case study of urbanization in india

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Volume 10, Issue 03 (March 2021)

A sustainable model of urbanization for indian cities, a case study of new delhi.

• Article Download / Views: 6,262
• Authors : Madhuri Agarwal , Ruchi , Farheen Alam Fakhr , Kusum Choudhary
• Paper ID : IJERTV10IS030022
• Volume & Issue : Volume 10, Issue 03 (March 2021)
• Published (First Online): 12-03-2021
• ISSN (Online) : 2278-0181
• Publisher Name : IJERT

Ar. Madhuri Agarwal1*, Ar.Ruchi2*, Ar. Farheen Alam Fakhr3* , Ar. Kusum Choudhary4*

1Gautam Buddha University, Greater Noida,

2Galgotias University, Greater Noida, 3CSIR-CBRI, Roorkee, India,

4 Galgotias University, Greater Noida.

Abstract – Today Urbanization is the most echoing word for all the cities around the globe but in simple terms Urbanization has been described as a consequence of population shift from less utilitarian areas to high utilitarian areas. The process of urbanization is directly proportional to other trends e.g., modernization, industrialization, technological advancement, infrastructure, sociological transformations, economy, planning policies and public health etc. Urbanization impacts climate, Land use pattern and transportation on a larger scale, however the debates of decades are yet to summarize the pros and cons of it. Urbanization is not just a modern threshold, but it is a phenomenon of transferring and redefining the social, cultural and historical roots of human on a universal scale. Whereas the rural tradition is the most effected aspect influenced by urban culture, the sustainable growth of urban cities is only possible when the planner would start working on synchronized policies for both the rural and urban transformations. In India many rural habitants migrate for employment and better lifestyle but the glint of urbanization fades on factual ground where a city fails to provide even the basic necessities to a human e.g. food, shelter, education and employment. The haphazard and unplanned growth of metropolitan cities has resulted in urban sprawl and over- densification. The intermural city stresses and migration from outside of the city are the two main factors that determine the positive or negative impacts of urbanization. The urbanization story of Indian cities also comes with its share of complex issues related to housing, Pollution, climate change along with inadequate provision for social and physical infrastructure. The emerging cities are located in developing countries that are experiencing rapid economic growth. In India, they are referred to as Tier II (14 million people) or Tier III (0.51 million) cities. Indias urban areas currently house about 377 million people and will have to accommodate close to 200 million more by 2030 as the countrys economic emphasis shifts from agriculture to manufacturing and services. Much of Indias growth is currently taking place on the fringes of cities. It is unplanned and without sufficient infrastructure and services. In 2010, urban pollution caused more than 620,000 premature deaths (a more than six-fold increase in a decade). Environmental degradation is costing India about US$80 billion annually 5.7% of GDP. While these are enormous challenges, Indias emerging cities are critical to the countrys economy, being expected to contribute up to 75% of national GDP by 2020. It is estimated that urbanization will generate 6 billion urban dwellers by 2050. Cities are set to be subjected to climate change.

Cities worldwide are increasing enormously plans to transform to the impact of urbanization. Policymakers and urban planners have increasingly become interested in understanding the concepts of urban resilience, vulnerability, and adaptation. These plans will have significant implications for urban dwellers as they are prone to restructure and reconfigure urban infrastructure, services and decision-making processes. This paper aims to focus on such urban issues followed by solutions which complement the principles of

Green Urbanization and sustainable development. The paper emphasizes on Urban Housing, as the shelter is the most basic but still neglected aspect of metropolitan cities, where a home becomes a dream and flyovers becomes the new normal of a home, acquiring a large part migrating population. The shortage of affordable housing entwined with rapid urbanization has resulted in informal settlements e.g. slum dwellings, unauthorized colonies and squatters etc. The working population also struggles to find accommodation in proximity to their place of employment and hence mass public transport systems are being stretched to the peripheral areas of the cities as they expand. As Indian metropolitan cities embark on the next phase of development driven by urbanization, we need to adopt more sustainable urban development practices that meet the demands and aspirations of urban lifestyle. The key focus of this paper is to develop a sustainable model of urbanization for Indian cities in general by contemplating city New Delhi as a benchmark for urban development, policies and strategies.

Keywords -Urbanization; Developing World; Indian Cities Green Urbanism; Sustainability; Shelter; Modern Housing

INTRODUCTION

India has recognized gigantic industrialization, motorization, and urbanization at once in a very short span of time, largely navigated by globalization, technological advancement, and increased world economic cooperation that has made cities thrive in multi- dimensional ways.

As per the records from the last one-decade India has the world's secondlargest urban system, after China. It is the world's largest Democracy along with the very fastest- growing nations. This makes the Indian metropolitan cities, urban centres and developing urban infrastructures more exposed and highly vulnerable to aggressive urbanization which play the twin roles of both the advantage and adversity at certain point of time.

According to the report of McKinsey Global Institute. (2010) & UN DESA 2014:

The expected growth in urban population is from 410 million in 2014 to 814 million by 2050.

As per the census report, 2011, 31% population resides in urban areas and urban centers.

The projections for 2025 predicts that 46% of Indian population will reside in cities with more than 1 million population and large densities.

By the year 2030, the number of cities will grow in numbers from 42 to 68, which will have the population more than 1 million (stated by McKinsey, 2010)

According to World Bank some facts for Urbanization in India are:

Figure 1(Source: World Bank, 2011)

The reports further specify that the following measurements are required for India to achieve and survive along with the futuristic urban growth and requirements;

A capital investment of US 1.2$ trillion

roads to be paved (Approx. 2.5 billion square meters)

700-900 million square meters of commercial and residential space to be provided.

7,400 kilometers of subways and transportation to be constructed.

Development of integrated development plans by state and center authorities.

As population or density grows in an area or a community, the city's boundaries expand (in terms of space, services and infrastructure) to accommodate the growth and facilitate the living conditions; this expansion is called sprawling, a very natural yet alarming phenomenon in terms of planning and framing policies. Nowadays we live in a built environment that tends to suffer from the spatial adverse effects of hurriedly administered technical overdose. These technological innovations and large-scale migration of people from rural areas to urban areas, which further results in degradation of the urban environment and degeneration of their mother(rural) environment. The enormous amount of land seized by urban sprawl, sometimes on the name of land acquisition and sometimes

on the name of., which are nothing but distinct processes of

environmental degradation. A region's structure of land use / land cover is the product of natural and socio-economic aspects and its usage over a period of time and as per the indigenous character of the space, when these spaces are exploited to cater a chunk of population and capitalistic benefits, degeneration phase gets initiated by certain anthropogenic activities. Activities in land use are a big issue and challenge for city/county planners, policy makers and for ecologist in planning an environmentally friendly, sustainable and growth in economicy. Delhi is one of the many megacities struggling with rapid urbanization and colossal levels of industrial, residential and transportation challenges along with

other challenges e.g., pollution, infrastructure and environment etc.

As in line with the statements from numerous cabinets of the United Nations, Delhi is predicted to end up the primary and maximum populous town in the global round 2028, and via 2050 India is anticipated to add 416 million city citizens allotted in improved numbers of urban towns.

Delhi's projected population size in 2028 is roughly 37.2 million, surpassing 36.8 million populations in Tokyo.

The important thing reason for this upward thrust within the Delhi population is due to the migration of people from rural areas looking for employment for improved living standards and inter- town tensions. Since the Delhi Government has no strategies to accommodate these people, this leads to a haphazard urbanization of capital that nullifies the sustainability principles.

This paper aims to focus on such issues within Urban India (mostly faced by Indian metropolitan cities) and propose solutions that align with the principles and concepts of Green Urbanism. The emphasis is given on urban housing, because access to an affordable home is one of the biggest challenges facing the migrant population coming to Indian cities. The shortage of affordable housing coupled with rapid urbanization has resulted in the Indian cities creating slums and unauthorized informal settlements. The working population is also struggling to find accommodation near their place of work, and as they expand, they are stretching mass public transport systems to the peripheral areas of the cities. Cities play an essential role in bringing about economic growth and prosperity, in total a house

of ones own is still a dream for many migrant and non-migrant

citizens. The sustainability of cities depends on large part on their physical, social and institutional infrastructure and development plans and processes adopted.

A very transcendentalist and reforming minister, Theodore Parker once stated that Cities acts as fireplaces of ancient civilization, Radiating light into a total dark.

As Indian cities embark on the next stage of urbanization-driven growth, we need to follow more sustainable urban development practices that meet our society's demands and expectations, contributing to a better quality of life but without any compromise and forsaken futuristic needs.

URBANIZATION IN INDIA

2.1. Physical development in urban areas

Urbanization or city float is the bodily development in urban regions due to worldwide exchange or the increasing percentage of the full populace in cities. Urbanization can describe a selected nation at a given time, i.e. The percentage of the overall populace or region in towns, or the time period may describe the growth of that percentage in time and the word urbanization can represent

the urban stage as compared to the populace as a whole, or it could represent the price at which the urban share is growing in a rustic. The urban population of India currently comprises around 30% of its total population. In line with the mc Kinsey international

institute file, Indias city population will boom to 590 million

through 2030 which is sort of double the size of the entire population in the USA. With the aid of the use of the identical 12 months., India will even have sixty-eight towns with greater than 1 million human beings in each, 13 towns with more than four million and 6 megacities with a population that exceed 10 million inhabitants. Furthermore, the cities are the drivers of the increase of the Indian economic system that is expected to be five instances huge in 2030. This creates growth in hard work-energy with 270 million human beings, with 70% coming from urban employment.

Urbanization in India is taking place at a speedier rate. In keeping with the 1901 census, the populace dwelling in city areas in India turned into 11.4%. In step with the 2001 census, this figure expanded to 28. 53% and crossed 30% as in keeping with the 2011 census, at 31.16%. As in keeping with a world populace record of 2007 through a UN kingdom, through 2030, 41% of the United States of America's populace is expected to be living in city towns with predominant challenges for survival. As according to the

World Banks prediction, India, alongside other nations e.g.,

china, Indonesia, Nigeria, and the us, will lead the world's essential city populace efflux through 2050.

Figure 2: Source: Statista (Statistics Portal)

Figure 3:Mckinsey Report on Urban India 2030

Figure 4: Urban India 1951 (Source: IIHS, Analysis of Census Data 1951, Satellite Map, Google Inc.,)

Figure 5 : Urban India 2031 (Source: IIHS, Analysis based on census of India, Satellite Map, Google Inc.)

Figure 6: Ten Largest Cities (Source: IIHS, Analysis of Census 2011 (Built Up Area), Census 2011 (Population), Planning Commission 2011 (DPP Estimates 2005-2006)

Figure 7: Distribution of Indias Population by settlement size (Urban and Rural):1951-2011(Source: IIHS Analysis based on Census 1951-2011)

Urbanization Issues and Challenges for Indian

The unplanned urbanization due to migration, coins toss various issues and problems before India as a developing country. Some of these urban sprawls, housing, squatter settlements, building greenhouse gases (e.g., Carbon dioxide, methane) climate change, pollution, infrastructure, mobility, water etc. The main considerable challenge of today in front of the visionaries is as

how the planners and technical development team can incorporate various concepts of Green Urbanism to make sustainable urbanization possible.

Urban Sprawl

In 1958, a Canadian economist, William Whyte coined an alien term as Urban sprawl, a term that has been used intensely by

later city planners and visionaries. City sprawl is defined because the deliberate/unplanned growth of a metropolitan region. The tendencies in urban sprawl are of miscellaneous sorts e.g., Land use in remote places on/across the urban fringe, gradual filling-in of the intervening spaces with similar uses, and seizing of land in step with the suitable location and availability of resources. Rapid urbanization is resulting in disorganized and unplanned towns and cities, lacking proper maintenance and strategic plans. Urban Sprawl may take various tangible/intangible forms and may boost up residential projects of high-income people seeking larger housing sites along with business activities such as

manufacturing, offices, less planned downtown areas and pop up houses.

Figure 8: Urban Sprawl in Delhi over last 38 years (Source: Earth Interactions 2016)

The pressure of an ever-developing population will become a burden at the constrained civic amenities which might be certainly collapsing with time and becomes a burden on the limited civic amenities which are virtually collapsing with time and public utilization, Hence the urban sprawl can be one of the reasons for shifting central business districts (CBDs) from one corner to another impacting the social and economic neighbourhood of a city. The expertise of growth dynamics of urban agglomerations is crucial to strategize the sustainable city developmetal making plans for futuristic cities.

