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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Russian Revolutions and Civil War, 1917–1921

Introduction, general overviews.

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  • Prior to 1980
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Russian Revolutions and Civil War, 1917–1921 by Michael Kort LAST REVIEWED: 09 February 2021 LAST MODIFIED: 22 September 2021 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199743292-0088

The Russian Revolution has not permitted Western historians the comfort of neutrality. It led to the establishment of a regime, the Soviet Union, that on the basis of Marxist ideology claimed to be building the world’s first nonexploitative and egalitarian society. As such, the Soviet regime further claimed to represent humanity’s future and therefore the right to spread its communist revolution worldwide. These pretentions, however dubiously realized in practice, won the Soviet Union millions of loyalists over the world. At the same time, because these pretentions also threatened any society organized according to different principles, including those of liberal democracy and free enterprise, they made the Soviet regime the object of intense fear and opposition. This reaction was reinforced as the Soviet Union quickly became a brutal dictatorship and, after World War II, emerged as one of the world’s two nuclear superpowers. For these reasons Western scholarship on the Russian Revolution has had an element of contentiousness not often seen in other fields. That, in turn, is why any serious student of the Russian Revolution must be familiar with its historiography, and why this article not only contains a major section on historiography but also includes historiographic commentary in many of the individual entries. The term Russian Revolution itself refers to two upheavals that took place in 1917: the February Revolution and the October, or Bolshevik, Revolution. The former was a spontaneous uprising that began in Russia’s capital in late February 1917 and led to the collapse of the tsarist monarchy and the establishment of the Provisional Government, a regime based on the premise that Russia should have a parliamentary government and free-enterprise economic system. The latter took place in late October and was the seizure of power by a militant Marxist political party determined to rule alone, turn Russia into a communist society, and spark a worldwide revolution. (These dates are according to the outdated Julian calendar in use in Russia at the time, which trailed the Gregorian calendar used in the West by thirteen days. According to the Gregorian calendar, the two revolutions took place in March and November, respectively.) Because the Bolsheviks did not consolidate their power until their victory in a three-year civil war, many histories ostensibly about the “Russian Revolution” include not only the events of 1917 but also their immediate aftermath in early 1918, and then the civil war, which began in mid-1918 and lasted until 1921. That framework has been adopted for this article as well. Matters of evidence and documentation have additionally complicated this subject. In this case the key date is 1991, as that is when the collapse of the Soviet Union finally made many important Russian archives available to scholars for the first time. This significant development is covered in the Published Documentary Collections section of this article.

Although all of the volumes listed in this section can be called general overviews, they vary considerably in their structure and approach. Carr 1950–1953 provides a multivolume and extraordinarily detailed institutional narrative of the establishment and consolidation of the Bolshevik regime, which the author essentially endorses. Chamberlin 1965 is a traditional, sweeping narrative that is critical of the Bolshevik regime, as is Figes 1998 , which begins the story in 1891 and carries it to 1924. Pipes 1996 provides a broad narrative in the condensation of two large volumes on this subject, and provides a view that is highly critical of the Bolshevik regime. Schapiro 1984 , likewise, is an interpretive essay, albeit from a liberal perspective critical of the Bolsheviks. Read 1996 is a revisionist narrative that, while scholarly, comes close to being a textbook. (See the introduction to the Historiography section for the definition of revisionist and related terms in the context of Soviet history.) Shukman 1998 is a short survey with a conclusion critical of the Bolshevik regime. Engelstein 2017 covers the period 1914 to 1921 with an emphasis on how the Bolsheviks betrayed the prevailing democratic sentiments in Russia in 1917 and successfully mobilized power to crush their opponents between 1917 and 1921. McMeekin 2017 begins in 1905 and covers through 1922, stressing how blunders first by Nicholas II and then by the Provisional Government under Kerensky’s inept leadership opened the gates for Lenin and the Bolsheviks to come to power. Smith 2017 covers the period 1890 to 1928, focusing on economic and social factors that caused the revolutions of 1917 and affected the Bolshevik regime into the late 1920s.

Carr, Edward Hallett. A History of Soviet Russia: The Bolshevik Revolution, 1917–1923 . 3 vols. London: Macmillan, 1950–1953.

DOI: 10.1007/978-1-349-63648-8

The first three volumes of a series that, first under Carr and then R. W. Davies, eventually totaled fourteen volumes and thousands of pages upon reaching its terminus in 1929. Some scholars argue these volumes constitute a classic work; others, largely because Carr writes as if the Bolshevik regime was the inevitable outcome of the revolution that ended the tsarist regime, dismiss them as an apologia for Bolshevism and therefore largely useless.

Chamberlin, William Henry. The Russian Revolution, 1917–1921 . 2 vols. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1965.

Originally published in 1935, this work remains an extremely valuable source. The author, who covered Russia for the Christian Science Monitor from 1922 to 1933, was a skilled writer, objective observer, and careful researcher. Many specialists believe it has still not been surpassed as an overall history of the period. Volume 1, 1917–1918: From the Overthrow of the Czar to the Assumption of Power by the Bolsheviks . Volume 2, 1918–1921: From the Civil War to the Consolidation of Power .

Engelstein, Laura. Russia in Flames: War, Revolution, Civil War, 1914–1921 . New York: Oxford University Press, 2017.

This broad narrative faults the tsarist regime for fomenting internal tensions as it fought World War I, most notably but not exclusively by targeting Jews, which weakened its authority during a time of crisis. Engelstein views the February Revolution as broadly democratic. It unfortunately was undermined by the Provisional Government’s inability to deal with the urgent problems caused by World War I and with disorder at home. Lenin and the Bolsheviks were fundamentally undemocratic and exploited the disorder in Russia to seize power in a coup d’état, after which they succeeded in applying brutal force, especially through the Cheka and Red Army, to crush their political opponents and social and ethnic groups resisting their rule during and immediately after the Civil War.

