write an essay on communal politics in india

• IAS Preparation
• UPSC Preparation Strategy
• Communalism In Post Independent India

Communalism [UPSC GS-I & Essay Notes]

As the definition goes, Communalism is described as an ideology stating the division between states (people, groups of people or communities) on the basis of ethnicity, religion, beliefs, values, etc. The difference of two or more religious, ethnic and social communities can sometimes produce clashes in society. Communalism is an important topic for the IAS Exam , from the perspective of social issues in Indian society. Since questions from this topic in Mains GS-I and Essay have been asked before in the UPSC exam and can be asked in upcoming exams, it becomes imperative for an aspirant to learn about the relevant facts about Communalism.

Communalism Download PDF Here

This article will provide you with relevant facts about Communalism. You can also read about the stages of communalism, and factors leading to communalism from the links provided in the article.

To read about the stages of Communalism and the factors leading to communalism, check the linked articles below:

Table of Contents:

What is Communalism?

In simple words, communalism is when people of different religions or communities go against one another. It is to be considered a social menace as it can give rise to riots and targeting of particular groups. Communalism can also be defined as a tool that is given rise to, in the presence of diverse religions, to gain political benefits in a state.

As a point of debate, the issues attached to Communalism are:

• It is a threat to national integrity.
• It is a catalyst for political and social tensions in the state.
• It leads to divisions between the people, groups of communities or groups of states in the country.
• It is attached to the rivalry of one religion, beliefs, values, etc. against another’s.
• Active hostility or opposition towards others’ religions and beliefs often leads to issues in society.

Types of Communalism – Facts for UPSC

Though the concept ‘Communalism’ is one topic; to make it simpler sometimes, it is defined in three ways:

• Political Communalism
• Social Communalism
• Economic Communalism

A brief description of these three types of Communalism is given below:

Dimensions of Communalism

Indian Sociologist, T.K Ooman has mentioned six dimensions of Communalism which are given in the list below:

• Assimilationist
• Retaliatory
• Secessionist

The characteristics of these Communalism dimensions are given in the table below:

Learn the difference between communalism, regionalism and secularism in the linked article.

UPSC Questions Related to Communalism

The information on the topic ‘Communalism’ can be used while practising UPSC previous year question papers . There are a few questions where answers could be written in relation to communalism too. These questions are mentioned below:

• UPSC 2020 Mains GS-I – Has caste lost its relevance in understanding the multi-cultural Indian Society? Elaborate your answer with illustrations.
• UPSC 2019 Essay Paper – Best for an individual is not necessarily best for society.
• UPSC 2018 Essay Paper – “The past’ is a permanent dimension of human consciousness and values.
• UPSC 2018 Essay Paper – A people that values its privileges above its principles loses both.
• UPSC 2018 Mains GS-I – Communalism arises either due to power struggle or relative deprivation.’ Argue by giving suitable illustrations.
• UPSC 2017 Mains GS-I – Distinguish between religiousness/religiosity and communalism giving one example of how the former has got transformed into the latter in independent India.
• UPSC 2015 Essay Paper – Crisis faced in India – moral or economic.

Candidates reading this topic, are also suggested to read a few other topics important for UPSC 2024 . They are mentioned below:

Frequently Asked Questions about Communalism

What is the origin of the rise of communalism in india, how does communalism affect society in india.

UPSC Preparation:

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communism in india records the rise, consolidation, and relative decline of left politics in India since India’s independence in 1947. Despite having ideological roots in classical Marxism and its contemporary variants, Indian communism appears to have taken a unique path of development, and it provides an example for understanding left consolidation in socio-economic circumstances similar to those in which other variants of communism developed elsewhere. Following a well-defined social-democratic path, the Indian variety of parliamentary communism does not differ much from its counterparts elsewhere. There is no doubt that communist ideology attracted mass support in India largely due to its universal egalitarian concerns and its endeavor to implement them through effective legislation. It thus became a refreshing ideology, especially in a transitional society like India, which never became a truly liberal democratic polity, given the importance of its caste system. It is difficult to establish that those championing communism are free from caste prejudices; nonetheless, by questioning birth-driven social segregation, they set in motion a powerful argument challenging what was considered to be sacrosanct. Communism thus became an empowering ideology for the vulnerable sections of Indian society that also remained peripheral in an independent polity, which, despite being politically free, was not adequately equipped to meaningfully address the basic human needs for food, shelter, and social security. So the communist parties and those drawing on parliamentary communism fulfilled two goals simultaneously. On the one hand, their sustained political activities at the grassroots gave socio-political outcasts a powerful voice and made them stakeholders in the political processes, thereby creating a powerful constituency that could not be ignored in electoral democracy. On the other hand, their role was far more significant in exposing the serious limitations of the prevalent liberal democratic arrangement in fulfilling the founding fathers’ widely publicized aim of making India free from hunger, poverty, and insecurity. Despite being ideologically different, political parties appreciative of parliamentary communism adopted the Westminster path of democracy to attain their distinctive pro-people socio-economic goals. For the ultra-left-wing communists, also christened as Maoists, the Western liberal democratic forms were neither democratic nor liberal but a refined system of exploitation of the “have-nots” by the “haves.” Seeking to replace the system, they thus found in armed revolution a definite means to usher in an era free from exploitation of human beings by human beings.