Figure 9: NCR and Outgrowths in 2018, Senital S2A Mosaic, Captured 14 Feb 2018 (Source: Shrobona Karkun,Temple University

as per the basic fundamental right to shelter, Article 19( with Article 21, so that the problems of slums,

In Indian context, the major challenge for the government is to provide housing for current Urban Population and provide provisions for the projected urban population along with other basic necessities. In India we have many metro cities as well as tier two cities which are growing very rapidly because of endogenous and exogenous tensions of a city e.g., migration from surrounding areas, population shift, employment and infrastructure etc. Urbanization has many effects on the city structure both in tangible and intangible aspects. The urban escalating population has to be properly accommodated in the city

Figure 10: Worlds Largest Built-Up Urban Areas (Source: new geography)

Squatter Settlements

A squatter settlement is defined as a residential area in an urban locality inhabited by a very poor population with no access to tenured land of their own, and hence "squat" on a v acant land without any proper registration of land and ownership, either

private or public, The population residing in squatter settlement is consider as the most exploited citizens, used as voter banks without provisions of any extended facilities and with least liveability index, these people lacks the basic provisions for

NCR and Outgrowths in 2018,Senital S2A Mosaic,Captured 14 Feb 2018 ( Source: ShrobonaKarkun,Temple University)

1)(e) read squatters,

electricity, drainage, education and employment etc. .

unauthorized construction and haphazard development of fringe areas will be rectified in most of the Indian cities. The land value and cost of houses has made it nearly impossible for urban middle class to afford a shelter under their budget. Majority of lower earnings businesses are residing in chook cage sized congested residences, transit shelters, ren-baseras (night time shelters), and even the juggis under flyovers and on footpaths. Those forms of shelters are without proper power, ventilation, lighting fixtures, water supply, sewage system, and many others.

For a case, in Delhi, the modern-day predicted scarcity is of 25 million residing devices in the coming a long time. The efficient ways should be channelized by the authorities to fulfil the future requirements without neglecting with environmental factors and resources.

Figure 11: Indias Population till 2018(Source: Trading Economics)

The Squatter settlements are an inevitable phenomenon in an

urban city. It is further stated that by 2019, the expected slum population in India would be 105 billion, if the current situation is neglected and no required actions are taken by the government and other planning authorities. In a latest report by National Sample Survey Office (NSSO), the scarcity of houses can be easily identified where the government fails to cater the demand of the population. Census 2011 found that there are 40,309 identified major slum zones in India, constituting 37% of the total population. Countrywide strategies to squatter settlements have normally converted from terrible views (together with involuntary resettlement, forced eviction, benign forget about, and so forth.) to extra superb perspectives (which include, permitting and rights-based regulations, self-assist and in situ upgrading,). urban slums are growing at faster rate than ever expected, stated by The Challenge of Slums, a Global Report on Human Settlement (UN-Habitat), 2003. One billion people are living out their days in the squalor of a slum, which is one out of every three city dwellers and a sixth of the worlds population. The statement reveals that the numbers can be doubled within 30 years if radical changes are not adopted inclusively by the planners. The predicted addition counts around 300 million new urban residents by 2050 (World cities Report 2016&EmergingFutures report by UN Habitat). According to Census 2011, Delhi has 22 slum towns with total population of around 17, 85, 390.

Figure 13: Source: The graph shows the expected increase of the worlds squatter population by 2050 (Source: UNCHS HABITAT)

Environmental Concern

Urbanization in India is greater or much less developing negative impact on surroundings due to which issues like land lack of confidence, worsening water excellent, excessive air pollutants, noise, and disposal of waste are happening. One hassle is to combine land- and water use planning to offer meals and water security within the destiny (UNEP 1999). Due to the poor impact at the environment and weather trade problems like the creation of urban warmness island, modifications in air excellent index (AQI) and styles of precipitation have been taking place very often. As a result of impact of urbanisation, land resources problems like soil erosion, water table contamination and vegetative quality decrement etc. has been taking place. Also, we are facing problems of scarcity of water resources for domestic purpose and have been consistently compromising with the quality of water.

Figure 14: Emissions of CO2 and other greenhouse gases in India in 2016 (Source Netherlands Environmental Assessment Agency)

One of the major environmental concern for the environmentalist is the emission of various harmful/reactive gases with inclusion of CO2.An ecologist and geographer anastasiasvirejeva- hopkinset al. (2004) has concluded in a research that approximately more than 90% carbon emissions are produced in urban cities due to anthropogenic interventions. In case of India, the transportation sector is contributing immensely in to the green houses emission because of diesel consumption. It is further increasing due to rise in population, traffic and excessive modes for mobility. A dynamic shift from slow moving vehicles to fast moving vehicles has impacted drastically on the urban environment. Apart from it Industrial sector and waste sector also contributes in CO2 emission.

A case of Delhi: The urbanization of Delhi is observed from the beginning of the 20th Century. In 1901, 53% of the total population of Delhi was considered to urban category. The current alarm is about the country of human health within the swiftly growing metropolis of Delhi in addition to its deteriorating surroundings. Whilst the citys population has grown from 1.74 million (1951) to 16.75 million (2011) at the imply place of 1,483 sq. Km of land, it counts the density of 11,297 men and women consistent with square km. In response to the desires, there are large vehicularisation and land use alterations. Delhi ridge woodland cowl has done not meet discount targets for greenhouse gases emission in the Delhi city because of constant concrete jungle sprawl over the periods and discount in the inexperienced cover.

The traffic structure of metropolitan cities of India (e.g., Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkata, Chennai, Bangalore and Hyderabad) illustrates a substantial shift from the share of slow-moving vehicles to fast moving vehicles and public transport to private transport. The vehicle manufacturing and export-import rate has been increasing by 15-20 per cent each year. As per a recent media report (T.O.I.), Delhi is adding 965 vehicles omits transportation network every day while Bangalore is adding 500vehicles. Synchronously, more than 40 other metropolitan cities (with human population more than1million) are accounted for 35% of the vehicular population of the country. Further, 25% of the total energy (of which 98 percent comes from oil) is consumed by road/Transportation sector. Vehicles in mega-cities are estimated 70% responsible for CO2 mission. The extracted pollutants from automobile sectors are largely responsible forair born respiratory diseases and other air related diseases including lung cancer, asthma, etc.

The water crisis in India is often ascribed to the urbanization, industrialization, and human waste flowing into water sources and polluting groundwater, in addition to corruption at exclusive tiers that postpone diverse tactics and responsibilities. Water shortage in India is predicted to irritate as the general populace is anticipated to boom to at least 1.6 billion by using the year 2050. As per reports, India only possesses 4% of the worlds total fresh water. If the modern-day rate of water demand keeps, about sector of the destiny call for water could be backordered by 2030, stated with the aid of the committee on restructuring the significant water fee (cwc) and the crucial ground water board (cgwb) in 2016. Water tables are depriving in most parts of India. The contamination content of water includes various minerals e.g., arsenic, fluoride, mercury and uranium in varying content ratios, causing diseases borne by contaminated water etc.

Climate trade poses more excessive demanding situations e.g., Rates of rainfall and evapotranspiration accentuate the effects of floods and droughts. 80% of India's drinking water, nearly -thirds of irrigation desires, and 11% of the agricultural water deliver relies upon on groundwater. Meanwhile 60% of India's districts face groundwater over-exploitation. The sector bank spotlight the predicaments that the united states are going through from the past 5 many years:

163 Million Indians lacks access to safe and drinkable water.

210 Million Indians lacks access to improved sanitation.

21% of communicable diseases are due to unsafe water.

Each day in India, 500 children under the age of five die from diarrhea.

River Pollution

The rivers in India are noticeably polluted and taken into consideration risky by technical and medical requirements. As a carrier and main source of water in northern India Yamuna, Ganga, and Sabarmati is a lethal blend of pollution each risky, toxic, and natural. A research paper from IIT, Delhi, has develop a research project on a bacterium that the river Yamuna has harbored known as antibiotic-resistant or priority pathogens. These multidrug-resistant bacteria pose greatest threat to human health. Apart from water pollution the government policies should also be focused on water availability in each region and village. Several projects are in progress with an aim to provide water in the most needed areas in India. But this long-term commitment is slow. Common experience practices and training competencies will help in compensating the harm done to groundwater resources. As per the news, many skilled farmers are updating to modern technologies e.g. Irrigation techniques, drip irrigation, rainwater harvesting, Effective steps in stemming the lack of freshwater resources and so on. The collective practices and inclusive planning in the mild of inexperienced urbanism will cause frame present-day sanitation rules a good way to assist in both preserving and wisely make use of water assets.

Trash Disposal

Urbanization results in superior municipal stable waste (msw) era. Unscientific and non-organic managing of msw deteriorates the city environment and causes fitness hazards to other living organisms. As in step with the authority reports, 12 million tons of inert wastes are generated in India yearly. The generation of municipal solid waste (MSW)shows a graph directly proportional to the economic condition, urbanization, and rapid growth of population. The problem is in addition aggravated by the lack of policy controls; monetary aids in addition to human sources, educated in solid waste control practices within the sphere of series, transportation, processing, and very last disposal. While aspects like recycling, reuse, and restoration of the solid waste are grossly demanded however disorganized in most cases. Terrible sewage collection and absence of connectivity between drains and sewage treatment vegetation have worsened the state of affairs, noted the paper published in the Journal of Environmental Chemical Engineering.

The principal issue of trash disposal is exacerbating in urban areas due to the rapid populace boom, coupled with economic growth that encourages the intake of goods and waste technology. In keeping with the brand new cpcb document, in 2016, India produced a few fifty-two million heaps of waste each yr, or more or less 0.144 million heaps in step with day, of which roughly 23 percentage is processed and brought to landfills or disposed of the

use of authentic biological techniques and technologies.

Figure 18: MSWM practices in selected Indian cities (Kumaret al., 2009).

Figure 19: Prediction Plot for MSW generation, land requirement, and population from 2001 to 2051. (Source: Cogent Environmental Science)

The contemporary schooling device emphasizes minimizing the stable waste era by using adopting the policy of 4rs. That is

refuse, reuse, recycle, and reduce. The modern-day guidelines of MSWM are very uncompromising, ensuring a proper MSWM gadget. However lamentably, there may be a large hole on the ground between policy and implementation.

Consequently, there is a pressing want to bridge up these gaps. The authorities need to also emphasize the involvement of

humans and public session together with the personal region via NGOs and PPP (Public Private Partnership) projects, House to house collection should also be promoted. These types of steps would help to improve the efficiency of MSWM, working structures of different authorities, Public Awareness and public participation.

SOLUTIONS THAT ALIGN WITH PRINCIPLES OF GREEN URBANISM TO OVERCOME URBAN ISSUES AND CHALLENGES

Futuristic cities and urban dynamics frames perceptions about bringing new infrastructure, facilities and life style with social cohesion and economic sustenance, coping up with all urban demands and dilemmas but cities of tomorrow do not reside in other zolo from cities of today, the basis for futuristic urban cities

will only form by the strategies picked to tackle todays

challenges. The major challenge is that concerns exists but in isolation just like the strategies. Todays need is not just to make

a comprehensive strategic plan but an interlinked / integrated plan, to cater all the levels of pyramid.

Green Urbanism is an interdisciplinary term, it requires the collaboration of various social and professional threads e.g., Panorama architects, engineers, urban planners, ecologists, transport planners, physicists, psychologists, sociologists, economists, and other experts contributing to building a country, further to architects and concrete designers.

Green urbanism minimizes each mode to utilize strength, water, and different resources at each level, along with the embodied electricity within the extraction and transportation of constructing substances, their fabrication, incorporating the material into the constructing and, in the end, the benefit and price of their recycling whilst a character buildings existence is over. These days, the urban and architectural design also has to take into consideration whilst intervening energy-green strategies into building production, preservation, and modifications in its use inclusive of the number one energy use for its operation, along with lighting fixtures, heating, and cooling, and so forth.

The major principles of green urbanism include striple-zero frameworks (triple-bottom line) of:

zero fossil-fuel energy

zero gas emissions (aiming for low-to-no-carbon emissions).

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• © 2018

Sustainable Urbanization in India

Challenges and Opportunities

• Jenia Mukherjee 0

Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur, India

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Addresses contemporary urbanization patterns and processes in Indian cities in the context of UN 'sustainable urbanization' policies and Indian 'smart city' agenda

Captures major components of urban sustainability and unsustainability in India

Underlines the significance of micro-researches within macro contexts in urban studies in India

Includes supplementary material: sn.pub/extras

Part of the book series: Exploring Urban Change in South Asia (EUCS)

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Table of contents (16 chapters)

Front matter, indian urban trajectories: addressing ‘sustainability’ across micro-political settings.

Jenia Mukherjee

Towards Sustainable Cities in India

• Annapurna Shaw

Governing Investments and Infrastructures

Structural limits to equitable urbanization.

• Achin Chakraborty

Alternative Provision of Tenure Security and Rights to the Urban Poor: A Case Study from Ahmedabad

• Atanu Chatterjee

State, Governance and Urban Poor: Insights from Visakhapatnam City

• Debapriya Ganguly

Performing Governance in Urban Patna

• Sheema Fatima

Sustainability of Urban Fringe Development and Management in NCT-Delhi: A Case Study

• Ramakrishna Nallathiga, Suhani Taneja, Anusha Gupta, Bitul Gangal

Managing Wastes and Wetlands

Evaluating municipal solid waste management in indian cities: a comparative assessment of three metros in south india.