Figes, Orlando. A People’s Tragedy: The Russian Revolution, 1891–1924 . New York: Penguin, 1998.

A panoramic narrative that draws on recently opened archives and numerous anecdotes with great effect. Figes argues, on the one hand, that Russia’s long history of serfdom and its autocratic traditions doomed the 1917 effort to establish a democratic regime and, on the other, that it was Bolshevism and Lenin’s policies after the seizure of power that put in place the basic elements of the Stalinist regime.

McMeekin, Sean. The Russian Revolution: A New History . New York: Basic Books, 2017.

McMeekin argues that Lenin’s improbable path to power was paved by errors on the part of Tsar Nicholas II, liberals who supported Russia’s entry into World War I and then proved to be inept as leaders of the Provisional Government, massive amounts of German money funneled to the Bolsheviks during 1917 in the hope that Lenin and his comrades would undermine Russia’s government and war effort, and Lenin’s fierce will to power and political skill. The ultimate Bolshevik victory was far from inevitable; it took a combination of blunders by others, Lenin’s skill and ruthlessness, and, not infrequently, pure luck for the Bolsheviks to be able to seize power in 1917 and then hold it in the battles and turmoil that followed through 1922.

Pipes, Richard. A Concise History of the Russian Revolution . New York: Vintage, 1996.

The author calls this volume a “précis” of his two massive, pathbreaking earlier volumes, The Russian Revolution ( Pipes 1990 , cited under the October Revolution and the Establishment of the Bolshevik Regime ) and Russia under the Bolshevik Regime ( Pipes 1994 , cited under the Civil War and Its Immediate Aftermath ). Pipes argues that with the coup of October 1917 fanatical intellectuals seized control of the upheaval of 1917 intent on establishing a socialist utopia, but, in the end, they reconstituted Russia’s authoritarian tradition in a new regime that laid the basis for totalitarianism. Excellent for advanced undergraduates, this volume covers the period from 1900 to 1924.

Read, Christopher. From Tsar to Soviets: The Russian People and Their Revolution . New York: Oxford University Press, 1996.

A comprehensive but reasonably concise (three hundred pages) overview written from a revisionist social history perspective. As the subtitle suggests, Read stresses the activities and efforts of workers and peasants to defend their interests. While sympathetic to Lenin, Read also is critical of the Bolsheviks for suppressing popular movements after seizing power. Includes an extensive bibliography, which increases its value to undergraduates and graduate students.

Schapiro, Leonard Bertram. The Russian Revolutions of 1917: The Origins of Modern Communism . New York: Basic Books, 1984.

Schapiro argues that the Bolsheviks ruthlessly sabotaged the Provisional Government’s effort to lay the basis for democracy in Russia and, having seized power in a coup d’état, laid the basis for a totalitarian regime. A concise account that sums up the lifetime work of a distinguished historian of Soviet Russia. Excellent for undergraduates.

Shukman, Harold. The Russian Revolution . Stroud, UK: Sutton, 1998.

A short but up-to-date survey by the editor of The Blackwell Encyclopedia of the Russian Revolution ( Shukman 1988 , cited under Bibliographies and Reference Works ). This work concludes that Lenin prepared the way for Stalin. Suitable for undergraduates.

Smith, Stephen A. Russia in Revolution: An Empire in Crisis . Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017.

Smith argues that neither the collapse of tsarism nor the fall of the Provisional Government were preordained. The basic reason tsarism collapsed was that it was a barrier to modernizing forces in Russian society, but the severe additional social and economic strains imposed on Russia by World War I played a vital role in that collapse. The Provisional Government might have saved itself had it withdrawn from the war. The Bolshevik Revolution was driven by egalitarian and democratic ideals but was a failure since it produced a repressive and cruel society. The degeneration of the Bolshevik regime during the civil war was caused by the authoritarianism embedded in Leninist ideology and the desperate struggle the regime faced in its effort to survive. While Smith assigns considerable responsibility to Lenin for Stalin’s coming to power, he rejects the view that Stalinism was the inevitable outcome of the Bolshevik Revolution.

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The Russian Revolution: A Very Short Introduction

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(page 157) p. 157 Conclusion

  • Published: February 2002
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The Conclusion looks at various interpretations of the rise of the Soviet Union. Does ideology constitute the key to understanding the development of Soviet totalitarianism? What elements of Marxism–Leninism were to blame? It is beyond question that ideology was of central importance in determining the course of the Bolshevik revolution. All Bolsheviks believed in the Marxist vision. It is that the Bolsheviks were incapable of realizing their ends. It is their blindness rather than their vision that is striking. Policy was frequently the outcome of improvisation and pragmatism rather than the drive of ideology. The relationship between belief and action was complex. What questions did the revolution raise about justice, equality, and freedom? Are they still relevant today?

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russian revolution essay introduction

Friday essay: Putin, memory wars and the 100th anniversary of the Russian revolution

russian revolution essay introduction

Professor of History, The University of Western Australia

Disclosure statement

Mark Edele receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

University of Western Australia provides funding as a founding partner of The Conversation AU.

View all partners

One hundred years ago, the Romanov dynasty fell in the February Revolution of 1917. This centenary haunts Russia’s current government. “In the Kremlin,” wrote journalist Ben Judah in his important analysis of Vladimir Putin’s “Fragile Empire”, “they have nightmares about Nicholas II”.