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Essay on Communalism in India

Students are often asked to write an essay on Communalism in India in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Communalism in India

Introduction.

Communalism in India refers to the practice of promoting hostility between different religious communities. It is a significant social issue that hinders national unity.

Communalism originated during the British rule in India. The British used ‘divide and rule’ policy to maintain control, which fueled communalism.

Communalism leads to violence, disrupting peace. It also hampers the progress of the nation by creating divisions among people.

To maintain harmony in India, it’s essential to combat communalism. Education and awareness about unity in diversity can help in this regard.

250 Words Essay on Communalism in India

Communalism in India is a pervasive socio-political issue that manifests as conflicts between religious communities, particularly Hindus and Muslims. Despite the country’s secular constitution, communal tensions have been a recurring challenge, often leading to violence and social discord.

Historical Context

The roots of communalism in India can be traced back to the colonial era. The British policy of ‘divide and rule’ exacerbated religious differences, leading to the partition of India in 1947. This historical event has left a lasting impact on the psyche of the Indian populace, often exploited by political entities for electoral gains.

Implications

Communalism disrupts the social fabric, leading to loss of lives, property, and communal harmony. It creates an environment of suspicion and fear, hindering national integration. Moreover, it diverts attention from pressing issues like poverty, unemployment, and education.

Curbing Communalism

Addressing communalism requires a multi-pronged approach. Education can play a pivotal role in promoting secular values and mutual respect. Media should responsibly report communal incidents, avoiding sensationalism. The legal framework should be strengthened to ensure swift justice for victims of communal violence.

Communalism, a deep-rooted problem in India, needs to be addressed with urgency. By fostering a culture of tolerance and inclusivity, India can uphold its secular ethos, ensuring peace and harmony for all its citizens. The fight against communalism is not just a legal battle, but a moral one, integral to the preservation of India’s diverse cultural heritage.

500 Words Essay on Communalism in India

Communalism in India, a multifaceted phenomenon, has emerged as a critical issue that impacts the socio-political fabric of the country. It is a tool that induces a sense of division among different religious communities, leading to conflicts, violence, and a threat to the harmony of the nation.

The Roots of Communalism

India, with its diverse cultures, religions, and languages, has a rich history of coexistence. However, the advent of British colonial rule marked the inception of communalism. The British adopted a policy of ‘divide and rule,’ exploiting the religious differences to maintain their dominance. Post-independence, the partition of India and Pakistan further fueled communal sentiments, leaving an indelible impact on the psyche of the people.

Manifestations of Communalism

Communalism manifests itself in various forms, ranging from discrimination and prejudice to communal violence and riots. It often results in the marginalization of certain communities, creating an environment of fear and hostility. The 1984 Anti-Sikh riots, the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition, and the 2002 Gujarat riots are stark examples of the devastating effects of communalism.

Impact on Society and Politics

Communalism has a profound impact on both society and politics. It disrupts social harmony, impeding the process of national integration. Politically, it leads to vote bank politics, where political parties manipulate communal sentiments to secure votes, further widening the communal divide.

Combating Communalism

The fight against communalism demands a multi-pronged approach. Education plays a pivotal role in fostering a spirit of unity and promoting communal harmony. Legal measures should be enforced strictly to deter communal violence. Media, as a powerful tool, should promote unbiased reporting and avoid sensationalizing communal issues.

Communalism poses a significant challenge to India’s unity in diversity. It is crucial to address this issue with sensitivity, fostering a culture of acceptance and respect for all religions. Only then can India truly progress towards becoming an inclusive and harmonious nation.