• Shaik Sajith, Avinash Y. Kumar

Electronic Waste in Urban India: A Major Sustainability Challenge

• Anwesha Borthakur

How Expensive is the Decay of East Kolkata Wetlands? An Estimation of Opportunity Cost for Kolkata

• Debanjana Dey, Sarmila Banerjee

Urban Ecologies in Transition: Contestations around Waste in Mumbai

• Sneha Sharma, D. Parthasarathy

Exploring Ecologies and Environmentalisms

Sustainability or (sustain)ability environmentalism and shades of power in a metropolis, gentrification and rising urban aspirations in the inner city: redefining urbanism in mumbai.

• Dwiparna Chatterjee, D. Parthasarathy

Communities in a ‘Protected’ Urban Space and Conservation Politics in Mumbai’s Sanjay Gandhi National Park

• Amrita Sen, Sarmistha Pattanaik

Urban at the Edges: Mumbai’s Coastline Urbanisms

• Hemantkumar A. Chouhan, D. Parthasarathy, Sarmistha Pattanaik

Contested Urban Waterscape of Udaipur

• Neha Singh, D. Parthasarathy, N. C. Narayanan
• urbanization
• sustainability
• sustainable urbanization
• smart cities
• urban waste management
• urban environmentalism
• United Nations policies on sustainable urbanization
• urban infrastructure in India
• UN Sustainable City Programme
• limits to equitable urbanization
• urbanization in fringe areas
• urbanization without infrastructure
• urban ecologies

Book Title : Sustainable Urbanization in India

Book Subtitle : Challenges and Opportunities

Editors : Jenia Mukherjee

Series Title : Exploring Urban Change in South Asia

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4932-3

Publisher : Springer Singapore

eBook Packages : Social Sciences , Social Sciences (R0)

Copyright Information : Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2018

Hardcover ISBN : 978-981-10-4931-6 Published: 17 October 2017

Softcover ISBN : 978-981-13-5270-6 Published: 11 February 2019

eBook ISBN : 978-981-10-4932-3 Published: 06 October 2017

Series ISSN : 2367-0045

Series E-ISSN : 2367-0053

Edition Number : 1

Number of Pages : XXV, 317

Number of Illustrations : 5 b/w illustrations, 40 illustrations in colour

Topics : Urban Studies/Sociology , Urban Geography / Urbanism (inc. megacities, cities, towns) , Urban Economics

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The Transformative Power of Urbanization: How Indian Cities like Delhi Plan for Urban Growth

• Written by Ankitha Gattupalli
• Published on June 28, 2023

India has witnessed a surge in urbanization and population growth. As a result of natural population growth and migration, the megacities of India have experienced a continual increase in their residents. Standing as the most populous country in the world , India is at a critical junction, grappling with opportunities and challenges in molding its built environment. Population boom, however, is not a recent predicament but a persistent one that has spanned over a century. How have Indian cities dealt with population growth and the complexities it brings?

City planners have addressed the issue of population growth for years, creating strategies to alleviate its effects on the built environment. The effectiveness of these proposals are yet to determine whether they can serve as models for the growth of Indian cities. The story of Delhi's expansion serves as a compelling case study, offering insights into the transformative power of urbanization and the challenges that accompany it. As Delhi urbanizes at an astonishing pace, the world watches with anticipation, eager to witness how Indian cities will navigate the path toward their future.

Delhi, India's capital for more than a century, offers an understanding of the hurdles faced by its cities in accommodating their growing populations. Located on the fertile Indo-Gangetic plains, Delhi experiences great urbanization as migrants from nearby agricultural regions move in. With per capita incomes three times higher than the national average , the capital allures ambitious individuals from across the country. Delhi is projected to become the world's most populous city by 2028 . The city can be viewed as a microcosm of India , a condensed representation of how the nation can expand and evolve.

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Delhi has been experiencing one of the fastest urban expansions in the world. The city's metamorphosis is visibly evident as large portions of croplands give way to a network of streets, buildings, and infrastructure . Over the course of two decades, from 1991 to 2011, the geographic expanse of Delhi nearly doubled in size. This growth was accompanied by a shift in demographics, with the number of urban households doubling while the count of rural dwellings dwindled by half.

After being designated as the capital of the British Indian Empire, Delhi witnessed a significant population surge, growing from 238,000 in 1911 to 696,000 in 1947 . In that pivotal year, Delhi became the capital of the newly independent Indian Union, experiencing an unprecedented influx of people due to the 1947 Partition of India . The boundaries of Delhi expanded in all directions, extending even to the east of the Yamuna river that courses through the city. The absence of significant physical barriers facilitated Delhi’s multi-directional growth, driving the relentless advance of urbanization.

The city’s journey towards becoming the world's largest megalopolis is intertwined with a series of strategic planning initiatives. Since the 1960s, Delhi's official planning organization has crafted master plans every two decades to shape the city's future development. In 1985, the establishment of the National Capital Region (NCR) and its planning board aimed to orchestrate the growth of Delhi and its neighboring towns . To decongest and decentralize the capital, the board identified cities within a 100-400 km radius, designating them as “counter magnets”. These satellite cities received substantial funding to develop into regional growth centers, with the objective of achieving a balanced pattern of urbanization over time. However, despite the ambitious vision and planning set forth by the 1985 Act, the desired outcomes have not fully materialized. Insufficient employment opportunities in the counter magnet cities resulted in continued migration towards Delhi. The impact of this large-scale creative solution is yet to be fully realized.

Delhi’s recently culminated Master Plan for 2021 - with aspirations of eradicating slums, tackling traffic congestion, and importing a “globalized” skyline - is criticized to have largely remained confined to paper . The city’s new draft Master Plan for 2041 presents a vision of a megacity where unauthorized settlements make way for towering structures of affordable housing units. Emphasizing the city's economic potential as a thriving start-up hub and cultural capital, the plan aims to transform Delhi into a 24x7 city, promoting transit-oriented development, and curbing vehicular pollution . Unlike its precedents, this plan adopts an incremental approach, dividing objectives into manageable milestones rather than being a comprehensive 20-year blueprint.

Delhi’s is a case to be studied in continuum. The city - with its extremities in social, economical, and environmental spheres - can serve as a testing ground to understand how Indian cities can accommodate massive populations sustainably. Architect and urban planner Krishna Menon, who played a role in formulating the 2007 Master Plan, acknowledged that the development of the National Capital Region leaned more towards "regularization" than meticulous planning . Its approach involved addressing issues as they arose rather than proactive foresight. To grasp the present and future of Delhi , as well as other Indian cities, it is crucial to expand plans beyond the city limits and recognize the complex ecosystem that grows around it. The planning of Indian cities necessitates a systems design approach, employing a holistic perspective to address the pressing needs and interdependencies of these urban landscapes.

As Delhi and other Indian megalopolises navigate their future, innovative planning solutions are crucial to meet their evolving needs. Various approaches to managing large populations exist globally, ranging from multiple small jurisdictions like the Paris region to unified municipalities like Beijing. With increasing urban populations, economic interdependence expands across larger regions. This is in Delhi where many individuals commute from neighboring cities such as Gurgaon or Noida for work. China's exploration of city clusters , characterized by expanded areas with interconnected economies, offers a potential model. India could similarly consider establishing a national capital cluster within the National Capital Region, fostering economic interdependence and enhancing municipal services. Such an approach would require additional levels of government at the cluster level and a robust governance system, complemented by well-designed municipal plans to ensure successful implementation and growth.

The recent release of the Economist Intelligence Unit's (EIU) Global Liveability Index for 2023 serves as a wake-up call for Indian cities, urging them to prioritize not only growth but also the livability of their built landscapes. According to the report, Delhi and Mumbai both earned a score of 60.2, sharing the 141st rank. This underscores the urgent concerns faced by Indian metropolitans, such as pollution, informal settlements, overcrowding, and inadequate infrastructure. As Indian cities strive to catch up with global standards, a substantial gap needs to be bridged between ambitious plans and their effective implementation. To ensure a more favorable future, Indian cities must strike a balance between planned growth and the well-being of their citizens.

This article is part of an ArchDaily series titled India : Building for Billions , where we discuss the effects of population rise, urbanization, and economic growth on India ’s built environment. Through the series, we explore local and international innovations responding to India ’s urban growth. We also talk to the architect, builders, and community, seeking to underline their personal experiences. As always, at ArchDaily, we highly appreciate the input of our readers. If you think we should feature a certain project, please submit your suggestions .

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Ubc theses and dissertations, urbanization, migration and housing: a case study for india. bhargava, jagdish prasad --> -->.

India is currently experiencing a rapid increase in population growth and in the urbanization process leading to industrialization. This is resulting in an overcrowding of urban areas with attendent problems of illiteracy, unemployment, inadequate community facilities and service and deplorable housing conditions. The present unsatisfactory urban housing situation la due to: the comparatively small investment in housing by private enterprise; the failure of the public housing programs to cope with the complex problems of housing; the national policy of giving priority to the investment in capital asset and the inadequacies of urban-regional planning and administration. India is facing the critical problem of housing those rural immigrants in the urban areas who can not even afford to pay an economic rent, who do not want to spend money on housing, and who are not easily assimilated into the urban environment. The hypothesis of the study is that rural immigrants to urban areas in India have specific economic, physical and cultural needs which must be considered to help India solve its urban housing problem. The study was undertaken because it is felt that housing rural immigrants to urban areas is one of the most critical problems facing India, and that there is need for an approach which will achieve a balanced social and economic development program. Consideration is given to the various concepts involved and terms such as 'Housing', 'rural immigrant', 'economic absorption', 'cultural integration' and 'adjustment' are defined. Urban problems associated with the housing problem are reviewed, and the economic, socio-cultural, psychological and physical problems of the rural immigrant in the urban areas, are analysed. India's past and present policies regarding housing, urban land, and socio-economic goals are also reviewed. It is observed that the housing problem is only a "symptom" of a complex of inter-related urban problems which, if resolved, would contribute to the solution of the housing problem. The rural Immigrant requires adequate economic absorption, socio-psychological adjustment, and adequate shelter and community facilities in the urban environment. To meet the needs of the rural immigrants it la recommended that adult programs in education, work-cum-orientation, paid apprenticeships and technical and vocational training be expanded. It is recommendeds that small scale units of production and other labour intensive projects be utilised together with large scale units of production that family migration and community life be encouraged; and that community services and facilities be considerably expanded in scope and volume. It is further recommended that these facilities and services be provided as emergency measures in existing slums in order to motivate immigrants towards self-improvement. It is considered that the Government should take measures to encourage the provision of more housing by private sources and non-profit organisations using self-help and mutual-help methods. It is recommended that the government should adopt the principle of neighbourhood planning within an Urban-Regional physical planning program administered through a proposed Ministry of Urban-Regional Planning and Development at the National and Provincial levels. It is concluded that the approach to the problem of housing rural immigrants in the urban areas can not be a departmentalized one; rather a simultaneous attack on all inter-related urban problems, using a comprehensive approach is imperative. Only thus can India hope to solve its problem of housing rural immigrants in the urban areas.

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• Published: 14 October 2020

Urbanization and food consumption in India

• Bhartendu Pandey 1 ,
• Meredith Reba 1 ,
• P. K. Joshi 2 , 3 &
• Karen C. Seto 1  

Scientific Reports volume  10 , Article number:  17241 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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The shift towards urban living is changing food demand. Past studies on India show significant urban–rural differences in food consumption. However, a scientific understanding of the underlying relationships between urbanization and food consumption is limited. This study provides the first detailed analysis of how urbanization influences both quantity and diversity of food consumption in India by harnessing the strength of multiple datasets, including consumer expenditure surveys, satellite imagery, and census data. Our statistical analysis shows three main findings. First, in contrast to existing studies, we find that much of the variation in food consumption quantity is due to income and not urbanization. After controlling for income and state-level differences, our results show that average consumption is higher in urban than rural areas for fewer than 10% of all commodities. That is, there is nearly no difference in average consumption between urban and rural residents. Second, we find the influence of urbanization as a population share on food consumption diversity to be statistically insignificant ( p-value  > 0.1). Instead, the results show that infrastructure, market access, percentage working women in urban areas, and norms and institutions have a statistically significant influence. Third, all covariates of food consumption diversity we tested were found to be associated with urbanization. This suggests that urbanization influences on food consumption are both indirect and multidimensional. These results show that increases in the urban population size alone do not explain changes in food consumption in India. If we are to understand how food consumption may change in the future due to urbanization, the study points to the need for a more complex and multidimensional understanding of the urbanization process that goes beyond demographic shifts.