In the middle of a terrible war with Germany, a revolutionary crisis had started in late February (according to the Julian calendar then in force in Russia). The Tsar, under pressure from the street, the parliamentary opposition, his own ministers, and the army command, abdicated on 2 March. A Provisional Government of liberals and moderate socialists took over the affairs of state and the war effort.

russian revolution essay introduction

Eventually, the revolution radicalized in the Red October. Historians continue to debate if this uprising of the Bolshevik party was a “revolution” or a “coup.” The former interpretation stresses the fact that Lenin’s party had significant support among the working class, in particular among workers and soldiers of the capital, Petrograd (today St Petersburg).

The takeover of power was relatively unbloody, with only few victims initially. And Bolshevik slogans (land to the peasants, peace to the soldiers, and political power to the working class), were popular far beyond the immediate constituency of the party. At the same time, the Bolsheviks had little support among the peasantry, still the overwhelming majority of the population. The uprising was not spontaneous like its February equivalent, but planned by a small group of conspirators around Lenin. And once in power, the Bolsheviks built a one-party dictatorship, which quickly alienated even many of its initial followers. Lenin’s government had to fight armed resistance in what soon escalated into a complex but devastating civil war.

russian revolution essay introduction

Together, the two revolutions of 1917 led to military defeat, the destruction of the state, and disintegration of the empire. Many non-Russian regions broke away, often forming precursors to nation states which would only come into their own after the breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991. Nicholas II would not survive the incredibly brutal civil and international wars of succession that followed in 1918-22: the Bolsheviks executed him together with his family in 1918.

These high-profile executions were only the most prominent examples of the “Red Terror” Lenin unleashed to frighten his many enemies into submission. Members of the former upper classes, clergy, nationalists fighting for the independence of non-Russian successor states, and real or presumed defenders of the old regime (“Whites”) were singled out for imprisonment or execution.

In the end, by 1922, the Bolsheviks had won this many sided war, presiding over an exhausted and mutilated country set back for decades by the destruction of war, revolution, and civil war. Eventually, under the brutal leadership of Joseph Stalin, the Soviet Union would win the Second World War in Europe and establish itself as one of the two Superpowers to rule the world during the Cold War.

Putin’s dilemma

Putin’s government faces a dilemma regarding this past. The Revolution can neither be fully embraced nor fully disowned. Revolutions are anathema to Putin, who does not want to be swept away by a successful uprising similar to the Ukrainian Euromaidan in 2013-14. At the same time, Russia both legally and ideologically claims to be the successor state to the Soviet Union. And the Soviet Union’s founding event happens to be a revolution. The centenary cannot be simply ignored.

History, in Putin’s Russia, is not a mere academic pursuit. It is part of what La Trobe political scientist Robert Horvath calls “preventive counter revolution” : an attempt to nip in the bud any potential for a popular uprising. The past which Putin and his Minister of Culture, the maverick historian Vladimir Medinsky, most frequently deploy to this end is the “Great Patriotic War” against Nazi Germany.

russian revolution essay introduction

As I argue in an article forthcoming in the journal History & Memory , their self-confident, patriotic rendering of the Soviet Second World War serves as ideological glue attaching the population to the government.

Could one do the same with the Revolution: write it into a positive history of contemporary Russia? It would be possible to embrace the February revolution as a legitimate, potentially democratic uprising, which also freed the nations of the empire from imperial control: a decolonizing as well as democratizing event. The Bolshevik revolution could then become an illegitimate coup bringing a criminal regime to power, which re-erected by force of arms the old empire under a new guise.

Such a narrative de-legitimizes much of the Soviet period, while celebrating the breakdown of the Soviet Union into 15 independent states in 1991 as the historical fulfillment of the promises of February 1917.

Such a version of the past finds few enthusiasts in today’s Russia. As historian Geoffrey Hosking has written , most formerly Soviet peoples experienced 1991

as national liberation. For Russians, however, who had lived in all republics and thought of the Soviet Union as ‘their’ country, it was deprivation.

This perception “still rankles today” and “underlies the current Ukrainian crisis.”

‘Reconciliation’

Nostalgia for the good old Soviet times is better served by a different version of this past: the February revolution as treason. In such an alternative narrative, liberals and other elites were stabbing the legitimate government in the back at times of war. Imperial breakdown and defeat in war followed.

The Bolshevik revolution, then, was the start of a re-building of the state and the re-gathering of the empire. According to this way of telling the story, the Bolsheviks were state builders who fixed what others had broken. The Soviet Union was the legitimate successor of the Romanov empire and the 1991 breakdown a geopolitical catastrophe, another setback for “Russian statehood”.

russian revolution essay introduction

This second narrative implies a neo-imperialist stance guaranteed to alienate Ukrainians or Latvians, or any other non-Russian successor nations to the Soviet Union. It will also prove unpopular with a significant minority of Russians at home and abroad: monarchists and those who embrace the anti-Bolshevik “White” movement as their historical ancestry. Hence, the government performs something of a fudging act: “reconciliation”.

“Reconciliation” implies that the warring sides in revolution and civil war can be remembered as parts of a positive history of the fatherland. This move requires reducing the revolutionary process to a “Russian” event.

russian revolution essay introduction

Rather than multi-national wars of succession to the Romanov empire, what happened in the period 1917-1922 becomes a struggle between “White” and “Red” Russians. Ukrainian, Polish, Baltic, or Central Asian actors are either ignored, assigned to the one or the other side in this conflict, or declared pawns of foreign interventionists. Popular resistance to both Whites and Reds by Russian rebels in peasantry, army, and working class is waved away as an inconvenient complication.

Attempting to construct such a narrative has kept Putin’s history warrior Medinsky busy. In 2013, he stated that it was “meaningless” to decide which party of the civil war was “right” or who was “guilty.”

russian revolution essay introduction

Instead, one needed to understand that both Reds and Whites “loved Russia.” Both sides had their own truth and were ready to die for it. “We have to approach this with respect,” he added. Monuments to Whites had the same legitimacy as monuments to Reds. They were both needed.

