers, analysis of state elections.
In 2022, 44 states held elections for executive , legislative , or judicial seats , including elections for 88 of the nation's 99 state legislative chambers, 36 gubernatorial offices, and 32 state supreme court seats.
State legislative elections
On November 8, 2022, members in 88 of the country's 99 state legislative chambers were up for election across 46 states. These elections were for 6,278 of the country's 7,383 state legislative seats (85%).
Heading into the election, Democrats controlled 36 chambers and Republicans controlled 62. A bipartisan coalition controlled the Alaska House .
As a result of the election:
- Democrats gained control of four chambers—the Michigan House and Senate, Minnesota Senate, and Pennsylvania House—bringing their total to 40. [258] Wins in Minnesota and Michigan created new Democratic trifectas in those states. Both had previously been divided governments.
- In Alaska, a bipartisan coalition gained control of the Senate. The coalition in the House changed from being made primarily of Democrats and independents to one made primarily of Republicans.
- Republicans lost control of five chambers, bringing their total to 57.
Featured analysis
- State legislative seats that changed party control in 2022 : As a result of the Nov. 8, 2022, elections, partisan composition of all 7,386 state legislative seats changed by less than half a percentage point. Democrats had a net loss of six seats, representing 0.1% of all state legislative seats. Republicans had a net gain of 28 seats, representing 0.4% of all state legislative seats. [259] Independents and minor party officeholders had a net loss of 20 seats , representing 0.2% of all state legislative seats.
- Annual State Legislative Competitiveness Report: Vol. 12, 2022 : Competitiveness refers to the presence of choice throughout the election cycle. A greater level of competitiveness means voters have the ability to make more decisions. A lower level of competitiveness equals fewer choices. State legislative competitiveness in 2022 reached its highest level compared to all even-year election cycles since 2010. In 2022, the nationwide State Legislative Competitiveness Index is 36.2, beating out 2018 (36.1) and the 2012 post-redistricting cycle (35.2).
More related articles
- State legislative special elections
- Impact of term limits
- Contested primaries
- Incumbents in contested primaries
- Data on incumbents defeated
- Summaries of incumbents defeated in primaries
- Incumbent win rates by state
- Pivot counties in state legislative elections
- Rematches in 2022 general elections
- Elections without a Democratic or Republican candidate
- States with two or more statewide offices up for election
- Wave election analysis
- Seats that changed party control
- Veto-proof state legislatures with opposing party governors
- Ballotpedia's Top 15 elections to watch, 2022
- Candidates with the same last names, 2022
State executive elections
State executive offices up for election in 2022 included 36 gubernatorial seats , 30 lieutenant gubernatorial seats , 30 attorney general seats , and 27 secretary of state seats . Including down-ballot races, there were 307 state executive seats up for election across 44 states in 2022. [260]
Of the 36 that held elections for governor , four offices changed party hands. Partisan control changed from Republican to Democratic in Arizona , Maryland , and Massachusetts . Partisan control changed from Democratic to Republican in Nevada , where incumbent Governor Steve Sisolak (D) was the only incumbent governor to lose re-election in 2022.
The partisan control of three lieutenant governors' offices changed. The office switched from Democrat to Republican in Nevada and from Republican to Democrat in Maryland and Massachusetts.
The partisan control of two secretary of State offices changed from Republican to Democrat.
In three states—Arizona, Iowa, and Vermont—the office of attorney general changed party control, resulting in a net gain of one office for Democrats and a net loss of one office for Republicans.
- Trifecta vulnerability in the 2022 elections : Thirteen state government trifectas were vulnerable in the 2022 elections, according to Ballotpedia's annual trifecta vulnerability ratings. Democrats defended seven vulnerable trifectas and Republicans defended six. A state government trifecta occurs when one party holds the governorship and majorities in both chambers of the state legislature. At the time of the 2022 elections, there were 37 state government trifectas : 23 Republican trifectas and 14 Democratic trifectas. The remaining 13 states had a divided government where neither party had a trifecta.
- State government triplexes : Heading into the November 8 elections, there were 23 Republican triplexes, 18 Democratic triplexes, and 9 divided governments where neither party held triplex control. A state government triplex is a term to describe when one political party holds the following three positions in a state's government: governor , attorney general , and secretary of state . [261] In states where the attorney general or secretary of state are appointed by the governor, Ballotpedia considers the office to be held by the governor's party for the purposes of defining triplexes. [262]
- Annual State Executive Competitiveness Report : Ballotpedia's 2022 study of competitiveness in state executive official elections found that 37.1% of incumbents did not seek re-election, leaving those offices open. This was higher than in 2020 (35.6%) and 2014 (32.7%) but lower than in 2018 (38.6%) and 2016 (45.2%). The decade average for open offices was 37.8%.