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Introduction

Over the next three decades, 2.3 billion more people will be living in urban areas worldwide 1 . High consumption levels of animal-based products, refined animal fat, edible oil, refined sugar, and alcohol characterize diets in urbanized societies with higher economic development 2 . Studies show that urbanizing countries are rapidly converging to these diets, increasing human health risks related to conditions such as obesity and hypertension, and non-communicable diseases such as diabetes, heart disease, and stroke 3 , 4 . These dietary changes also raise concerns such as greater use of land, water, and energy resources 5 , greenhouse gas emissions 6 , inequitable access to healthy food 7 , and food security 8 . Based on these trends and linkages, impending urbanization and associated dietary changes pose significant human health and environmental sustainability challenges. To fully comprehend these implications, understanding how urbanization influences food consumption is essential. However, the pathways that undergird urbanization influences on food consumption and diets are less clear 9 .

Previous related studies considered urbanization as a demographic process (an increase in the urban share of the total population) and omitted the spatial, economic, social, and cultural changes that are concomitant with urbanization 10 . For example, Engel’s and Bennett’s laws assert that with rising incomes, the total share of spending on food decreases while diets shift from starchy staples to a more diversified consumption of meats, dairy, oils, fruits, and vegetables 11 , 12 . If urbanization drives income growth 13 , it follows that urbanization can lead to changes in food consumption mediated by increases in income. However, most existing studies do not recognize income as an urbanization influence and sometimes confound the two 14 , 15 . Studies have also reported unique urban effects—beyond income—on food consumption. These effects can be associated with increased food availability 16 , the opportunity cost of women’s time 17 , 18 , access to cooking and availability of cold storage facilities 19 , and exposure-mediated changes in taste and preferences 20 . These factors imply that urbanization influences on food consumption are complex and multidimensional, yet other factors are not well understood and frequently considered in isolation rather than collectively comprising the urbanization process.

The UN estimates that 90% of future urban population growth will take place in Asia and Africa, with China, India, and Nigeria accounting for one-third of the growth between 2018 and 2050. Diets and patterns of urbanization are likely different for countries at different phases of urbanization 21 . The present study focuses on India, a country in the early stages of an urban demographic transition and economic development. India serves as an important case study for how diets may change in an urbanizing society. This study investigates five questions : (1) Does urbanization (living in urban areas and as a demographic share) affect the quantity and diversity of food consumed by households? (2) How does the quantity and diversity of food consumed vary between large urban, small urban, and rural areas? (3) Are the observed variations in the quantity and diversity of food consumed due to income or urbanization or both? (4) How do urbanization dimensions such as infrastructure, market access, women’s participation in the workforce, and norms and institutions associate with food consumption in India? (5) How do factors associated with food consumption relate to living in urban areas and as a demographic share? These questions are aimed to advance our understanding of urbanization influences on food consumption. New knowledge contributions include: evaluating whether urban–rural differences remain significant after controlling for income and other covariates, assessing whether consumption varies by urban size, distinguishing between urban metropolitan and urban non-metropolitan areas, and comparing how urbanization influences differ between quantity and diversity of food consumed. One important innovation of this study is that it explicitly examines the significance of multiple dimensions of urbanization and not only the demographic component.

Study area and data

A little over one-third of India’s population currently lives in urban areas. Demographic projections suggest that India will be 50% urbanized by 2050. Much of this transition will concentrate in medium- and small-sized cities—with less than one million residents—that are also growing the fastest in India 22 . National food consumption statistics suggest that this impending urban transition can lead to large-scale dietary changes 23 (Fig. S1 ). These statistics highlight that the average quantities of food consumed in urban areas are generally higher than in rural areas. Furthermore, the per-capita consumption of cereals, pulses, and sugar is declining in both urban and rural areas, whereas per capita consumption of other food commodities—such as animal products, oils, and fruits and vegetables—is increasing. However, changes in per-capita consumption are faster in rural areas than in urban areas for most food groups except sugar and spices. These patterns and trends provide preliminary evidence for urbanization influences on food consumption.

This study provides, to the best of our knowledge, the first detailed analysis of urbanization influences on the quantities of food consumed (across 124 commodities) and food consumption diversity in India. Past research has studied urbanization-food consumption linkages using two different measures: non-expenditure and expenditure-based measures. Non-expenditure based measures focused on quantities consumed or caloric intake, whereas expenditure-based measures focused on commodity-wise expenditures or expenditure shares on food 24 . Urbanization influences can vary across these different measures. The present study focuses on both the quantity and diversity of food consumed for five main reasons. First, national statistics show apparent urban–rural differences in the quantities of food consumed. Second, food consumption quantities link potential human health and environmental implications more directly than expenditure-based measures. Third, while data on food quantities can be used to calculate calorie intake, this conversion necessitates an assumption that for a given food item, the relationship between quantity and calorie content is constant. Fourth, following the same reasoning, a calorie intake-based measure of diversity can also be problematic. Finally, we expect that households living in urban areas tend to consume more and diversify their consumption due to increased food availability and accessibility, compared to rural areas.

This study examines variations in food consumption at the household, district, and state levels. The administrative hierarchy in India follows the following order: States/Union Territories (UTs), Districts, Sub-districts, and Towns (urban areas) and Villages (rural areas). As per the 2011 census, there were 28 states and 8 UTs, 641 districts, and 6,075 sub-districts (Fig. S2 ). Urban areas comprise two types of administrative units in India: Statutory towns and Census towns. Statutory towns are defined by statute, whereas Census towns are identified based on three criteria: a minimum population (5000), a minimum percentage of the male working population engaged in any non-agricultural activity (75%), and a minimum population density of 400 persons/km 2 . Rural areas are administrative areas not identified as urban and comprised of villages.

Since one of our primary aims is to examine multiple dimensions of urbanization, we use five datasets that provide different lenses on urban India and food consumption: (1) expenditure survey data for household food consumption 23 , (2) census data for demographic information 25 , (3) Global Human Settlements Layer (GHSL) (v1.0) for urban built-up area 26 , (4) DMSP/OLS nighttime lights (NTLs) for built-up infrastructure 27 , and (5) global accessibility data for travel time 28 (Supplementary Text S1). The consumer expenditure survey collected by India’s National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) yields the quantity and diversity of food consumed at the household level 23 . This survey is nationally representative, with a sample size of 101,662 households spread across urban and rural areas of all states and UTs. Location information in the survey can be used to geocode all households at the district-level. By manually creating a lookup table linking state and district information in the survey and the census data, we classified all households into three groups: urban metropolitan (UM), urban non-metropolitan (UNM), and rural (R) households. All urban households located in districts with urban areas of population size greater than 1,000,000—recognized by the census of India as “ major urban centers ” 25 —were labeled as UM and the rest of the urban households as UNM. We labeled all of the remaining households as R. Census data also provides two variables that we used in this study: level of urbanization (share of urban population to total population) and % working women (share of the female population working in urban areas to total population).

We developed a proxy measure of infrastructure based on the GHSL-derived built-up area and DMSP/OLS NTLs. We aggregated built-up area estimates (sum of built-up area) and NTLs (average NTLs intensity) at the district-level from GHSL (~ 38 m spatial resolution) for the year 2014 and NTLs (~ 1 km spatial resolution) for the year 2011, respectively. Given the difference of three years between the two datasets, the analysis assumes negligible changes in district-level variations in the built-up area between 2011 and 2014. We calculated district-level infrastructure stock by multiplying aggregated built-up area and average NTLs. This measurement approach does not require the colocation of NTLs and built-up area at the pixel level, even though NTLs and built areas may colocate in certain areas. Furthermore, it leverages the two datasets in a complementary manner: GHSL measures impervious surface and estimates built-up area, and NTLs measure outdoor lighting. Finally, we calculated average district-level travel time to the nearest city of population size at least 50,000 (in 2000) using a global accessibility raster at ~ 1 km spatial resolution. This variable is used as a proxy for market access and assumes a negligible change in district-level accessibility variations over the 2000–2011 period. Lastly, we distinguished states with high food consumption diversity (µ food diversity  = 1.1) from low food diversity (µ food diversity  = 0.90) (Fig. S2 ). This variable inadvertently captures differences in norms and institutions related to food consumption.

Methodology

The conventional approach observes the effect of increasing urban population share or the impact of living in urban areas or both on food consumption. There are at least two limitations to this approach. First, urban–rural comparisons assume that the urban–rural classifications are unbiased and that the dichotomy sufficiently captures fundamental differences between urban and rural living. This supposition is problematic as biases may exist in the classification process 29 , 30 but also because of significant heterogeneities in the structure and functioning of urban areas 31 . Second, urban–rural differences in food consumption can be due to multiple factors and do not isolate the impacts of individual dimension 32 . These limitations also apply to approaches focusing on the urban share of the total population 33 . Still, previous studies focusing on India have chiefly reported urban–rural differences to emphasize urbanization influences, at the national 34 , 35 , 36 and regional scales 37 , 38 . Findings from these studies broadly corroborate with national statistics and suggest that urbanization positively links with food consumption diversity in India.

This study also offers some methodological advancements. In addition to examining average consumption differences between households residing in urban and areas, the present study quantifies differences in average food consumption between UM, UNM, and R areas. This supplementary analysis assesses whether the impact of living in urban areas differs between UM and UNM areas. It also evaluates whether the impact of living in urban areas holds after controlling for income and state-level differences, as these can also lead to urban–rural differences. Furthermore, it uses multi-source and multi-scale datasets, including satellite remote sensing-derived and census data products, to more comprehensively examine urbanization influences, i.e., by examining aspects of urbanization, such as women working in urban areas, infrastructure, and market access. Lastly, it employs five statistical approaches towards a thorough investigation of urbanization influences: analyzing urban–rural differences using bootstrap estimation, correlation analysis, ordinary least squares (OLS) regression modeling, multilevel modeling, and statistical hypothesis testing (using Wilcoxon rank-sum test) (Fig.  1 ).

Flowchart outlining the data and methodology used in the study.

Household-level quantities consumed data can help quantify food consumption diversity 39 , 40 , 41 . Here, food diversity is based on whether a household consumes a given commodity (Supplementary Text S2). The analysis uses binary outcome data for 124 food commodities combined into 13 food groups ( n ) to calculate a food diversity index using Eq. ( 1 ).

where p i is the proportion of food commodities consumed per j th food group by a household ( i ). A higher value of the food diversity index implies greater consumption diversity—higher different types and even distribution of food commodities consumed across food groups (Supplementary Text S2). In addition to urban–rural differences in the quantities and diversity of food consumed, we used a supplementary correlation analysis to investigate the associations between urbanization (share of the urban population to the total population) and food consumption (quantities and diversity). We then compared these correlations with correlations between income and food consumption. Additionally, we estimated OLS regression models to examine urbanization influences for food commodities where urban–rural differences indicated a possible influence. We also estimated an OLS model for food consumption diversity. We accounted for confounding factors, including income and state-level effects, to examine if factors beyond these influence food consumption. Furthermore, we estimated multilevel models with a three-level specification (household, district, and state) and examined the robustness of the results. We also contrasted multilevel models containing household-level characteristics with urbanization and urbanization-related variables (at the district- and state-levels) to investigate multidimensional urbanization influences on consumption diversity. The comparison criteria included interclass correlation coefficients (ICC), the magnitude and significance of the predictors, and the overall explanatory power of the models. Finally, we used the Wilcoxon rank-sum test to compare average levels of household characteristics between UM, UNM, and R areas and examined bivariate distributions of aggregated variables at the district level to assess broader urbanization influences. Section S2 in the supplementary text provides a detailed methodological description.

Quantities of food consumed

Much of the variations in food consumption quantity is due to income differences and not urban–rural differences or urbanization. This finding contrasts the conventional understanding that urbanization leads to higher consumption of certain food commodities. Results show that the average household consumption is higher amongst urban households than rural households for 62 of 124 food commodities, at the 0.05 significance level (Fig.  2 a). These commodities include edible oil, spices, fruits and vegetables, dairy products, meat (eggs, chicken, and mutton), and processed foods (Fig.  3 ). These urban–rural differences are consistent with the literature that shows urbanization influences consumers to move away from traditional staples, towards increased consumption of fruits and vegetables, meat, food prepared away from home, and processed/packaged foods 42 , 43 . However, after controlling for income, results suggest that the urban–rural differences are significant for only eight commodities that are also consumed by fewer households, at the 0.05 significance level (Table S1 ). After also controlling for state-level differences, we find 12 commodities where average consumption is higher in urban areas at 0.05 significance level (Table S2 ). Overall, these results suggest that only living in urban areas does not increase the quantities of food consumed.

Bootstrap percentage differences in average household consumption by which consumption ( a ) in urban areas exceeds consumption in rural areas, ( b ) in (urban) non-metropolitan areas exceeds consumption in rural areas, and ( c ) in (urban) metropolitan areas exceeds consumption in rural areas.