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Communalism in India: Historical perspective, causes & consequences and strategies to combat communalism in India

Abstract Communalism is one of the great threats in Indian stability, one side it is consider for the love and respect for one's community, on the other side; it acquired the symbol of derogatory attitude towards the other community, based on intolerance and almost verging abhorrence of being violence. Earlier this had happened in India; due to the sudden impression of various socioeconomic and religious forces happened in India, as well as the role of British Empire in India. The nature of this ideology was changing from time to time. After partition of India, this moved on surface more and more and it was understood as a conflict and hatred between the India's two major communities Hindus and Muslims. For the sake of power politics many political parties used religions as their target and also started moblising one community against the other for considering their narrow political interests.

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Essay on Communalism in India

The virus of communalism consumes a country’s calm and culture. Today, communalism is rampant in India. A person becomes communal when he thinks that his own community should be benefited at the cost of the other communities. The communalism has been poisoning the body politic of India for a very long time.

During the last five decades of independent India, more than 15000 communal clashes have rocked the country. There has been colossus loss of life and property.

The communal divide between the Hindus and the Muslims caused by the sustained campaign of the vested interests has benefited the neither community. Both the communities had to undergo unprecedented sufferings and heart-rending tortures. Several studies, including the reports of many judicial commissions have analysed and re-analysed the causes of communal tensions.

The historical roots of communalism in India and the sentiments on which the communal feelings feed continue to be familiar ones, viz, disputes over religious processions, quarrels over women, festival rivalries destruction of sacred places, and insults to scriptures. They have played a prominent and recurring role in flaring up communal clashes. Religious fanaticism is the very spine of communal ill-will.

Organised rumour-mongering invariably plays a sinister role in inciting the people and escalating violence. Individual politicians or political parties – either to hide inefficiency and unpopularity or with an eye to their public image and the elections-exploit the situation.

Criminal gangs and goonda elements further aggravate the situation. Communal elements from both sides are always on the look-out for an opportunity to foment trouble. Communal clashes have taken place in Jamshedpur, Ranchi, Bhagalpur, Gujarat, Muzaffarnagar, Jammu, Jaipur, Jodhpur, Moradabad, Gonda and at so many other places.

The results of all these clashes have been shocking and blood-curdling. Places of Worship have been turned into arsenals in sensitive areas. When fanaticism comes to play it’s mischievous game, reason is replaced by rashness, virtue by vandalism and love by hatred.

Muharram procession attacked by the Hindu fundamentalists at one place while Ram Navmi Janmashtami processions, by the Muslim fundamentalists. Such conduct from any side is reprehensible. Whatever may be the cause of communal on the riots prove a godsend boon for the goondas everywhere in the country, and they fan the flames.

If we are really serious about doing away the problem of communalism we shall have to abolish the terms like minority, majority, caste, creed surname etc. When every Indian enjoys the fundamental rights enshrined in our constitution, then it is altogether absurd to dub them by such terms.

Every inhabitant of India is an Indian first and Indian last. To check communal clashes what is needed, first and foremost, is to identity sensitive areas prone to communal disturbances. The local authorities There have to be perennially alert. Intelligence machinery is to be strength enid, police ‘force is to be increased and invigorated.

Occurrence of a communal clash demands quick investigations, speedy trial of all cases and Deterrent punishment to the guilty. Political consideration should not be allowed to influence the decisions.

All parties should join their heads and make a concerted effort to uproot this menace. Committees comprising the people of different communities be set up to promote fraternal understand ing between the major religious groups and to swing into action whenever the situation warrants.

It is the duty of both communities to safeguard the life and property of each other. They should keep in mind the rich cultural heritage of India and try to foster a spirit of oneness. Communal harmony alone can promote national unity and prosperity..

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Communal Violence in India: History, Causes, Impacts, and Solutions

Table of Contents

Communal Violence: recurring of violence

(relevant for general   studies paper prelims/mains).

Communal violence constitutes a type of collective aggression that emerges from confrontations between groups of varying religious, ethnic, linguistic, or regional affiliations.

Within India, communal violence is frequently linked to clashes between Hindus and Muslims, although it can encompass other communities like Sikhs, Christians, Buddhists, Dalits, and tribal groups as well.

In accordance with the Indian Penal Code (IPC) , communal violence encompasses any action that fosters hostility between distinct groups based on religion, race, place of origin, residence, language, etc. Furthermore, it involves activities that undermine the maintenance of social harmony.