- State executive official elections overview
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A total of 384 appellate court seats were up for election in 2022. This included 84 supreme court seats and 300 intermediate appellate court seats.
In addition, in the U.S. Territories , the Northern Mariana Islands held retention elections for two judges on the Northern Mariana Islands Superior Court in 2022.
Ballotpedia provided coverage of supreme court and intermediate appellate court elections, as well as local trial court elections for judges within the 100 largest cities in the United States as measured by population.
- Partisanship of state supreme court judges : In June 2020, Ballotpedia conducted a study into the partisanship of state supreme court justices. The study placed each justice into one of five categories indicating confidence in their affiliations with either the Democratic or Republican Parties. These categories were Strong Democratic, Mild Democratic, Indeterminate, Mild Republican, and Strong Republican.
- State supreme court elections, 2022
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- ↑ Barry Casselman , "THE PRAIRIE EDITOR: Races For Governor In 2021-22," March 2, 2021
- ↑ Because Justice switched his registration more than halfway through the year, he was counted as a Democrat in 2017 for the purposes of the chart.
- ↑ 2020 election for New Hampshire and Vermont.
- ↑ The previous gubernatorial election took place in 2020 in New Hampshire and in 2018 in all other states.
- ↑ For more information on the difference between margins of error and credibility intervals, see explanations from the American Association for Public Opinion Research and Ipsos .
- ↑ Pew Research Center , "5 key things to know about the margin of error in election polls," September 8, 2016
- ↑ RV =Registered Voters LV =Likely Voters
- ↑ The sponsor is the person or group that funded all or part of the poll.
- ↑ "Not sure": 3.4%; "Other": .6%
- ↑ "Not sure"
- ↑ includes responses to "Other," "Wouldn't vote," and "Don't know"
- ↑ Other: 4% Undecided: 4%
- ↑ Other: 2% Undecided: 3%
- ↑ Undecided: 1%
- ↑ Other: 1% Undecided: 4%
- ↑ Other: 3% Undecided: 5%
- ↑ Other: 6% Undecided: 2%
- ↑ Other: 1% Wouldn't vote: 1% Don't know: 7%
- ↑ Other candidate: 4% Undecided: 7%
- ↑ Someone else: 1% Wouldn't vote: 1% Undecided: 2%
- ↑ Other: 2% Undecided: 2%
- ↑ Someone else: 1%; Undecided: 4%
- ↑ Someone else: 1%; Undecided: 8%
- ↑ FiveThirtyEight , "Latest Polls," accessed September 25, 2022
- ↑ 42.0 42.1 42.2 42.3 Undecided
- ↑ This was an internal poll for Kansas attorney general candidate Kris Kobach 's (R) campaign.
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (2%), "Undecided" (10%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (3%), "Undecided" (5%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other Candidate" (3%), "Undecided" (10%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Undecided" (3%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (7.0%), "Undecided" (4.3%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (3%), "Undecided" (12%)
- ↑ Cells marked -- indicate that the given candidate was not included in the poll results.
- ↑ Other : 1% Undecided : 2%
- ↑ The Trafalgar Group , "Michigan General Statewide Survey November 2022," Nov. 7, 2022
- ↑ Minor party candidate : 2% Undecided : 4%
- ↑ Cygnal , "Cygnal Momentum Tracking Poll: Michigan Statewide - 11/5/22," Nov. 5, 2022
- ↑ Undecided : 2%
- ↑ RealClearPolitics , "Whitmer Still Leads Dixon by 2 Percent (50%-48%)," Nov. 4, 2022
- ↑ Minor party candidate : 2% Undecided : 3%
- ↑ Cygnal , "Cygnal Momentum Tracking Poll: Michigan Statewide - 11/3/22," Nov. 3, 2022
- ↑ Voting for a minor party candidate, undecided, or refused : 3%
- ↑ [ https://www.freep.com/story/news/politics/elections/2022/11/03/michigan-governor-race-whitmer-dixon-poll/69614919007/ Detroit Free Press , " Whitmer's lead over Dixon in Michigan governor race holding steady, latest poll shows," Nov. 3, 2022]
- ↑ Pollsters combined responses from the 24 undecided respondents with the candidate they were leaning towards.