Bootstrap difference in average household consumption between urban and rural areas by commodity (n = 124) and commodity types. The x-axes show average bootstrap estimates of percentage difference by which average consumption by households in urban areas differs from households in rural areas. Positive values indicate greater average urban household consumption. The black line at the end of each bar shows the 95% confidence interval.

Differences between average quantities consumed in UM, UNM, and R areas also suggest that merely living in more urbanized areas is not associated with higher quantities of food consumed. Results indicate increased average consumption in UM areas followed by UNM and R areas for 19 commodities (Fig.  2 b,c), with a more significant positive difference for commodities consumed by fewer households. Figures S4 – S7 show a detailed comparison. After controlling for income, urban influence exists only for four food commodities (Table S3 ). After also controlling for state-level differences, results suggest three commodities where the average consumption increase follows the urban progression (UM > UNM > R areas), at the 0.05 significance level (Table S4 ). A robustness check from examining multilevel models further emphasizes limited positive urbanization influence (Tables S5 – S66 ). Only eight commodities indicate a statistically significant urban effect after controlling for several household- and district-level characteristics.

We obtained similar results when examining the associations between the urban share of the total population and the quantities consumed. Cross-sectional variations in urbanization only weakly explain the variations in average quantities consumed by households across 124 commodities (Fig.  4 a). Correlations between urbanization and average quantities of consumption are less than 0.60 at the state level and 0.33 at the district level. Household income better, albeit moderately, explains the variations in quantity and diversity of consumption at the household level (Fig.  4 b): absolute values of Pearson’s correlation coefficient are less than 0.52. For the 124 commodities examined, correlations are between 0.40 and 0.52 for 13 commodities ranging from milk, sugar, edible oil, fresh and dry fruits, and beverages to eggs, fish, and meat.

Correlations between ( a ) urbanization (share of urban population to total population) and household consumption (bootstrapped weighted averages) at the district level and ( b ) household income and household consumption. Each cell in the plots represents a commodity. Commodities µ is the mean correlation across all commodities.

Diversity of food consumed

Contrary to the existing literature, results show that urbanization as a demographic share has an insignificant influence on food consumption diversity, after controlling for household-level characteristics. Instead, urbanization-related variables such as market access, infrastructure, percentage of urban women working, and norms and institutions better explain food consumption diversity compared with urbanization as a demographic share. Overall, a more nuanced relationship exists between urbanization and food consumption diversity in India than that described by an urban–rural dichotomy or urban population share.

The average food diversity index is 2.43% higher for UNM households as compared to R households and 6.67% higher for households in UM than in UNM areas (Fig.  5 a). The household food diversity index is also moderately related to household income ( r  = 0.51). We find that the average food diversity index is higher for UM areas, followed by UNM areas and R areas, even after controlling for income and state-level differences (Table 1 ). These results corroborate with Popkin’s nutrition transition theory; diets are more varied in urban areas where technological proliferation and service sector development are more prevalent than in rural areas 43 . Increasing diversity related to urbanization may also be concomitant with supply chain spatial extension, resulting in higher food availability and access with higher urbanization levels 42 , 44 . Additionally, the results are consistent with the existing literature that has emphasized the positive influence of living in urban areas on food consumption diversity. However, the results show that urbanization influence is not due to increasing urban share to the total population but involves more nuanced changes that characterize urbanization.

( a ) Distribution of food diversity index for sample households in rural (59,695), urban non-metropolitan (27,333), and urban metropolitan areas (14,634), respectively. Vertical lines show the average of bootstrap estimates for the respective group of households. Average diversity indices for households in urban non-metropolitan and rural areas are more similar to each other than to the households in urban metropolitan areas is confirmed by a non-parametric Wilcoxon rank-sum test (p-values < 0.01). Diversity index (average entropy) and urbanization (share of urban population to total population) at the ( b ) district and ( c ) state-level.

Multilevel null models suggest 41% and 36% of the total variation in the household-level food diversity index is due to between-districts and between-states variation, respectively (Table 2 , Models 1–2). For the three-level model, 45% of the total variation is due to between states (35%) and districts within states (10%) (Table 2 , Model 3). These baseline results suggest significant between-group variations at the state and district levels but that the three-level model captures more variations at the state and district levels. A chi-square test further confirms the three-level model as the best fit (p-value < 0.01). Accordingly, the three-level model suffices for a baseline model. Results obtained using the baseline model suggest that household income, household structure, access to a cooking facility, and place of residence all positively influence food diversity (Table 3 , Model 1). Household size, on the other hand, has a negative influence. The direction of these correlations also corroborates with the literature. At aggregate scales, results show a modest but statistically significant correlation between urbanization and food consumption diversity: Pearson’s correlation coefficients are 0.30 ( p-value  < 0.01) and 0.29 ( p-value  < 0.01) at the state and district levels, respectively (Fig.  5 b,c). However, after controlling for household characteristics under the multilevel model specification, the district-level urbanization variable shows an insignificant influence on the food diversity index. Furthermore, it does little to improve the model fit over the baseline model with household characteristics (Table 3 , Model 1 and 2). In contrast, adding district- and state-level variables that capture different aspects of urbanization—infrastructure, market access, percentage of urban women working, and norms and institutions—significantly improves the model fit (in terms of AIC, BIC, and Adjusted R 2 estimates) (Table 3 , Model 3). Ceteris paribus, districts closer to major cities, have higher food diversity than those located farther away. Similarly, districts with more women working in urban areas have lower food diversity. Contrary to expectation, results show an insignificant influence of the infrastructure variable. Nonetheless, this may be due to the correlation between infrastructure and market access ( ρ  = − 0.71). Here infrastructure positively influences food consumption diversity after dropping the market access variable (Table 3 , Model 4 and 5).

Differences between ICC estimates of different models further support our interpretation. The ICC estimate is expected to decrease upon adding district-level or state-level variables or both to the baseline model containing variables that account for household-level characteristics. However, results show no change in the ICC estimate upon adding the district-level urban share to the total population variable (Table 3 , Model 1–2). The unchanged ICC estimate suggests that urbanization as a demographic share does not explain the variations in food consumption diversity. In contrast, adding variables that capture different aspects of urbanization reduces the ICC estimate by ~ 25% compared to the model with household characteristics only, indicating the importance of multiple urbanization process pathways (Table 3 , Model 1 and 3).

Multidimensional urbanization influences

All the multi-scalar food consumption diversity determinants examined in the analysis are also associated with urbanization characterized as a demographic share or as the urban–rural difference (Fig.  6 ). Whereas household size and structure generally decrease with living in urban areas, results show that household income and access to a cooking facility generally increase. Similarly, infrastructure, market access, and the percentage of working women in urban areas are all associated with urbanization. States with high food consumption diversity also have districts with higher urbanization levels than lower food consumption diversity states: mean urbanization levels of the districts are 44% in states with high diversity and 26% in states with low diversity. Non-parametric Wilcoxon rank-sum tests confirm that these differences are statistically significant (p-values < 0.01). These results suggest that economic (income), demographic (household size and structure), socio-institutional (differences between states in food consumption diversity), and spatial (infrastructure and market access) dimensions of urbanization all play a role in shaping food consumption diversity in India.

( a ) Household income, ( b ) household size, ( c ) household structure, ( d ) % of households with cooking facility, ( e ) infrastructure, ( f ) market access and ( g ) % urban women working as correlates of urbanization. Horizontal bars in ( a – c ) show statistically-significant differences across the three groups (rural, urban non-metropolitan, and urban metropolitan). Statistical significance tests are based on the Wilcoxon rank-sum test (p-value < 0.01).

Although a large body of work exists that examines the influence of urbanization on food consumption and diets, we have a limited understanding of the underlying pathways and mechanisms. It is unclear whether any universal pathway(s) exist and whether these influences differ across urbanizing regions by magnitude or characteristics or both. This understanding is especially important for rapidly urbanizing countries such as India. In this context, our analysis of urbanization and food consumption in India reveals several insights with implications for our collective understanding of urbanization and food consumption relationships.

First , the results suggest that examining urbanization influences through urban population shares to total population or urban–rural differences are insufficient to determine the broad-range of urbanization influences at play. They highlight both conceptual and methodological limitations of previous studies that emphasize urbanization influences on food consumption based solely on these variables. Urbanization is comprised of changes across multiple dimensions: demographic, spatial, economic, social, and cultural 45 . Urban–rural differences and demographic share did not help to identify and study the influence of these changes on consumption in the present study. The present study shows that much of the variation in average quantities consumed is due to income differences, with a limited role of urbanization (as a share of the total population and living in urban areas). Moreover, urbanization, as a demographic share, has an insignificant influence on food consumption diversity. In contrast, variables that explain food consumption diversity—such as increased market access, the increased value of women’s time while working in urban areas, infrastructure, and social norms (differences in food consumption diversity between states)—are closely intertwined with urbanization. Nonetheless, existing studies focusing on urbanizing countries seldom interpret the effects of these variables as urbanization-related.

Second , examining urbanization influences using measures predicated on administrative classifications can omit indirect influences leading to over or underestimation of the impacts. Results from the present study, consistent with Bennett’s law, suggest that our shared understanding of widespread increases in the consumption of animal-based products, edible oils, sugar, and other food commodities due to urbanization as a demographic share requires further consideration. Urbanization is frequently associated with changes in diets in high-level policy discourses, such as in the 2019 Eat-Lancet Commission Report 46 and the 2019 and 2020 IFPRI Global Food Policy Reports 47 , 48 . Previous studies focusing on India have similarly attributed changes in average quantities of cereals, fruits and vegetables, animal-based products, sugar, edible oils, processed foods, beverages, and other food commodities consumed to urbanization 49 , 50 . Findings from this study suggest that urbanization, as a demographic share, may not be directly associated with changes in the quantities of food commodities consumed. Instead, urbanization and income are related in India, and urbanization influences on the quantities and diversity of food consumed may be indirect and influence quantities consumed through the income pathway. Similarly, other variables examined in the present study can also extend indirect influence.

Third , urbanization may have a more considerable influence on the diversity of food consumed than quantities in India. Results from the present study suggest that demographic, spatial, and institutional factors that could lead to significant urban–rural differences in food quantities consumed may not yet be pronounced in India, given its preliminary stages of urbanization. However, India, a lower-middle-income country, is projected to add ~ 400 million urban dwellers by 2050. Its urban land area has been forecasted to increase by up to 156,000 km 2 by 2050, more than 500% increase over the 2000 extent 51 . These demographic and land changes will accompany other significant changes: demographic (household size and structure), economic (income), social (social ties and interactions), institutional (socio-cultural norms and regulations), spatial (infrastructure and built environment), and technological (efficiency gains in food production and food supply chains). The results suggest that all of these changes can influence food consumption. Consequently, results suggest that future urbanization in India could lead to significant increases in the household consumption of approximately half of the commodities considered in the study, which have positive income elasticity and significant urban–rural differences before controlling for income. These are a diverse set of commodities including processed foods and beverages (snacks, fruit juice, cold beverages, and others), animal-based products (eggs, chicken, and mutton), milk-based products (clarified butter, curd, and others), edible oil (refined oil), dry and fresh fruits, and others. With impending urbanization, results suggest that diet diversification in India could be fueled partly by the spatial dimensions of urbanization, such as infrastructure growth and improved market access.

Fourth , although the present results show broader urbanization influences in the case of food consumption diversity than quantities consumed in India, urbanization may also be leading to changes in other aspects of food consumption such as food away from home, food waste, and the consumption of value-added food commodities not considered in this study. Understanding these linkages will require a systematic investigation of different aspects of urbanization. However, to date, no conceptual model exists in the scientific literature to explain how different urbanization processes synergistically influence food consumption. Therefore, our results underline the need for a new conceptualization of urbanization and urbanization influences on food consumption. This conceptualization could play a pivotal role in scientific investigations aimed towards identifying specific leverage points to bring positive dietary changes within the purview of global urbanization.

The present study has some limitations that warrant further investigation. Findings from this study are based on correlations drawn from a single snapshot survey dataset and do not imply causation. Furthermore, this study only focused on regional variations in infrastructure, market access, and the percentage of urban women working. Significant heterogeneities at the intra-urban scale can exist along these dimensions, which are not sufficiently captured in the national survey used here. The survey lacks sufficient spatial detail, due to limited sample size, and restricts analysis to regional variations in food consumption, as opposed to intra-urban variations. Similarly, other aspects of urbanization, such as spatial urban form, the level of residence-workplace colocation, and travel and commuting behavior, remain unexplored, yet can influence food consumption 9 . From the food consumption standpoint, the survey dataset provides limited details on the food commodities consumed, which can influence the quantities and diversity estimates. The survey dataset used is also prone to recall errors due to the 30-day recall period. Finally, in the absence of a comprehensive conceptual framework to guide an analysis of urbanization influences on food consumption, the nature of the findings from the present study is more exploratory than confirmatory.