In 2015 Medinsky built on this beginning in a lecture to students of the elite Moscow State Institute for International Relations. We have two versions of what he said, both distributed through semi-official websites. Different in some details, they both make an attempt to come to terms with this revolution by taking a philosophical view of events.

Both Reds and Whites, Medinsky stated, were subjects of the same historical moment of catastrophic breakdown of “Russian statehood in the Romanov version” which led to a time of “troubles” . He lined up the Whites with the February revolution on the one end and liberal post-1991 Russia on the other – a breathtaking simplification, but a useful one, as we shall see.

The historical role of the Reds is central in Medinsky’s account. Independent of their own radical socialist motivations, they ended up re-building Russian statehood (and implicitly, the Russian empire). It was “the logic of history” which worked through the Bolsheviks, and led to the re-creation of “the united Russian state, which they started to call USSR.”

russian revolution essay introduction

Thus, the real victor of the revolutionary upheavals was

a third force, which did not participate in the civil war: historical Russia, the same Russia which existed for a thousand years before the revolution and which will continue to exist in the future.

So far, so sophisticated: By declaring “Russia” the real subject of history and the human beings who fought over it the mere executors of a higher will they did not know themselves, Medinsky seems to have found a way out of the polarizing interpretations of the revolution.

Upon closer inspection, however, his is just a well-camouflaged version of the second interpretation outlined above: February as destruction, October as re-creation, the Bolsheviks the virtuous state builders implicitly linked to the current government. Medinsky’s fusion of the Whites with post-1991 liberalism is instructive. While the Bolsheviks re-built the Russian state in 1918-22, the liberals triggered, in 1991, the “destruction of the united historical-cultural and economic space… the breakdown of the Soviet Union.”

It appears to be this negative assessment of the Whites that has kept Vladimir Putin from fully embracing his Minister of Culture’s historical scheme. The President accepted reconciliation but rejected Medinsky’s supporting interpretation of events.

A divisive event for Russians

Putin’s reluctance could be seen as careful tactics in a historiographical minefield. The history of the revolution is much more divisive among Russians than the history of World War II.

As University of Sydney historian Sheila Fitzpatrick points out in a forthcoming essay, the “real problem” of the centenary for Putin’s government is the lack of consensus about the meaning of this event among the population of Russia.

Despite all its authoritarianism, the Putin regime is very alert to popular opinion, and given the divisiveness of the memory of 1917-22, the best possible solution is to fudge the issue. In his annual speech to Parliament on 1 December 2016, the President refused to take sides, asking his compatriots to let sleeping dogs lie. The “lessons of history” were needed:

first of all for reconciliation, for the strengthening of the social, political, and civil harmony we have achieved today. It is not permissible to drag the schisms, malice, insults and bitterness of the past into our contemporary life, to speculate on the tragedies which have engulfed practically every family in Russia, in order to advance one’s own political or other interests. It does not matter on what side of the barricades our ancestors found themselves. Let us remember: we are a united people, we are one people, and we have only one Russia.

russian revolution essay introduction

Putin’s position on the revolution, however, might be rooted in more than just tactics. During a meeting of the All-Russian People’s Front (an organization uniting the ruling party with selected pro-government NGOs), the President was asked for his opinion about Lenin, the Bolshevik leader during the Revolution and civil war, who led the Soviet Union until his death in 1924.

The question does not appear to have been scripted: it was so rambling that Putin needed to ask for clarification, and his answer was no less convoluted. It seemed improvised, ambiguous and contradictory.

First, the President recalled his past membership in the Communist Party and that he “liked and still like[s] communist and socialist ideas.” He listed the successes of the planned economy, most importantly the victory over Nazism in World War II.

At the same time he mentioned mass repressions under the Soviets. Did the children of the Tsar really have to be executed? Or the Romanovs’ family doctor? Why did the Soviets kill clergymen? And what about the role of the Bolsheviks in disorganizing the front in World War I? The revolution, in effect, made Russia lose the war to the losing side (Germany had to capitulate less than a year after the Bolsheviks signed a punishing peace treaty), “a unique event in history.” Clearly, the Bolsheviks’ role was not all positive.

russian revolution essay introduction

Putin kept his most biting comments to the end of his monologue. By creating the Soviet Union as a federation made up of republics with the formal right to secession, Lenin (against the advice of Stalin) planted “a mine under the building of our state:” in 1991, the Soviet Union would break down along the borders of the republics. Ultimately, then, Lenin was responsible not only for the defeat of the Romanov empire in World War I, but also for the breakup of the Soviet empire in 1991 – hardly a positive evaluation.

These rambling remarks stand in sharp contrast to Putin’s well developed and unambiguous line on World War II as well as Medinsky’s sophisticated pro-Bolshevik dialectics. It appears that the President, like the country as a whole, is much more confused about what to make of the revolution. The President has much more time for the Whites than his Minister of Culture. In the memory wars, as elsewhere, he is an independent actor in a complex political game.

There is another interpretation of the dissonances between Medinsky and Putin, however. What better way to unify the country over this contentious past than to give slightly different emphases to the reconciliation message?

Effectively, the President appeals to monarchists and White forces while his Minister of Culture caters to Red nostalgia.

We shall see throughout the centenary year, if this division of labour continues or if the one or the other line will prevail. The first test will be if and how the anniversary of the February Revolution will be commemorated; the second will be what public events will mark October. By the time of writing, it is unclear what these events will look like. It will be fascinating to watch.