- ↑ Emerson College Polling , "Michigan 2022: Governor Whitmer Maintains Five-Point Lead Over Tudor Dixon," Nov. 2, 2022
- ↑ Cygnal , "Cygnal Momentum Tracking Poll: Michigan Statewide - 11/1/22," Nov. 1, 2022
- ↑ Another candidate : 1% Undecided : 5%
- ↑ American Greatness , "Insider Advantage Michigan Poll: Whitmer and Dixon Tied; 38.9 Percent Favorable Rating For Biden," Oct. 31, 2022
- ↑ No categories listed for the remaining 5% of respondents.
- ↑ Click On Detroit , "Poll: Where Michigan voters stand on Whitmer, Dixon 1 week before election," Oct. 31, 2022
- ↑ Someone else : 2% Undecided : 2%
- ↑ Wick , "MI Battleground Poll, Oct. 30th, 2022," Oct. 30, 2022
- ↑ Undecided : 7% Other/Refused : 5%
- ↑ Politico , "POLITICO Playbook PM: Affirmative action gets a chilly SCOTUS reception," Oct. 31, 2022
- ↑ Cygnal , "Cygnal Momentum Tracking Poll: Michigan Statewide - 10/30/22," Oct. 30, 2022
- ↑ Minor party candidate : 3% Undecided : 2%
- ↑ Cygnal , "Cygnal Momentum Tracking Poll: Michigan Statewide - 10/28/22," Oct. 28, 2022
- ↑ Cygnal , "Cygnal Momentum Tracking Poll: Michigan Statewide - 10/26/22," Oct. 26, 2022
- ↑ Minor party candidate : 3% Undecided : 3%
- ↑ Cygnal , "Cygnal Momentum Tracking Poll: Michigan Statewide - 10/24/22," Oct. 24, 2022
- ↑ Other : 0% Undecided : 2%
- ↑ Just The News , "Dixon closes 17 point deficit, brings Michigan gov race to tie, despite Whitmer's big cash advantage," Oct. 24, 2022
- ↑ Minor party candidate : 3% Undecided : 4%
- ↑ Cygnal , "Cygnal Momentum Tracking Poll: Michigan Statewide - 10/22/22," Oct. 22, 2022
- ↑ Cygnal , "Cygnal Momentum Tracking Poll: Michigan Statewide - 10/20/2022," Oct. 20, 2022
- ↑ Another candidate : 1% Not Sure : 3%
- ↑ RealClearPolitics , "Whitmer Lead over Dixon Shrinks to 2% (49%-47%)," Oct. 20, 2022
- ↑ Neither : 2% Other : 0% No opinion : 0%
- ↑ CNN , "Overview," Oct. 24, 2022
- ↑ Neither : 3% Other : 1% No opinion : 1%
- ↑ Someone else : 2% Undecided : 3%
- ↑ Wick , "MI Battleground Survey, Oct 2022," Oct. 19, 2022
- ↑ Undecided : 4%
- ↑ Emerson College Polling , "Michigan 2022: Gov. Whitmer Holds Five-Point Lead Over Tudor Dixon; Majority Plan to Vote ‘Yes’ for Proposal 3 on Abortion," Oct. 18, 2022
- ↑ No categories listed for the remaining 8% of respondents.
- ↑ WHTC , "47% of voters surveyed say Michigan is on the wrong track, race for Governor tightening," Oct. 17, 2022
- ↑ Minor party candidate : 4% Undecided/refused : 9%
- ↑ Detroit Free Press , "Free Press poll: Gaps narrow in statewide races as economic outlook worsens," Oct. 13, 2022
- ↑ Another candidate : 1% Undecided : 7%
- ↑ American Greatness , "Insider Advantage: Whitmer and Dixon Tied in Michigan Governor’s Race; Joe Biden’s Approval Down to 37 Percent," Oct. 13, 2022
- ↑ Someone else : 0% Not sure : 0%
- ↑ CBS News , "Ron Johnson and Mandela Barnes in tight Senate race in Wisconsin — CBS News Battleground Tracker poll," Oct. 9, 2022
- ↑ Other candidate : 6% Undecided/refused : 12%
- ↑ The Detroit News , "Gov. Gretchen Whitmer's lead over Tudor Dixon stretches to 17 points: new poll," Oct. 3, 2022
- ↑ Other : 1% Undecided : 1%
- ↑ Michigan News Source , "Trafalgar Group Poll Shows Less than Six Point Difference Between Dixon, Whitmer," Sept. 30, 2022
- ↑ Undecided/refused : 6%
- ↑ Detroit Free Press , "Gretchen Whitmer's lead over Tudor Dixon grows to 16 percentage points in new poll," Sept. 22, 2022
- ↑ Undecided : 13%
- ↑ The Detroit News , "Abortion drives Michigan governor's race as women turn against GOP, poll finds," Sept. 6, 2022
- ↑ Michigan News Source , "EXCLUSIVE – Michigan News Source/Trafalgar Group Poll Shows Whitmer and Dixon Within Four Points," Aug. 26, 2022
- ↑ No explanation listed for remaining responses.