Conclusions and future prospects

The present study reports findings from a detailed analysis of urbanization influences on the quantities of food consumed (across 124 commodities) and food consumption diversity in India. Contrasting with the existing literature, urban–rural differences estimated after controlling for income and state-level effects show limited evidence towards the impact of living in urban areas on the quantities of food consumed in India. Furthermore, results comparing average consumption between UM, UNM, and R areas also show limited urbanization influence. The study also finds a statistically insignificant influence of urbanization on food consumption diversity, which is surprising since past studies have frequently emphasized the influence of urbanization on food consumption diversity or dietary diversification. Instead, variables related to urbanization have a statistically significant influence—infrastructure, market access, percentage working women in urban areas, and norms and institutions. This study suggests that urbanization influences can be indirect and multidimensional. Based on these findings, we draw two broad conclusions. First , urban–rural differences and demographic shares are insufficient to determine the broad-range of urbanization influences at play. Second , besides income and other household characteristics, food consumption also depends on the spatial dimensions of urbanization, including market access and infrastructure.

These conclusions emphasize the need for a systematic examination of urbanization influences on food consumption and diets going forward. A systematic review supplemented with empirical analysis can lead to a comprehensive framework to contemplate the role of urbanization in shaping food consumption. Furthermore, comparative studies can advance existing knowledge. Here at least two questions that remain unanswered are: (1) Why does urbanization lead to different or similar food consumption outcomes within and across regional contexts? (2) What are the current and future human health and environmental sustainability implications of the differentiated outcomes caused by urbanization? Besides, spatially-detailed investigations are needed to examine inter- and intra-urban variations in food consumption. This will require a targeted, multi-city survey of food consumption and urban dimensions. Overall, as urban areas increasingly play a significant role in shaping our food behavior, a better understanding of how urbanization changes what, where, and when we consume can inform whether a sustainable urban food system future exists and what can be done now to achieve it.

Data availability

Data aggregated from multiple sources that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request. Detailed household-level data on consumer expenditure is available from https://mospi.nic.in/ .

Code availability

R scripts used in this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

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Acknowledgements

This research was partly funded by the Yale Institute for Biospheric Studies (YIBS) and NASA LCLUC grants NNX11AE88G and NNX17AH98G. We thank Narasimha Rao at the Yale School of the Environment for his feedback on an earlier version of this paper.

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Bhartendu Pandey, Meredith Reba & Karen C. Seto

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B.P., M.R., and K.C.S. conceptualized the study; B.P. led the data analysis with intellectual contributions from M.R. and P.K.J. on data acquisition, data cleaning, and designing experiments; All authors analyzed the results; B.P. and M.R. led writing the original draft and all authors contributed to revising the manuscript.

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Pandey, B., Reba, M., Joshi, P.K. et al. Urbanization and food consumption in India. Sci Rep 10 , 17241 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-020-73313-8

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• Complex Intersection: Adding Public Plazas
• Complex Intersection: Improving Traffic Circles
• Complex Intersection: Increasing Permeability
• Acknowledgements
• Conversion Chart
• Metric Charts
• Summary Chart of Typologies Illustrated
• User Section Geometries
• Assumptions for Intersection Dimensions
• search Keyword Search
• Neighborhood Streets
• Neighborhood Main Streets

The reconstruction of this one-way street addressed several major challenges, including inadequate design and planning, poor maintenance standards, and inefficient utility management.

The project took a comprehensive, multidimensional approach under the program Tender S.U.R.E.: break once, and fix once and for all. This approach promotes upfront investment in quality materials and construction to increase durability.

• Balance existing uses.
• Enhance user experience, increase pedestrian safety, and calm traffic.
• Reduce disruptive construction practices by investing in upfront, quality
• construction for long-term durability.

Key Elements

Enhanced and extended sidewalks.

One-way protected cycle tracks.

Consistent travel lanes.

Dedicated and paved bus, auto rickshaw, and parking bays.

Landscaped strip between the motorized and non-motorized paths.

Protection and enhancement of existing trees with pits and guards.

Reconfiguration of underground utilities with the creation of access chambers for utility lines.

Keys to Success

• Interagency coordination.
• Public participation and involvement from the early stages of the project.
• Documentation and verification of existing utilities as part of planning and design process.

Involvement

Public Agencies Government of Karnataka, Bangalore Municipal Corporation (BBMP), Bangalore Development Authority, KPTCL, Traffic Police, Bangalore Metropolitan Transport Corporation (BMTC), BESCOM

Nonprofit Organizations Jana Urban Space, Janaagraha Centre for Citizenship and Democracy

Designers and Engineers Jana USP (Designer), NAPC (Contractor)

Project Timeline

Adapted by Global Street Design Guide published by Island Press.

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• v.45(4); 2016 May

Urbanisation and greening of Indian cities: Problems, practices, and policies

Aabshar u. k. imam.

Department of Architecture & Regional Planning, Indian Institute of Technology Kharagpur, Kharagpur, West Bengal 721302 India

Uttam Kumar Banerjee

Progress of the Indian economy is threatened by the impact of climate change. Generation of urban heat islands (UHIs), waning of urban green cover, increase in carbon emissions and air pollution deteriorate the living environment. Rise in urban temperatures and heat stress induced mortality remain major concerns. Although the National Action Plan on Climate Change emphasises the national missions of ‘enhanced energy efficiency’, and ‘green India’, little research has been devoted to explore the passive cooling potential of urban greenery in India, thus lending uniqueness to this study. The manifestations of unplanned urban development (UHIs, escalated carbon emissions, air pollution) are discussed and corroborated with identification of contributory factors. Contemporary greening practices and bye-laws in four major Indian cities (New Delhi, Pune, Chennai, and Visakhapatnam) are analysed and compared with global best practices. The findings are used to propose planning guidelines which are expected to assist in consolidating natural sustainability of emerging economies.

Introduction

Sustainability of the Indian economic growth remains largely threatened due to the adverse impact of climate change (Prime Minister’s Council on Climate Change—India). While India struggles with increase in carbon emissions and seasonal anomalies, limited availability of domestic finance confines avenues of environmental amelioration. Simultaneously, high population growth and lack of public participation constrain the effectiveness of policy initiatives. The urban population growth of 31.8 % during 2001–2011 stands in stark contrast to the simultaneous national population growth of 17.6 % (Census of India 2011 ). Rapid urbanisation and widespread urban sprawl have depleted green cover and increased urban vulnerability to climate change. Transformation of Southwest Indian Subcontinent Monsoon, increased severity in seasonal fluctuations, and frequent temperature anomalies remain major concerns. Furthermore, deterioration in air quality, generation of urban heat islands (UHIs), and acute water shortage worsen the living conditions. Paediatric susceptibility to respiratory diseases and vulnerability of pavement dwellers to seasonal severity have escalated tremendously in cities. The summer heat wave of 2015 claimed around 2330 lives (CNN 2015 ). Therefore, a study of the climate change in urban India, and exploration of economically viable avenues for its amelioration assumes urgent importance, and remains an issue of global concern.

India is currently confronted with the emergence of more than 35 cities having million-plus population (Ministry Of Home Affairs, India 2011 ), and is further estimated to house 14 % of the world’s urban population by 2025 (McKinsey & Company 2010 ). Delhi, which presently houses 22.7 million residents, is the world’s second most populous urban agglomeration, while Mumbai and Kolkata which rank 7th and 10th accommodate 19.7 million and 14.4 million residents, respectively. Bangalore, Chennai, and Hyderabad are expected to exceed the 10 million population threshold by 2025 (UN-DESA 2012 ). Emergence of urban clusters and their expansion consumes significant proportions of agricultural land and substantially impacts biological diversity.

Population growth is intrinsically linked to increased demand for energy. The compounded annual growth rate of total installed capacity for electricity generation in India during 1971–2012 stood at 6.58 % (Ministry of Statistics & Program Implementation 2013 ). The building industry consumes 40 % of the national electricity consumption and is estimated to increase up to 76 % by 2040 (Centre for Science & Environment, New Delhi, India 2014 ). The domestic sector accounted for 22 % of the total electricity sales in 2011–2012 (Ministry of Statistics & Program Implementation 2013 ). Excess of domestic energy consumption may be eliminated through energy friendly practices. Around 3000–5000 kWh of energy can be saved through implementation of energy efficient measures primarily aimed at reducing building cooling needs (NHB 2015 ).

Increase in population has adversely affected the green cover in urban India—Chennai and Mumbai have a meagre 0.46 m 2 (Srivathsan 2013 ) and 0.12 m 2 (FAO 1998 ) of green space per capita, respectively, as compared to the UN recommended standard of 9 m 2 of green space per capita (Table  1 ). The shrinking of residential gardens adds to environmental degradation. Significant decrement in the area of residential gardens has been observed in Kozhikode during 2000–2010. The quantum of decrease was 2.43 m 2 for the low-income group, 14.16 m 2 for the middle-income group, and 47.35 m 2 for the high-income group (Gangopadhyay and Balooni 2012 ). The observed change in lifestyle at the expense of garden space indicates devaluation of urban green cover.

Table 1

Summary of UHI intensity in selected Indian cities with major contributing factors

Source Mohan et al. ( 2009 , 2012) , Deosthali ( 2000 ), Padmanabhamurthy ( 1990/1991 ), Pandey et al. ( 2012 ), Devi ( 2006 ), Rao et al. ( 2003 ), Government of India 2015a , b , Alphabetical List of Towns and Their Population, McKinsey Global Institute ( 2010 ), Vanum and Hadgu ( 2012 ), Sarma and Sainath ( 1990/1991 ), Devdas and Lilly Rose ( 2009 ), Srivasthsan ( 2013 ), Chaudhry et al. ( 2011 ), and Attri and Tyagi ( 2010 )

Population growth and the consequent urban expansion, increase in anthropogenic emissions, and reduced potential for evaporative cooling increment the net heat stored in urban environment and lead to UHIs. Augmentation of transport linkages (Fig.  1 ) has increased the road density to an average of 1.42 km/km 2 of land (Ministry of Road Transport & Highways 2012 ), thereby increasing the proportion of thermally active surface layers, which actively contribute to intensification of UHIs.

Road densities for selected countries 2009–2011 Source Compiled using data obtained from World Bank ( 2014 )

Table  2 provides a summary of previous research on the climatic role of greenery in urban India. It is observed that little research has been devoted to explore the passive cooling potential of urban greenery in India. This study therefore, aims to highlight the typical environmental problems arising in Indian cities due to the impact of climate change, and explores the scope of climatic amelioration through urban greening. The first objective is to study the after effects of urbanisation which are categorised into UHIs, heat stress-induced health hazards, and increase in carbon emissions. Four metropolises (New Delhi, Pune, Chennai, and Visakhapatnam), with million-plus population have been analysed to identify the prominent practices contributing to urban heating. The second objective is to study the cooling effect of urban greening through the provision of roof gardens, use of tree shade, and cooling of paved surfaces. The third objective is to propose planning guidelines for urban greening in India. Indian bye-laws and practices related to urban greening at the national level and those implemented in the studied metropolises have been enumerated, and compared with the practices followed in Singapore, London, New York, and Sydney. Comparative analysis is attempted through classification of the greening initiatives into four approach-based categories, i.e. preservation, maintenance, growth and development, and level of public participation. The generated observations have been utilised to recommend planning guidelines and policies that are expected to help in consolidating natural sustainability of Indian cities, and other emerging economies.

Table 2

Summary of published research on climatic role of urban greenery in India

Urban heat islands

Urban sprawl and unplanned growth of Indian cities pose significant threat to the local climate. Previous research from various sources have been utilised to study the UHIs in the selected cities of New Delhi, Pune, Chennai, and Visakhapatnam. Table  1 provides a summary of the UHIs and enumerates the contributing factors.

While the inland cities of Pune, Bhopal, and New Delhi remain intensely heated, the cooling effect of sea restricts increase of temperature in the coastal cities of Chennai, Trivandrum, and Visakhapatnam (Fig.  2 ). In contrast, the seaward city of Mumbai witnesses highest winter and summer heat island intensities, which may be due to the prominent escalation in atmospheric pollution and high population density.