La Trobe University’s Ideas & Society Program will host a conversation between historian Sheila Fitzpatrick, one of the world’s leading historians of the Soviet Union, and Mark Edele on February 23 at 6:15 pm . Their conversation will concern the role the Russian Revolution of 1917 played in shaping the history of the 20th century. It will be live streamed here

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Teaching the Russian Revolution With The New York Times

russian revolution essay introduction

By Michael Gonchar

  • Nov. 1, 2017

Should the Russian Revolution be remembered as one of history’s great turning points — or should it be “relegated to the dustbin of history” given that the new nation it created, the Soviet Union, no longer exists?

This month is the 100th anniversary of the October Revolution (which now falls in November, given a different calendar). In 1917, Vladimir Lenin and the Bolsheviks orchestrated an extraordinary coup that created the world’s first communist state. The centennial presents an opportunity for students to reflect on its significance. Below, we suggest a range of activities that use materials both from the current New York Times and from the newspaper’s archives.

If You Have One or Two Class Periods ...

Students, working in pairs or small groups, should come up with a list of criteria to decide what historical events should be commemorated by a nation 100 years later.

Here are some questions for students to consider as they come up with their list:

• What makes a historical event important and worthy of remembering decades later? • Should the event be symbolic? Should it represent larger ideals? Explain. • Should the event have noteworthy consequences or effects? • Should the event be unifying, for society today and into the future? Or, can it be divisive? • Should the event have global repercussions? Or, is that not necessary?

Then, have students share their criteria with the class. What standards do they agree on? In what ways do they disagree?

Then ask students to briefly respond to this prompt in writing — based on the criteria they decided on, and on what they already know from studying history:

Should Russia commemorate the Russian Revolution on its 100th anniversary? Why or why not?

But, don’t have students share until after they do the activity below.

In the March 2017 article “ ‘Revolution? What Revolution?’ Russia Asks 100 Years Later ,” Neil MacFarquhar reports on how the events of 1917 reshaped the country and the world, but the idea of celebrating an uprising of any sort is unwelcome in the Kremlin.

Have students read the article and answer the questions that follow. The article begins:

The Kremlin plans to sit out the centenary of the Russian Revolution. Never mind that the upheavals of 1917 transformed the country and the world, abruptly ending the long rule of the czars, ushering in the Communist era and spawning an ideological confrontation with the West that still resonates. There will be no national holiday on Sunday, March 12, the date generally recognized as the start of the uprising. Nor will there even be a government-issued official interpretation, like the one mandating that World War II was a “Great Victory.” The official reason proffered for ignoring the event is that Russia remains too divided over the consequences of that fateful year. The more likely explanation, some Kremlin officials, historians and other analysts say, is that President Vladimir V. Putin loathes the very idea of revolution, not to mention the thought of Russians dancing in the streets to celebrate the overthrow of any ruler. Moreover, 1917 smudges the Kremlin’s version of Russian history as a long, unified march to greatness, meant to instill a sense of national pride and purpose.

Questions for Writing and Discussion

1. Why does the Kremlin plan to “sit out the centenary of the Russian Revolution?” What’s the official reason? What’s the “more likely explanation,” according to the article? 2. What is the Kremlin’s preferred narrative of Russian history? And, why doesn’t the Russian Revolution fit neatly into that narrative? 3. What does the phrase, “We live in historical schizophrenia,” mean? Do you agree with that characterization of Russia? Do other countries, such as the United States, also live in “historical schizophrenia?” In what ways?

Then, have students hold a Socratic seminar, panel discussion or class debate on whether the Russian Revolution should be officially and grandly commemorated in Russia. These prompts might be helpful:

• Should the Russian government commemorate the centennial of the Russian Revolution? Should it make a big deal of the anniversary, as it consistently does for World War II? • If a “revolution” merely replaces one authoritarian system with another, is it still a revolution? Is it still a turning point in history? • “The great events of history,” argues Serge Schmemann, “have a way of defying ideological manipulation.” Do you agree? Why or why not?

To gather additional evidence for the debate, students can also read these opinion pieces:

• The Daily Express | Russian Revolution: There’s Nothing to Celebrate About the 100th Anniversary of Communism by John Lewis-Stempel • The Guardian | Those Who Lived Through the Russian Revolution Understood History — Unlike Us by Paul Mason • The New York Times | A Problem Much Bigger Than Putin by Mikhail Khodorkovsky • The New York Times | The Russian Revolution: Then and Now by Serge Schmemann

Going Further

Below, we present a variety of activities for studying the Russian Revolution in more depth.

1. Make a social media account documenting the Russian Revolution.

Mikhail Zygar, a former editor in chief of the independent TV Rain news channel, is recreating the events of 1917 in a Facebook-style feed. Have students explore Project 1917 and then create their own Facebook, Twitter or Instagram imitation, imagining that social media existed a century ago. Students might work in pairs or small groups to create profiles for different historical figures or fictional characters (peasants or sailors, for example), each representing different points of view and demographics, through whose eyes they might interpret the events. You can find different templates online for the various social media platforms.

2. Uncover something new in the Times archives.

Times reporters covered the Russian Revolution as it happened in 1917. Only later did historians use newspaper reporting, along with letters, diaries, official papers, witness accounts and other primary sources to piece together a fuller picture of what happened. Ask students: What new information can you find by going back to an original source like The New York Times? Students can fill out our Primary Source Analysis handout (PDF) to guide their work.

They can look for articles using the Advanced Search in The Times (use the “specific dates” option for best results), or in TimesMachine (for subscribers only).

They can also choose one of these four articles that we highlight in our On This Day in History feature:

“ Hunger Causes Petrograd Riots ” (March 12, 1917) — view in TimesMachine

On March 8, 1917, Russia’s February Revolution (so called because of the Old Style calendar used by Russians at the time) began with rioting and strikes in St. Petersburg.

“ Bolsheviki Seize State Buildings, Defying Kerensky ” (Nov. 8, 1917) — view in TimesMachine

On Nov. 7, 1917, Russia’s Bolshevik Revolution took place as forces led by Vladimir Ilyich Lenin overthrew the provisional government of Alexander Kerensky.