- ↑ Detroit Free Press , "Poll shows Whitmer with double-digit lead over Dixon," Aug. 26, 2022
- ↑ Other : 3% Undecided : 8%
- ↑ Chism Strategies , "Whitmer With Solid Lead in Race for Governor," Aug. 18, 2022
- ↑ Responses were presented as whole numbers while the margin of error was rounded to the nearest tenth. As such, it was unclear whether the margin between Whitmer and Dixon exceeded or fell within the margin of error.
- ↑ AARP , "New AARP Michigan Poll: 50+ Voters May Tip Scales in Midterm Election," Aug. 18, 2022
- ↑ Click On Detroit , "Poll: Where Michigan voters stand on races for governor, secretary of state, attorney general," July 13, 2022
- ↑ Undecided : 21%
- ↑ Deadline Detroit , "Poll: Michigan Gov. Whitmer Has Commanding Lead Over Potential Republican Challengers, But . . .," May 31, 2022
- ↑ Undecided : 18%
- ↑ Click On Detroit , "Poll: Michigan Gov. Whitmer’s job approval trends up as 2022 election looms," Jan. 11, 2022
- ↑ 5% Undecided 2% Other candidates
- ↑ 10% Undecided 1% Other
- ↑ 12% Undecided 4% Other
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (8.2%), "Undecided" (5.8%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidates" (4.2%), "Undecided" (7.8%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (5%), "Undecided" (9%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (3.3%), "Undecided" (1.7%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (1%), "None of these" (3%), "Undecided" (2%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidates" (4.1%), "Undecided" (4.6%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (6%), "Undecided" (10%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (4%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (3%), "Undecided" (2%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (4.0%), "None of these" (2.4%), "Undecided" (7.0%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidates" (2%), "Undecided" (5%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Undecided" (5%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (5.4%), "Undecided" (2.6%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (7%), "Undecided" (3%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (4%), "Undecided" (12%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Bridges" (4%), "Davis" (3%), "None of the above" (3%), "Undecided" (10%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (4.4%), "Undecided" (5.8%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (5%), "Undecided" (10%), "None" (2%)
- ↑ Breakdown: "Other candidate" (9%), "Undecided" (7%)
- ↑ Undecided: 9%
- ↑ Others: 1% Undecided: 4%
- ↑ Undecided: 12%
- ↑ Not sure: 2%
- ↑ Someone else: 2% Unsure: 5%
- ↑ Other: 1% Not sure: 5%
- ↑ Someone else: 2% Undecided: 9%
- ↑ Someone else: 2% Not sure: 8%
- ↑ Noble: 3% Smith: 1% Undecided: 15%
- ↑ Undecided: 15%
- ↑ Not sure/refused: 24%
- ↑ Reported as "Someone else/Undecided/No opinion" (4%) and "Matt Hackenburg" (2%).
- ↑ Included results for "Undecided" (4%), "Matt Hackenburg" (2%), and "Christian Digiulio" (1%).
- ↑ Included results for "Don't know" (6%), "Wouldn't vote" (2%), and "Other" (2%).
- ↑ Reported as "Undecided" (4%) and "Someone else" (4%).
- ↑ Reported as "Not Sure" (4%) and "Neither/Other" (2%).
- ↑ Reported as "Undecided" (6%) and "Someone else" (2%).
- ↑ Reported as "Matt Hackenburg" (4%) and "Someone else/Undecided/No opinion" (4%).
- ↑ Reported as "Undecided (10%)" and "Some other candidate" (6%).
- ↑ Included results for "Digiulio" (1%), "Hackenburg" (1%), and "Soloski" (1%).
- ↑ Included results for "Undecided" (6%), "Hackenburg" (2%), and "Someone else" (1%).
- ↑ Reported as "Undecided" (3%) and "Someone else" (2%).