Observed intensities (°C) of UHIs in Indian Cities. Source Devdas and Lilly Rose ( 2009 ), Deosthali ( 2000 ), Mohan et al. ( 2009 ), Devi ( 2006 ), Gopinath et al. ( 2014 ), Ansar et al. ( 2012 ), and Padmanabhamurty (1990/ 1991 )

Heat stress-induced health hazards

Warmer neighbourhoods increase the vulnerability of residents to heat exposure (Harlan et al. 2006 ). Heat waves aggravate thermal discomfort in heat islands, often culminating in health issues. Heat stroke, heat exhaustion, infectious diseases, and cardiovascular and respiratory problems aggravate during summer seasons (Harlan et al. 2006 ). The population group most susceptible to these harmful effects comprises the poor, the physically weak, and the elderly (CDC 2015 ). More than 21 % of the Indian population lives below the poverty line (Reserve Bank of India 2013 ), and remains extremely vulnerable to health hazards. Out of the ninety-three heat waves recorded in Visakhapatnam between 1951 and 2000, 31 were classified as “severe”, and may lead to aggressive behaviour and heat-related deaths (Devi 2006 ). The number of casualties due to heat waves has increased from 1900 in 2003 (Harlan et al. 2006 ) to 2330 in 2015 (CNN 2015 ). Noticeably, most of the affected belonged to the labour class (The Times of India 2015 ), thus exposing the increased vulnerability of the poor to heat stress.

Increase in atmospheric pollution and carbon emissions

Analysis of the decadal global solar radiation recorded at eleven Indian cities shows a statistically significant decreasing trend (Table  1 ). This has been attributed to cloud cover, and change in atmospheric aerosol load due to industrial smoke release and biomass burning. Although the trend subsided in North America, China, and Europe after the 1990s, it still continues in India (Attri and Tyagi 2010 ).

In 2011, EPA identified India and Russia as the fourth largest contributors to the global CO 2 emissions due to fossil fuel combustion, cement manufacturing, and gas flaring (EPA 2015 ). In 2003, the construction sector in India accounted for maximum CO 2 emissions (22 %), while the transportation industry (road transport, aviation, and shipping) contributed to 12.9 % of the national CO 2 emissions (Parikh et al. 2009 ). In 2007, 87 % of the total CO 2 emissions from the transport industry were attributed to road transport (MoEF 2010 ). Hyderabad witnessed a reduction in the content of black carbon, particulate matter, CO, and ozone by about 57 %, 60 %, 40 %, and 50 %, respectively, during a weeklong nationwide truck strike (Sharma et al. 2010 ). Rapid urbanisation has enhanced living standards leading to increased vehicle ownership pattern (Fig.  3 ). Increased number of vehicles per capita in Chandigarh has forced the concentration of Respirable Suspended Particulate Matter (RSPM) beyond the permissible levels (Chaudhry et al. 2013 ).

Registered non-transport vehicles in selected Indian cities with million-plus population Source Compiled using data obtained from Ministry of Road Transport & Highways, India ( 2012 , 2013 )

Generation of volatile organic compounds like benzene, toluene, and methylene chloride leads to photochemical oxidation thereby increasing concentration of ozone and occurrence of smog (Srivastava et al. 2006 ; Atkinson 2000 ). Air quality in Mumbai is plagued with vehicular emissions, resulting in significantly pronounced concentration of benzene (Srivastava et al. 2006 ). Lucknow suffers from PM10 concentrations exceeding permissible standards by a factor of 1.3–3.2 (Kisku et al. 2013 ). Lower concentrations of particulate matter are generally observed during the monsoons due to washing out of soluble pollutants—the PM2.5 concentration reportedly reduced from 300 to 180 μg m 3 in Delhi (Pandey et al. 2012 ). Conversely, higher concentrations are reported during winters due to inversion and stable environment. Wind usually helps in flushing of pollutants, but perpendicular orientation of major roadways has resulted in the generation of “islands of pollution” in Pune (Deosthali 2000 ). In the absence of wind, aerosols get trapped in the lower atmospheric boundary layer and diminish the incoming solar radiation leading to reduced daytime surface temperatures (Pandey et al. 2012 ). Dimming of incoming solar radiation due to “Asian Brown Clouds” observed over the Indian Subcontinent (Ramanathan et al. 2005 ), and a decrease of 13.6 ± 1.4 W/m 2 per 0.1 increase in the aerosol optical depth during the pre-monsoon period over Delhi (Singh et al. 2005 ) justify the aforementioned observation. It should be noted that, “a negative forcing (and hence cooling) in the lower atmospheric levels may be coupled with a positive forcing (and hence warming) in the upper atmospheric levels”, thus affecting the local weather (Pandey et al. 2012 ).

Effect of vegetation on atmospheric pollution

Vegetation helps in the removal of atmospheric pollutants through the absorption of gaseous pollutants like SO 2 , NO 2 , O 3 , and CO 2 primarily into the leaf stomata (Nowak 1994 ), dry deposition of suspended particulate emissions like PM10 (Akbari et al. 2001 ), bioaccumulation of heavy metal air pollution like soot, soil dust, fuel oil particles, coal ash particles, and particles from industrial emissions (Kocic et al. 2014 ), and daytime photosynthetic assimilation of CO 2 . The green city of Nagpur (green space of 31 m 2 per capita) enjoys a healthy quality of air with concentrations of SO 2 (6 μg/m 3 ), NO 2 (18 μg/m 3 ), and RSPM (53 μg/m 3 ) contained well within the permissible limits of 80, 80, and 100 μg m 3 , respectively (Chaturvedi et al. 2013 ). Street trees have been observed to reduce levels of suspended particulate matter and contributed to 65 % reduction in SO 2 levels in Bangalore (Vailshery et al. 2013 ). High swathes of green cover in Gandhinagar (green space of 160 m 2 per capita) (Sustainability Outlook 2012 ), and Chandigarh (green space of 55 m 2 per capita) (Chaudhry et al. 2013 ), appear to reduce SO 2 and NO x concentrations. Interestingly, though Gandhinagar is a major SO 2 and NO x emitting district in India (Garg et al. 2001 ), concentrations of SO 2 (3–37 μg/m 3 ) and NO x (5–34 μg/m 3 ) remain within permissible limits around the Gandhinagar Thermal Power Plant (Padmavathi et al. 2015 ). Apart from filtering air pollutants and abating noise pollution, trees and green spaces aid in regulation of thermal comfort through the passive cooling of environment.

Vegetation induced cooling

Trees and vegetative elements serve as cooling apparatus, and help to reject heat through cooling of roofs, cooling of paved surfaces, and provision of shade.

Cooling of roofs

Roofs can be cooled through the provision of roof gardens, use of reflective coating on roofs (Akbari et al. 2001 ; Coutts et al. 2013 ), provision of thin water film for evaporative cooling, and use of movable canvas or inverted earthen pots for provision of shade (Nayak et al. 1982 ).

Roof gardens increase the proportion of green areas and ameliorate UHIs through thermal pacification. They minimise monetary expenditure on storm water runoff management by serving as readily available media for water retention (Weiler and Scholz-Barth 2009 ). They render ecological utility by filtering airborne pollutants (Santamouris et al. 2011 ), and enhance aesthetic appeal through provision of vegetative living spaces (Weiler and Scholz-Barth 2009 ), breaking the monotony of concrete jungles. The soil medium insulates the roof while the vegetative layer intercepts radiation; the total system accounts for evaporative cooling. The reduction in the building cooling load and the consequent savings in energy depend on the thickness of soil, and the type and density of vegetative cover. Wong et al. ( 2003 ) observed the annual energy consumption for a hypothetical commercial building in Singapore to decrease by 5 % on changing the vegetative cover from turfs to shrubs. However, it should be noted that limited soil water content constrains the cooling potential of green roofs (Coutts et al. 2013 ).

In tropical climates, building roofs assume critical role in intense heat exchange during noon (Taha et al. 1988 ). Deosthali ( 2000 ) propounds that disproportionate increase in building heights as compared to street width further increases the importance of roofs in thermal exchange. Few studies suggest roof gardens to be undesirable during winters due to heat loss (Nayak et al. 1982 ; Bansal et al. 1992 ). However, Santamouris et al. ( 2011 ) opines that increase in heating loads is less significant than cooling energy savings. He attributes the increase in heating demands due to cool (reflective) roofs to lower solar altitudes, overcast skies, and lesser duration of sunshine hours. Nayak et al. ( 1982 ) observed roofs in Delhi with 90 % shading and heat transfer coefficient of 5.7 W/m 2 °C to provide thermal performance comparable to roof gardens. Further research is required to clarify the role of roof gardens/cool roofs in composite climates such as Delhi.

Cooling of surfaces

Vegetative growth ensures a pervious ground cover with potential for evaporative cooling. Trees shade pavements and building envelope besides reducing longwave heat gain by maintaining lower surface temperatures (Huang et al. 1987 ). Since road networks occupy considerable land area, avenue trees and roadside greening help to reduce ambient temperatures. A reduction of 9.26 °C in surface temperature of parking lots has been observed in Nagoya, Japan, through plantation consisting of 70 % grass and 30 % trees (Onishi et al. 2010 ).

Depletion and transformation of the natural landscape is a major drawback of excessive urbanisation. While decline in urban open spaces and wetlands has resulted in loss of drainage network and ground water tables in Bangalore (Sudhira et al. 2004 ), reclamation of tidal swamp and fishing villages for port-based industries in Visakhapatnam has led to temperature increases of 2 °C (Ramachandra and Kumar 2010 ) and 4 °C (Devi 2006 ) in Bangalore and Visakhapatnam, respectively (Table  1 ). Around 40 % of the mangrove area on the western coast of India has been lost to urban development, or has been converted into agricultural land (Upadhyay et al. 2002 ). The eastern port city of Kolkata has a green space of 2 m 2 per capita (SIEMENS 2014 ) highlighting an acute shortage of green cover.

Use of tree shade

Trees render direct cooling of the microclimate through shading, evapotranspiration, and carbon sequestration. They, simultaneously induce indirect cooling of the environment through reduced demand for cooling energy, thus lowering carbon emissions from power plants (Akbari et al. 2001 ).

Trees serve as natural evaporative coolers—in the presence of sufficient quantity of water, a single tree can provide an air-conditioning efficiency of 20 kW by transpiring about 400 l of water daily (Pokorny 2001 ). Strong cooling potential has been observed in urban parks where evapotranspiration is assisted with wind flow (Huang et al. 1987 ). Since the effectiveness of evaporative cooling from trees is highly dependent on the availability of ground water, the savings in energy often get reduced due to increase in irrigation water costs in hot-arid climates (McPherson et al. 1989 ). During drier periods, the rate of evapotranspiration decreases due to reduced soil moisture content (Yu and Hien 2006 ), and also due to the self-regulatory mechanism of stoma (Oke 1987 ). Reduced potential for evapotranspiration is anticipated in the future due to climate change, water shortage, and heat waves (Yu and Hien 2006 ), making it imperative to maximise the utility of tree shade for efficient passive cooling.

Referring to simulation studies conducted on 10 cities in USA (Taha et al. 1996 ), Akbari et al. ( 2001 ) report trees to reduce ambient temperature by 0.3–3 °C at 2 p.m. A row of Kaizuka hort trees planted along the west wall of a building in Fukuoka, Japan, intercepted 95 % of the insolation, thus providing natural cooling against the afternoon sun (Hoyano 1988 ). The savings associated with trees are highly climate dependent, and have been estimated to amount up to $200 per tree (Akbari et al. 2001 ). Little research has been conducted on the energy saving potential of trees in India and needs to be explored.

The lack of space required for accommodating a fully grown tree in densely developed Indian cities can be overcome by using green walls. Plant cover on wall acts as a layer of insulation and reduces the transmission of heat to indoors. This entails innovative strategies for ease of implementation and maintenance. The energy conservation potential of a green wall is directly proportional to the amount of surface area covered—reduction of 33% in surface absorption coefficient value of wall has been observed (Kontoleon and Eumorfopoulou 2010 ). Use of free-standing green walls can be explored in humid climates to avoid weakening of building structures due to dampness.

Heavy urbanisation in India has drastically reduced the quantum of green cover. Interestingly, though the tree cover in Delhi increased from 6.61 % in 2003 to 8.29 % in 2009 (Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi, India 2014a ), the city has witnessed considerable rise in urban temperatures (Mohan et al. 2012 ). Thus, a general increase in the urban green cover may prove insufficient in achieving the desired cooling effect, and therefore, makes it imperative to focus on the greening of built spaces, and on the maintenance of balance between green cover and built-up area. The subsequent section reviews and analyses greening practices in Indian cities, and recommends guidelines for urban afforestation.

urban greening policies in India and global best practices

The National Forest Policy of India aims to ensure that a minimum of one-third of the total land area of the country remains under forest or tree cover. It encourages planting of trees alongside roads, railway lines, rivers, streams, and canals. Raising of “green belts” has been recommended in urban/industrial areas and in arid tracts (Ministry of Environment & Forests, India 1988 ). Table  3 provides a summary of the major government initiatives towards forest and tree management.