Communal violence has a lengthy historical presence in India, tracing its origins to both the pre-colonial and colonial epochs. This unfortunate phenomenon has persisted even after India gained independence. Key instances marked by communal undertones include the Moplah rebellion of 1921, the Noakhali riots of 1946, the Partition riots of 1947, the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992, and more recent occurrences like the Manipur violence and Nuh violence.

The outbreak of communal violence is often sparked by a blend of political, societal, economic, and cultural elements. Such catalysts can encompass elections, religious celebrations, debates about cow protection, conversions, interfaith marriages, disputes over land ownership, migratory movements, media-driven propaganda, and the propagation of hate speech.

The ramifications of communal violence extend deeply into India’s democratic fabric, its secular foundation, human rights ethos, social concord, national security, and overall development.

Causes of Communal Violence in India

• The involvement of political parties and leaders in exploiting communal sentiments to achieve electoral advantages or ideological objectives.
• Employment of communal polarization as a tactic to foster division and control.
• The persistence of ingrained biases and misconceptions against diverse communities.
• The absence of cross-community discussions and confidence.
• The impact of radical groups and entities that disseminate communal animosity and aggression.
• The rivalry for limited resources and openings among various communities.
• The sense of relative lack or bias perceived by marginalized factions.
• The collision of values and ways of life among different communities.
• The gradual decline of cultural variety and diversity.

Impacts of Communal Violence in India

• Communal violence results in the tragic loss of human lives, causing pain for individuals, families, and entire communities.
• The impact of lives cut short leaves lasting scars that span generations.
• Communal violence leads to the devastation of residences, enterprises, and places of worship.
• The weakening or breakdown of social unity, tolerance, and solidarity among distinct communities.
• Communal violence can carry significant economic implications, including the misdirection or squandering of resources and funds.
• The aftermath of communal violence goes beyond physical harm, inflicting psychological trauma.
• The undermining or distortion of democratic values, secularism, the rule of law, justice, etc., within India.
• This erosion also contributes to reduced trust in political institutions and figures. The potential threat or challenge to national, regional, and international security.

Potential Solutions

• The establishment and enforcement of legislation and measures safeguarding the rights and welfare of diverse communities.
• The prevention and prohibition of hate speech, hate crimes, and communal unrest.
• The pursuit and penalization of those responsible for inciting or perpetrating communal violence.
• The enhancement and reformation of political establishments and processes dedicated to addressing communal concerns.
• The creation and empowerment of unbiased and autonomous entities or organizations tasked with observing and probing into instances of communal violence.

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Communal Violence, India, Religious Clashes, Ethnic Conflicts, Moplah Rebellion, Noakhali Riots, Babri Masjid, Manipur Violence, Nuh Violence, Political Exploitation, Social Harmony, Human Rights, Democracy, Secularism, National Security, Hate Speech, Legislation, Unbiased Monitoring, Solutions, Best Sociology Optional Coaching, Sociology Optional Syllabus, 

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FUNDAMENTALS OF SOCIOLOGY

• Modernity and social changes in Europe and emergence of sociology.
• Scope of the subject and comparison with other social sciences.
• Sociology and common sense.
• Science, scientific method and critique.
• Major theoretical strands of research methodology.
• Positivism and its critique.
• Fact value and objectivity.
• Non- positivist methodologies.
• Qualitative and quantitative methods.
• Techniques of data collection.
• Variables, sampling, hypothesis, reliability and validity.
• Karl Marx- Historical materialism, mode of production, alienation, class struggle.
• Emile Durkheim- Division of labour, social fact, suicide, religion and society.
• Max Weber- Social action, ideal types, authority, bureaucracy, protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism.
• Talcott Parsons- Social system, pattern variables.
• Robert K. Merton- Latent and manifest functions, conformity and deviance, reference groups.
• Mead – Self and identity.
• Concepts- equality, inequality, hierarchy, exclusion, poverty and deprivation.
• Theories of social stratification- Structural functionalist theory, Marxist theory, Weberian theory.
• Dimensions – Social stratification of class, status groups, gender, ethnicity and race.
• Social mobility- open and closed systems, types of mobility, sources and causes of mobility.
• Social organization of work in different types of society- slave society, feudal society, industrial /capitalist society
• Formal and informal organization of work.
• Labour and society.
• Sociological theories of power.
• Power elite, bureaucracy, pressure groups, and political parties.
• Nation, state, citizenship, democracy, civil society, ideology.
• Protest, agitation, social movements, collective action, revolution.
• Sociological theories of religion.
• Types of religious practices: animism, monism, pluralism, sects, cults.
• Religion in modern society: religion and science, secularization, religious revivalism, fundamentalism.
• Family, household, marriage.
• Types and forms of family.
• Lineage and descent.
• Patriarchy and sexual division of labour.
• Contemporary trends.
• Sociological theories of social change.
• Development and dependency.
• Agents of social change.
• Education and social change.
• Science, technology and social change.