- ↑ Includes the results for "Undecided" (4%), "Gerhardt (L)" (3%), and "Other" (1%).
- ↑ Included results for "Someone else" (2%) and "Undecided" (7%).
- ↑ Included results for "Other" (2%), "Wouldn't vote" (3%), and "Don't know" (5%).
- ↑ Included results for "Some other candidate" (4%) and "Do not know" (8%).
- ↑ Included results for "Hackenburg" (3.4%), "Someone else" (1.1%), and "Undecided/No Opinion" (6.5%).
- ↑ Included results for "Not Sure" (3%) and "Neither/Other" (1%).
- ↑ Included results for "Hackenburg" (2.8%), "Undecided" (2.8%), and "Other" (1.5%).
- ↑ Included results for "Undecided" (9%) and "Someone else" (4%).
- ↑ Included results for "Undecided" (6%) and "Someone else" (3%).
- ↑ Included results for "Aren't sure" (19%), "Hackenburg" (2%), "DiGiulio" (1%), "Other" (1%), and "Not going to vote" (1%).
- ↑ Included results for "Undecided" (4.8%), "Hackenburg" (1.1%), and "Other" (0.8%).
- ↑ Reported as "Unsure."
- ↑ Someone else: 1%; Unsure: 1%
- ↑ Undecided
- ↑ Don't know
- ↑ Don't know: 3%; Refused: 3%
- ↑ Another candidate: 1%; Not going to vote: 1%; Don't know/No opinion: 6%
- ↑ Other: 2%; Wouldn't vote: 1%; Don't know: 4%
- ↑ Neither: 3%; Other: 1%
- ↑ Other: 1%; Don't know: 1%; Refused: 1%
- ↑ Other: 1%; Don't know: 3%; Refused: 1%
- ↑ Other: 1%; Wouldn't vote: 1%; Don't know: 4%
- ↑ Other: 2%; Undecided: 3%
- ↑ Someone else: 1%; Undecided: 7%
- ↑ Another candidate: 1%; Not going to vote: 1%; Don't know/No opinion: 5%
- ↑ Someone else: 2%; Unsure: 1%
- ↑ Marquette Law School , "Methodology," accessed September 19, 2022
- ↑ Other: 1%; Don't know: 4%
- ↑ Undecided: 3%; Other: 2%
- ↑ Don't know: 3%; Other: 1%
- ↑ Don't know: 3%; Refused: 2%
- ↑ A federal district court, in striking down the state's congressional redistricting plan, postponed the deadline for candidates qualifying by petition in lieu of paying the filing fee from June 22, 2022, to July 8, 2022. The court's order did not affect the July 22, 2022, deadline for candidates qualifying by paying the filing fee.
- ↑ In Virginia, the Democratic and Republican parties form committees to decide on the method of nomination used for congressional races. These non-primary methods of nomination may take place on a date other than the statewide primary.
- ↑ The Council of State Governments , "Book of the States 2018 Table 4.11: Selected State Administrative Officials: Annual Salaries," accessed September 4, 2019
- ↑ Council of State Governments , "Book of the States 2017 - The Governors: Compensation, Staff, Travel, and Residence," accessed Decemner 3, 2017
- ↑ Council of State Governments , "Book of the States 2017 - The Governors: Powers," accessed December 3, 2017
- ↑ National Conference of State Legislatures , "Gubernatorial Veto Authority with Respect to Major Budget Bill(s)," accessed June 2, 2017
- House District 32 : Biden +26
- House District 34 : Biden +62
- House District 35 : Biden +16
- ↑ This total includes three seats created in Wyoming during the 2020 redistricting process , which affects the net changes before and after the Nov. 8 elections.
- ↑ Ballotpedia describes the offices of governor, lieutenant governor, attorney general, and secretary of state as top-ballot state executive offices. Down-ballot state executive offices that exist in all 50 states include superintendent of schools, insurance commissioner, agriculture commissioner, labor commissioner, and public service commissioner. Examples of other down-ballot state executive offices include treasurer, auditor, and comptroller.
- ↑ Ballotpedia chose to highlight these offices because they are typically the most visible positions in states and serve important administrative functions.
- ↑ This is because it is very uncommon for an attorney general or secretary of state appointed by a governor to often be in direct conflict with that governor.