“ Ex-Czar of Russia Killed by Order of Ural Soviet ” (July 21, 1918) — view in TimesMachine

On July 16, 1918, Russia’s Czar Nicholas II, his wife and their five children were executed by the Bolsheviks.

“ Lenin Dies of Cerebral Hemorrhage; Moscow Throngs Overcome With Grief; Trotsky Departs Ill, Radek in Disfavor ” (Jan. 23, 1924) — view in TimesMachine

On Jan. 21, 1924, the Russian revolutionary Vladimir Ilyich Lenin died at age 53.

3. Write an obituary or deliver a eulogy for the Soviet Union.

Have students read the first few paragraphs of the article “ End of the Soviet Union; The Soviet State, Born of a Dream, Dies ,” an obituary of sorts by Serge Schmemann, published in December 1991 at the time of the fall of the Soviet Union. It begins:

The Soviet state, marked throughout its brief but tumultuous history by great achievement and terrible suffering, died today after a long and painful decline. It was 74 years old. Conceived in utopian promise and born in the violent upheavals of the “Great October Revolution of 1917,” the union heaved its last in the dreary darkness of late December 1991, stripped of ideology, dismembered, bankrupt and hungry — but awe-inspiring even in its fall.

Then, assign students to write their own obituary or eulogy. Consider: How should the end of the Soviet Union be seen, especially on this centennial of its birth?

4. Write a historical analysis essay in the spirit of the essays included in The Times’s Red Century collection.

Marking the centennial of the Russian Revolution, The Times Opinion section is running a column of essays exploring the history and legacy of Communism. The topics of these Opinion pieces range from punk rock and science fiction to propaganda and parenting .

Have students choose one of the essays published in “ Red Century ” to read and briefly present to the class. Then, ask them to choose a new topic related to Soviet history to research and write up in an essay of 1,500 words or fewer. The class could even publish its own version of a “Red Century” anthology of essays.

How have you taught the Russian Revolution? Let us know in the comments.

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Essay on Russian Revolution

Students are often asked to write an essay on Russian Revolution in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Russian Revolution

What was the russian revolution.

The Russian Revolution was a series of events that led to the overthrow of the Russian monarchy and the establishment of the Soviet Union. It began in 1917 with a series of strikes and protests against the government. The Tsar, Nicholas II, abdicated his throne in March 1917. A provisional government was formed, but it was soon overthrown by the Bolsheviks, a radical socialist party led by Vladimir Lenin.

The Bolsheviks seized power

Lenin and the Bolsheviks seized power in November 1917 in a coup known as the October Revolution. They established a new government, the Soviet Union, and began to implement their socialist policies. These policies included the nationalization of industry and land, the abolition of private property, and the creation of a centrally planned economy.

The Russian Civil War

The Bolsheviks’ seizure of power led to a civil war in Russia. The White Army, supported by the Western powers, fought against the Red Army, supported by the Bolsheviks. The Red Army eventually won the civil war in 1921.

The Soviet Union

The Soviet Union was a one-party state ruled by the Communist Party. It was a totalitarian state, with the government controlling all aspects of life. The Soviet Union became a major world power during the Cold War, but it eventually collapsed in 1991.

250 Words Essay on Russian Revolution

Introduction to the russian revolution.

The Russian Revolution was a major event that changed Russia forever. It happened in 1917 and led to the end of the monarchy. This meant the king and queen were no longer in charge. Instead, the country tried to set up a government where the people had more power.

Causes of the Revolution

Many people in Russia were unhappy because they were poor and life was hard. The country was also doing badly in a big war called World War I. This made even more people upset. They wanted changes, like better working conditions, more food, and a fairer system.

The Two Parts of the Revolution

The revolution had two main parts. The first part was in February 1917, when the king gave up his throne. This was because many people, including soldiers, protested in the streets. Then, in October, another group called the Bolsheviks took control. They were led by a man named Lenin who wanted to set up a government based on the ideas of a man named Karl Marx.

After the Revolution

After taking power, the Bolsheviks made big changes. They took land from rich people and gave it to the poor. They also tried to make sure everyone had enough to eat and work. But, these changes led to a civil war, which was a very hard time for Russia.

The Russian Revolution was a turning point for Russia. It led to the end of the monarchy and the start of a new type of government. This event is still important today because it shows how people can come together to try and change their country.

500 Words Essay on Russian Revolution

The spark that ignited a revolution: bloody sunday.

In 1905, a peaceful protest in St. Petersburg, Russia, turned into a bloodbath. The Tsar’s soldiers opened fire on the crowd, killing hundreds of innocent people. This event, known as Bloody Sunday, became the catalyst for the Russian Revolution.

Seeds of Discontent: Economic and Social Inequality

Russia in the early 20th century was a land of stark contrasts. While the aristocracy and the wealthy lived in luxury, the vast majority of the population, including peasants and factory workers, lived in poverty. The gap between the rich and the poor was vast, and the people were yearning for change.

A Call for Change: Lenin and the Bolsheviks

In the midst of this discontent, a revolutionary group known as the Bolsheviks emerged. Led by Vladimir Lenin, the Bolsheviks preached the overthrow of the Tsar and the establishment of a socialist state. They promised land to the peasants and control of factories to the workers.

The 1917 Revolution: Two Revolutions in One

The Russian Revolution of 1917 was not a single event, but rather a series of two interconnected revolutions. The first revolution, known as the February Revolution, led to the overthrow of the Tsar and the establishment of a provisional government. The second, the October Revolution, brought the Bolsheviks to power.