Table 3

Major initiatives towards forest management

Source MoEFCC-India, Forest Conservation ( 2014 ), MoEF-India ( 2006 ), The Environment (Protection) Act ( 1986 ), MoEF-India (2013– 2014 ), Prime Ministers Council on Climate Change-India ( 2008 ), Ministry of Law & Justice- India ( 2010 ), MoEF-India, National Environment Policy ( 2006 ), MoEFCC-India ( 2002 , 2014 ), MoEF-India, Wildlife (Protection) Act ( 1972 ), MoEF-India ( 2013 ), MoEF-India ( 2006 ), The Environment Impact Assessment (EIS) Notification ( 2006 ), Ministry of Law-India, 1927 , Ministry of Law & Justice- India ( 2010 ), MoEFCC-India, Forest Conservation, ( 2014 ), MoEFCC-India ( 2014 ), Ministry of Environment—Forest & Climate Change, Government of India ( 2014 ), MoEFCC-India ( 1980 )

A number of measures have been initiated at the national level to maintain natural heritage, check soil erosion, and denudation, but an imbalance is observed between the built and natural cover in cities. While the National Forest Policy stresses on the greening of arid and industrial tracts, adequate greening of private lands has not been emphasised. Further, the rapid pace of development since early 1990s has extended urbanisation beyond the carrying capacity of cites. Table  4 provides a summary of the existing greening bye-laws in the selected cities of New Delhi, Pune, Chennai, and Visakhapatnam. Based on the comparisons drawn with global best practices, planning guidelines are recommended for Indian cities.

Table 4

Greening practices in India and global best practices

Source Government of India-Planning Commission ( 2014 ), Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi ( 2014b ), Times of India ( 2014b ), GVMC ( 2015 ), PMC ( 2014 ), Times of India and Madaan ( 2013 ), Sinha ( 2013 ), DDA ( 2015 ), Government of NCT of Delhi ( 2015 ), Tree Delhi ( 2015 ), Hindu ( 2013 ), Greater London Authority ( 2011 ), City of Sydney ( 2012 ), National Parks Board-Singapore ( 2009 ), About Million Trees NYC ( 2014 ), Tan et al. ( 2013 ), Peper et al. ( 2007 ), New York City Department of Parks & Recreation ( 2015 )

Government bodies in urban India tend to focus more on preservation of existing greenery than on afforestation. New Delhi has initiated exceptional efforts for the preservation, maintenance, and growth of trees. Government backed initiatives like the Green Leap Delhi and Tree Ambulance inculcate care for trees, and encourage public participation. While tree planting programs have been recently initiated in Chennai, care and maintenance of saplings to ensure their survival and health are required. Although NGO’s have initiated afforestation programs in Pune, its green space of 1.4 m 2 per capita necessitates stronger actions. Visakhapatnam recently suffered huge loss of green cover due to the cyclonic storm of Hudhud in 2014, and is in an acute need of afforestation.

Policy and planning recommendations

• Performance-based incentive programs encourage competition and result in better output. The Garden Cities of China and Tree City USA (Chaudhry et al. 2011 ) serve as precedents with established guidelines for better environmental performance.
• Since low-income residents tend to live in dense neighbourhoods, special care should be taken to ensure provision of green walls and green/cool roofs. Such measures will prove crucial in the cooling of microclimate and compensating for dearth of material resources.
• (i) Evergreens should be selected for roadways to minimise accidents due to leaf shedding from deciduous varieties. This should be backed with guidelines for choice of tree species and tree spacing as observed in Singapore.
• (ii) Special care should be taken to ensure complete visibility at traffic intersections and rotaries.
• In keeping with the National Forest Policy, trees should be planted and maintained along railway lines, canals, and streams. Green belts should be raised in derelict lands.
• Incorporation of permeable pavements such as grassed footpaths and greening of parking lots will help to decrease the proportion of paved areas, aid in storm water retention, and reduce surface heating.
• Car pooling and use of public transport like metro rail should be encouraged.
• Weekly days can be designated as no-personal-vehicle-day, whereby only public transport would remain functional.
• Implementation of stringent rules aimed at regulating vehicular life, such as the banning of commercial vehicles older than 15 years in Delhi (Times of India 2014a ), will help to overcome the lack of public support.
• Strict enforcement of bye-laws regulating the size of home gardens, and imposition of penalty for disregard to public laws will help to instill discipline among locals.
• The high percentage of flat-roofed buildings in India provides ample scope for development of roof gardens. The added benefit of rain water harvesting and storm water runoff collection could be amalgamated to solve acute water shortage in cities.
• Since people remain more amenable to monetary benefits, tax abatements can be provided for maintenance of roof gardens, box plantations, and green terraces.
• Emulating New York’s afforestation program, the youth should be educated and engaged in voluntary activities of plantation, care, and maintenance of tree saplings.
• Tree giveaways will help to instill a sense of responsibility towards protection of the natural environment.
• Minimum threshold values for green cover per plot ratio should be designated in residential areas. Since wealthier neighbourhoods tend to have more plantable area, while low-income residents tend to live in denser neighbourhoods with lower possible stewardship (Troy et al. 2007 ), the minimum green cover per built-up area should consider economic stratification.
• Large-scale industrial projects can make use of carbon-credit projects.
• Presence of greenbelts around islands of pollution such as industrial zones reduces spread of pollutants. Use of strategic parameters such as pollution attenuation factor in Kirumambakkam industrial estate of Pondicherry (Khan and Abbasi 2000 ) can be explored.
• Government database should provide information about choice of tree species as per climatic requirements to ensure maximum efficiency at minimum cost.
• The policy of “right place, right tree” as observed in London provides technical support towards intelligent greening of cities.
• The greening strategy should be climate driven, and responsive to site demands. This entails potential to explore the intra-city site variations for growth of varied variety of flora (Jim 2012 ). This will help to reduce stereotype, and stimulate creativity among the locals.
• Identification of “champion trees”, i.e. trees of ecological importance due to species richness or physical attributes (Jim 2012 ), and policies for their preservation will help to sustain species variety and richness.
• Tree census should be initiated and must include a study of the physical attributes of trees, such as species variety, richness, health, age etc. The Chennai civic body’s recent initiative to undertake tree census (Energy Alternatives India 2014 ), and the Indian Environment Ministry’s recent proposal to conduct national level tree census (Aggarwal 2015 ) are welcome changes.
• Tree census should generate information about the ecological value of species. The findings can be used to educate residents about the intangible benefits of trees.
• Study on increase in property value due to the vegetative presence will provide an assessment of the economic value of city flora, and help to convince residents about the monetary benefits emanating from maintenance and development of green areas. Recent studies investigating the impact of environmental amenities on real estate prices in Mumbai (Gupta and Mythili 2010 ), and Chandigarh (Chaudhry et al. 2013 ), serve as noteworthy examples.

Increased impact of climate change is a major threat to Indian economic growth. Imbalance between built and natural spaces is deteriorating the thermal environment of Indian cities. Lack of technical data and scientific awareness amongst city dwellers has resulted in devaluation of green cover.

Although efforts have been taken at the national level to protect tree cover, urban afforestation is prominently lacking. Savings of more than 3000 kWh of domestic energy consumption are estimated with implementation of energy friendly practices primarily aimed at passive cooling of residential constructions. Information should be made available to people guiding them about planting choices. Since India exhibits a mix of climatic characteristics ranging from hot and dry to cold and cloudy, the greening strategy should be reflective of the local climatic conditions.

People remain more amenable to monetary gains, therefore, tax reductions and incentives for maintenance of green spaces would help to ensure adequate contribution to urban green cover from residential and commercial neighbourhoods. The greening efforts need to be complemented with minimised use of private vehicles for amelioration of air pollution.

Conflicting reports on probable outcome of roof gardens in composite climates warrant investigation and future research. Detailed study on the carbon sequestering potential of urban greenery in India is needed. Studies can be initiated to quantify the impact of environmental amenities on property prices.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their useful comments and suggestions which have helped in improving the quality of the manuscript.

Biographies

Aabshar u.k. imam.

is a doctoral student at the Department of Architecture & Regional Planning in the Indian Institute of Technology Kharagpur, India. She has a Bachelors Degree in Architecture and a Masters Degree in City Planning. Her research interests include energy efficiency through landscape planning and study of urban climate.

is a Professor and former Head of the Department of Architecture and Regional Planning at Indian Institute of Technology Kharagpur, India. He has expertise with over three decades of experience in the fields of environmental management, landscape planning, facility planning, infrastructure information systems, and urban planning.

Contributor Information

Aabshar U. K. Imam, Email: ni.tenre.pgktii.pra@mamirahsbaa .

Uttam Kumar Banerjee, Email: ni.tenre.pgktii.pra@bku .

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Urban case study: safer and resilient - chennai, india.

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WHAT WAS ACHIEVED

Focused global contribution and policy change at neighbourhood, district and citywide levels through helping 1,312 of the most vulnerable families come out of poverty through alternative livelihoods (Sustainable Development Goal 11: Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable (SDG11)); personal safety and positive discipline training in 27 schools with 2,000 teachers (SDG 4); citywide End Violence Against Children Child Sexual Abuse Campaign – over 5,000 people gathered to discuss child protection (SDG 5); and promoting women’s and children’s safety through a policy level initiative by the police department partnered with World Vision (SDG 16).

Enhanced citywide partnerships for citywide impact through collaboration and partnerships that provided 15,645 households with appropriate assistance during the 2015 South India floods; and forming a taskforce and strengthening community disaster preparedness plans in 54 communities.

Enhanced social inclusion and urban governance through the creation of diverse children’s groups for child protection training and values-based education; creating social cohesion among children and their families; empowering children, families and communities through World Vision’s social accountability approach to access government services; and forming and building the capacity of child protection units and linking with Child Helpline, the Child Welfare Committee and the Tamil Nadu Commission for the Protection of Child Rights.

Promotion of living with dignity and thriving opportunities through an increased number of children participating in the Life School Transformational Development programme; employment generation, especially for women in the most vulnerable families; and career counselling and reading programmes (nearly 50,000 children had access to the Ford Mobile Library).

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Urban case study: Safer and Resilient - Chennai, India

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The Pathway to Affordable Housing in Urban India: A Case Study of Mumbai

25 Apr 2023

Rapid urbanisation has led to an unprecedented increase in the demand for affordable housing. However, the shortage of affordable housing has affected millions around the world, particularly those with low and moderate incomes, and led to slum proliferation and ghettoisation, and gentrification. Housing is different from other commodities of human need. The meaning of ‘affordable’ also differs when used for housing than for other objects. [1] A house is affordable if the financial outflow towards rentals or monthly loan instalments is limited to 30 percent to 40 percent of the household income, or the cost of the house is up to five times the household’s gross annual salary. [2] , [3] Affordability can be categorised into purchase, loan repayment, and maintenance affordability, [a] , [4] including other tangibles and intangibles, such as access to essential services, travel time/distance to work, per capita consumption of space (inside and outside the house), and density levels. As such, the following threshold parameters are intrinsic to affordable housing planning: [5] Affordability threshold (30-40 percent of household income) Standardisation threshold (access to essential services, floor space, and reasonable commuting time to work) Income thresholds (80 percent of median income). The High-Level Task Force on Affordable Housing for All, set up in 2008 by the erstwhile Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation, presented housing specifications for different income groups. [6] However, the first universal definition of “affordable housing” without classifying income groups was coined in 2012 by the Task Force on Promoting Affordable Housing: units (either single or part of a building complex) with a carpet area of not more than 60 sq mt (646 sq ft) and priced within five times the annual household income. [7] In 2013, the Affordable Housing in Partnership [8] scheme recommended different housing sizes for the economically-weaker sections (EWS) and lower-income group (LIG) beneficiaries. [b] In 2017, the Technical Group on Urban Housing Shortage [9] suggested mechanisms for creating a national database on urban housing shortage. It proposed a countrywide evaluation of the existing data-related issues and methodologies adopted by various states to estimate housing shortages and projections, distribution of housing shortage across expenditure groups and tenure categories, and identification of the macro issues in determining urban housing shortages and their implications. It aimed to formulate a national mechanism to strengthen the system of collating housing statistics and developing a national database. The Rajiv Awas Yojana (2011) [10] and the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana – Urban (2015; PMAY) [11] also contained certain specifications. For example, the PMAY’s Housing for All (Urban) scheme Guidelines [12] devised an implementation methodology under four redevelopment verticals, giving different options to the beneficiaries, state governments and urban local bodies (ULB) for in situ slum redevelopment: affordable housing through credit-linked subsidy, affordable housing in partnership, and subsidy for beneficiary-led individual house construction. While the guidelines suggest the minimum size of the house in conformity with the National Building Code (NBC) standards, it empowers the states to decide on an optimum minimum size if the available land area for construction restricts adherence to the NBC standards. It only determines a house size of 30 sq mt for an EWS beneficiary with an annual household income until INR 300,000, and 60 sq mt for LIG beneficiaries with an annual household income between INR 300,000 and INR 600,000 under the interest subvention subsidy.

Abhay Pethe , Rashmi Sharma , Dhaval Desai

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