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2022 GOVERNMENT WORK REPORT Sustained development urged HIGHLIGHTS China to make greater use of foreign investment China will make greater use of foreign investment, according to a government work report submitted to the national legislature for deliberation on March 5. China sets 2022 GDP growth target at 5.5%
BEIJING — The following is the full text of the Government Work Report delivered by Premier Li Keqiang at the fifth session of the 13th National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China on March 5, and adopted on March 11. Please see the attachment for the document. Full Text: Report on the Work of the Government
The State and Local Government Information Report (EEO-4), EEOC Form 164, also referred to as the EEO-4 Report, is a mandatory biennial data collection that requires all State and local governments with 100 or more employees to submit demographic workforce data, including data by race/ethnicity, sex, job category, and salary band.
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This report provides an overview of the governmentwide results. The report includes item results, index scores, trends, and information on who responded to the survey. Appendices are also included within the report, many of the appendices are provided in Excel. Current Report > Previous Reports >
The FY 2022 Financial Report presents the U.S. government's current financial position and condition, and discusses key financial topics and trends. The is produced by Treasury in coordination with Financial Report OMB, which is part of the Executive Office of the President. The table on the preceding page presents several key
The House Report accompanying the FY 2022 SFOAA defines "minimum requirements of fiscal transparency" to mean the public disclosure of: National budget documentation (to include income and expenditures by ministry) and; Government contracts and licenses for natural resource extraction (to include bidding and concession allocation practices).
(CNS News.com) -- In his annual report on wasteful government spending, The Festivus Report 2022, Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) highlights 31 items of "waste" totaling $482,276,543,907, approximately $482.3 billion.
The study builds upon the Center's previous reports about the government's role and performance, most recently published in 2020 and 2017. ... (For more, see this interactive on public trust in government, 1958-2022.) In their own words - how people feel about government performance.
The Annual Report presents fully audited results for the year ending 31 December 2022. It provides comprehensive and detailed information on the firm, its strategy, business, governance and compensation, financial performance and risk, treasury and capital management, as well as on the regulatory and operating environment in 2022.
In 2022, the global community held firm in its commitment to a net zero future, amidst a challenging year with continued impacts from the COVID pandemic, war in Ukraine, energy security concerns and rising living costs worldwide. Climateworks saw, first-hand, leaders at the G20 and COP27 reaffirm the 1.5-degree Celsius Paris Agreement goal and ...
FY 2022 Budget-in-Brief Message From the Secretary Table of Contents ( to be published soon) Executive Summary Departmental Offices Salaries and Expenses Cybersecurity Enhancement Account Department-wide Systems and Capital Investments Program Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States
In January, average hourly earnings for all employees on private nonfarm payrolls rose by 10 cents, or 0.3 percent, to $33.03. Over the past 12 months, average hourly earnings have increased by 4.4 percent. In January, average hourly earnings of private- sector production and nonsupervisory employees rose by 7 cents, or 0.2 percent, to $28.26.
Chinese Premier Li Keqiang delivers a government work report at the opening meeting of the first session of the 14th National People's Congress (NPC) at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing ...
Sat 5 Feb 2022 03.00 EST Last modified on Sat 5 Feb 2022 03.02 EST L ast year was a breakthrough time for UFOs, as a landmark government report prompted the possibility of extraterrestrial...
Annual State Executive Competitiveness Report: Ballotpedia's 2022 study of competitiveness in state executive official elections found that 37.1% of incumbents did not seek re-election, leaving those offices open. This was higher than in 2020 (35.6%) and 2014 (32.7%) but lower than in 2018 (38.6%) and 2016 (45.2%).
2022 General Holders - Property Report Cycles The table below outlines unclaimed property due dates for property held by general holders. This table does not apply to Banking or Financial Organizations or Life Insurance Companies. 1. Fiscal Year End Date (As of Date) 2. Date of Last Activity
NEWTOWN, Conn. — NSSF®, The Firearm Industry Trade Association, released its 2022 Congressional Report Card, grading all 430 sitting U.S. Representatives (as of Aug. 8) and 100 U.S. Senators on key legislation that is of critical importance to the firearm industry, Second Amendment rights of law-abiding citizens and America's hunters and target shooters.
Details. The report provides information about the UK research and innovation workforce in all sectors, with data gathered through the 2022 Research and Innovation Workforce Survey. The ...
Here are some highlights from the report. - China sets its GDP growth target for 2023 at around 5 percent. - China aims to create around 12 million urban jobs in 2023 and targets a surveyed urban ...
Between July and September 2022 SACN's draft report "Feeding young children aged 1 to 5 years" was open for public consultation. There was an excellent ... departments and other government departments and agencies. Members are appointed as independent scientific experts on the basis of their