The Reign of the Bolsheviks: A New Era of Repression

Once in power, the Bolsheviks quickly consolidated their control over the country. They established a one-party state and ruthlessly suppressed any opposition. Their rule was marked by widespread violence and terror, as they sought to eliminate their political enemies.

Legacy of the Revolution: A Mixed Bag

The Russian Revolution had a profound impact on Russia and the world. It led to the creation of the Soviet Union, the first communist state in the world. The Soviet Union would become a global superpower and play a major role in the Cold War. The revolution also inspired other communist movements around the world. However, the revolution came at a great cost. Millions of people died in the violence that accompanied the revolution and the subsequent civil war. The Soviet Union, while achieving great economic and scientific advancements, also suppressed individual liberties and dissident voices. The legacy of the Russian Revolution remains a complex and debated topic, with both positive and negative aspects.

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Home — Essay Samples — History — World History — The Russian Revolution in 1917

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The Russian Revolution in 1917

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Words: 644 |

Published: Mar 1, 2019

Words: 644 | Page: 1 | 4 min read

Works Cited:

  • Ahmed, S. (2014). Understanding Pakistani Culture: A Comparison with Western Culture. Asia Pacific Journal of Multidisciplinary Research, 2(5), 1-7.
  • Ali, S. S., Khalid, M., & Zaman, K. (2017). Understanding Pakistani culture through Hofstede's cultural dimensions. Journal of Applied Management and Entrepreneurship, 22(3), 63-76.
  • Bukhari, A., & Khan, H. R. (2018). Cultural Differences between Pakistan and the United States: A Comparison. Journal of Education and Social Sciences, 9(1), 39-48.
  • Choudhry, S., & Akram, S. (2018). Comparison of Pakistani and American Cultures in Light of Hofstede's Cultural Dimensions. Journal of Multidisciplinary Research, 10(1), 25-40.
  • Farooq, M. (2019). A Comparative Study of Pakistani and American Culture. Global Journal of Management and Business Research, 19(2), 1-10.
  • Hameed, I., & Bhatti, M. A. (2016). A Comparative Study of Pakistani and American Culture. Journal of Research in Social Sciences, 4(2), 62-74.
  • Kausar, R., Mahmood, S., & Cheema, S. (2019). Cultural Differences between Pakistan and the United States: A Literature Review. Journal of Educational and Social Research, 9(4), 37-47.
  • Khan, N. U. (2015). The impact of culture on Pakistani immigrants in the United States. Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, 54(2), 225-237.
  • Shahzadi, I. (2018). Pakistani and American Culture: A Comparison. Journal of Language and Literature, 9(2), 71-75.
  • Ziauddin, A., & Hussain, M. (2017). Cultural Differences between Pakistan and the United States: A Review of Literature. Journal of Education and Practice, 8(9), 101-110.

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russian revolution essay introduction

Russian Revolution in Orwell’s “Animal Farm” Essay

Introduction, stalin’s totalitarian rule, works cited.

Two major revolutions that occurred in Russia in 1917 largely shaped further development of the country and its global political position. In March 1917, the communists managed to remove Tsar Nicholas II fro the throne, and in November 1917, the Bolsheviks overthrew the provisional government, finally changing the country into a communist state and creating the U.S.S.R. Later, the U.S.S.R. developed into a totalitarian state under the rule of Joseph Stalin. Orwell’s allegorical work Animal Farm serves to highlight the key aspects of the Russian 1917 revolution and Stalin’s harsh role that followed suit.

The key long-term cause of the 1917 Revolutions was the class system that existed in the country under the monarchy. Until 1861, the vast majority of the country’s population were peasants that were owned by the affluent upper class. In 1861, they were freed but remained poor nonetheless. The industrialization created a new class – the working men – who were heavily exploited due to the harsh economic conditions. Their working and economic conditions were significantly worse than in other countries, which led to protests and increased the people’s dislike towards the monarchy (Goff et al. 139). In Orwell’s Animal Farm , the monarchy is represented by Mr. Jones, whereas most of the animals represent the working class or the peasants. By portraying the society in this way, Orwell highlights the inequality and oppression that were characteristic of the Russian society of the time.

Another significant long-term cause of the Russian revolution was the tsar’s military failures in Japan and the events of the Bloody Sunday, which showed Nicholas II as an unstable ruler. He was unable to address the people’s struggles and did nothing to support the low and middle classes, which led to public disapproval of his rule and the monarchy in general. Similarly, in the Animal Farm , Mr. Jones fails to fulfill the need of his animals and care for them while reaping the benefits in the form of money and food. The old Major’s words serve to outline the conflict between the monarchy and the Bolsheviks: “Man is the only creature that consumes without producing […] Yet he is lord of all the animals” (Orwell 2). The development of the Marxist ideology that would treat all human beings as equal and abolish class distinction was exactly what the society of the time was willing to create.

The main short-term cause of the revolution was the World War I (Hodge & Cambridge par. 5). The war resulted in significant demographic and economic struggles that further impaired the position of poor peasants and the working class. The peasants were especially outraged at the military losses, as farming without young working men was barely possible, while the working class was upset at the closing of the Putilov plant in February 1922. Orwell shows farm animals experiencing the same problems that were pertaining to Russian society of the time, including poverty and hunger.

Both the long-term and the short-term causes of the revolution contributed to the public outrage and diminished the people’s belief in the monarchy. People wanted to build a new society, one that Orwell represents in the Major’s animalism teachings. Marxism became the primary ideology behind the revolution as it stressed the idea of all men being equals and deserving equal rights. Using this idea, Lenin and Trotsky were able to gather supporters in order to overthrow the monarchy and the temporary government, just like old Major and Snowball did in the Animal Farm . However, the idea of a Marxist state soon developed into a totalitarian rule once Joseph Stalin (Napoleon) came to power.

After Lenin’s death and the extradition of Trotsky from the country, Stalin took sole control of the U.S.S.R. (Goff et al. 147). Unlike Lenin or Trotsky, who were genuinely invested in the Marxist ideology, Stalin sought to increase his personal power and abolish all opposition. This is described in the Animal Farm through the image of Napoleon and his dogs. Orwell’s description of nine enormous dogs driving Snowball out of the barn is a metaphor of Stalin’s opposition with Trotsky that ended in Trotsky’s exile in 1940 (16). The dogs are then used by Napoleon to silence any opposition and hunt down animals that do not obey his rule, just like Stalin’s repressions in the U.S.S.R. worked to support the new totalitarian rule. Stalin’s ascend to power largely relied on the success of the Communist ideology. However, whereas Lenin and Trotsky convinced people that Communism would bring freedom from oppression and establish equality, Stalin’s rule was centered around power, not equality or freedom. Stalin’s repressions served to hold the opposition in fear and to avoid political competition, thus supporting the formation of the totalitarian state.

Overall, the Russian 1917 Revolution was a crucial step in the country’s development, as it marked the end of the monarchy and the beginning of a Communist rule. The reasons for the revolution included poor economic conditions, poverty, hunger, and the loss of people’s faith in the monarchy. People believed that Communism would bring freedom and equality; however, Stalin’s rule was famous for repressions that served to support totalitarianism. Orwell’s Animal Farm is useful in studying the causes and development of the 1917 Revolution in Russia. Through metaphors, Orwell highlighted the failures of both the monarchy and the Communist rule, thus contributing to the exploration of the revolution.

Goff, Richard, et al., The Twentieth Century and Beyond: A Global History . 7th ed., McGraw-Hill, 2008.

Hodge, Mark, and Elle Cambridge. “Red Revolt: What Was the Russian Revolution of 1917, Why Did It Happen and Who Were Trotsky and Lenin?” The Sun . 2017, Web.

Orwell, George. Animal Farm . 1945, Web.

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1. IvyPanda . "Russian Revolution in Orwell’s "Animal Farm"." September 18, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/russian-revolution-in-orwells-animal-farm/.

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  6. The Russian Revolution (1917-1918): Study Guide

    The Russian Revolution (1917-1918) (SparkNotes History Note) Buy Now. View all Available Study Guides. From a general summary to chapter summaries to explanations of famous quotes, the SparkNotes The Russian Revolution (1917-1918) Study Guide has everything you need to ace quizzes, tests, and essays.

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    The Russian Revolution, 1917-1921. 2 vols. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1965. Originally published in 1935, this work remains an extremely valuable source. The author, who covered Russia for the Christian Science Monitor from 1922 to 1933, was a skilled writer, objective observer, and careful researcher.

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    Friday essay: Putin, memory wars and the 100th anniversary of the Russian revolution. Mark Edele receives funding from the Australian Research Council. One hundred years ago, the Romanov dynasty ...

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    James Hill for The New York Times. Below, we present a variety of activities for studying the Russian Revolution in more depth. 1. Make a social media account documenting the Russian Revolution ...

  16. Introductionthe Russian Revolution at 100

    The Russian Revolution is now best understood as part of a 'revolutionary ecosystem'. 1 Following this timeline, other recent works have explored the Great War as an imperial apocalypse; the significance of patriotic mobilization during the war and how it affected 1917; the empire-wide dimensions of the entire era; and much, much more. 2 The Rus...

  17. The First World War and the Russian Revolution Essay

    A number of socioeconomic and political factors creates tension in Russia. According to scholars, there are four main causes of the Russian revolution. First, the country's economy was destroyed by the involvement in the First World War. Secondly, the army experienced massive cracking morale and poor funding due to poor military handling and ...

  18. Russian Revolution topics

    Introduction to Russia Reform and reaction in the 1800s Tsarist government Enforcing Russian autocracy Russian society Tsar Nicholas II. Opposition to tsarism. Revolutionary traditions Marxism Bolsheviks and Mensheviks Other reformist political parties Vladimir Lenin Leon Trotsky Alexander Kerensky. Unrest, promise and betrayal. Russian ...

  19. Essay on Russian Revolution

    250 Words Essay on Russian Revolution Introduction to the Russian Revolution. The Russian Revolution was a major event that changed Russia forever. It happened in 1917 and led to the end of the monarchy. This meant the king and queen were no longer in charge. Instead, the country tried to set up a government where the people had more power.

  20. The Russian Revolution (1917-1918): Suggested Essay Topics

    1 . How did the Bolsheviks differ from more moderate socialist groups like the SRs and the Mensheviks? 2 . Explain the Bolsheviks' German connection and the ways in which it affected them politically. 3 . Discuss the decline of the Romanov dynasty over the century preceding the revolutions of 1917 .

  21. 86 Russian Revolution Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

    1 hour! 86 Russian Revolution Essay Topic Ideas & Examples Updated: Sep 27th, 2023 5 min Table of Contents 🏆 Best Russian Revolution Topic Ideas & Essay Examples History of Russian Revolution in 1917

  22. The Russian Revolution in 1917: [Essay Example], 644 words

    (The Russian Revolution (1917-1918)) So in conclusion the Russian Revolution affected the economy because the Czarist Rule came to an end, the Soviet Union was created, and 15 million people died. Although the Russian Revolution had many bad impacts, there were some good outcomes, such as the end of the Czarist Rule. Works Cited: Ahmed, S ...

  23. Russian Revolution in Orwell's "Animal Farm" Essay

    Overall, the Russian 1917 Revolution was a crucial step in the country's development, as it marked the end of the monarchy and the beginning of a Communist rule. The reasons for the revolution included poor economic conditions, poverty, hunger, and the loss of people's faith in the monarchy. People believed that Communism would bring ...