INDIAN SOCIETY: STRUCTURE AND CHANGE

Introducing indian society.

• Indology (GS. Ghurye).
• Structural functionalism (M N Srinivas).
• Marxist sociology (A R Desai).
• Social background of Indian nationalism.
• Modernization of Indian tradition.
• Protests and movements during the colonial period.
• Social reforms.

SOCIAL STRUCTURE

• The idea of Indian village and village studies.
• Agrarian social structure – evolution of land tenure system, land reforms.
• Perspectives on the study of caste systems: GS Ghurye, M N Srinivas, Louis Dumont, Andre Beteille.
• Features of caste system.
• Untouchability – forms and perspectives.
• Definitional problems.
• Geographical spread.
• Colonial policies and tribes.
• Issues of integration and autonomy.
• Social Classes in India:
• Agrarian class structure.
• Industrial class structure.
• Middle classes in India.
• Lineage and descent in India.
• Types of kinship systems.
• Family and marriage in India.
• Household dimensions of the family.
• Patriarchy, entitlements and sexual division of labour
• Religious communities in India.
• Problems of religious minorities.

SOCIAL CHANGES IN INDIA

• Idea of development planning and mixed economy
• Constitution, law and social change.
• Programmes of rural development, Community Development Programme, cooperatives,poverty alleviation schemes
• Green revolution and social change.
• Changing modes of production in Indian agriculture.
• Problems of rural labour, bondage, migration.

3. Industrialization and Urbanisation in India:

• Evolution of modern industry in India.
• Growth of urban settlements in India.
• Working class: structure, growth, class mobilization.
• Informal sector, child labour
• Slums and deprivation in urban areas.

4. Politics and Society:

• Nation, democracy and citizenship.
• Political parties, pressure groups , social and political elite
• Regionalism and decentralization of power.
• Secularization

5. Social Movements in Modern India:

• Peasants and farmers movements.
• Women’s movement.
• Backward classes & Dalit movement.
• Environmental movements.
• Ethnicity and Identity movements.

6. Population Dynamics:

• Population size, growth, composition and distribution
• Components of population growth: birth, death, migration.
• Population policy and family planning.
• Emerging issues: ageing, sex ratios, child and infant mortality, reproductive health.

7. Challenges of Social Transformation:

• Crisis of development: displacement, environmental problems and sustainability
• Poverty, deprivation and inequalities.
• Violence against women.
• Caste conflicts.
• Ethnic conflicts, communalism, religious revivalism.
• Illiteracy and disparities in education.

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Proper guidance and assistance are required to learn the skill of interlinking current happenings with the conventional topics. VIKASH RANJAN SIR at TRIUMPH IAS guides students according to the Recent Trends of UPSC, making him the Best Sociology Teacher for Sociology Optional UPSC.

At Triumph IAS, the Best Sociology Optional Coaching platform, we not only provide the best study material and applied classes for Sociology for IAS but also conduct regular assignments and class tests to assess candidates’ writing skills and understanding of the subject.

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The Growth of Communalism in India

Along with the rise of nationalism, communalism too made its appearance around the end of the nineteenth century and posed the biggest threat to the unity of the Indian people and the national movement. Before we discuss the emergence and growth of communalism, it is perhaps necessary to define the term.

Communalism is basically an ideology. Communal riots are only one consequence of the spread of this ideology. Communalism is the belief that because a group of people follow a particular religion they have, as a result, common secular, that is, social, political and economic interests.

It is the belief that in India religious groups like Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and Christians form different and distinct communities; that all the followers of a religion share not only a commonality of religious interests but also common secular interests; that there is, and can be, no such thing as an Indian nation, but only a Hindu nation, or a Muslim nation and so on; that India can, therefore, only be a mere confederation of religious communities.

Inherent in communalism is the second notion that the social, cultural, economic and political interests of the followers of one religion are dissimilar and divergent from the interests of the followers of another religion.

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The third stage of communalism is reached when the interests of the followers of different religions or of different religious ‘communities’ are seen to be mutually incompatible, antagonistic and hostile. Thus, at this stage, the communalists assert that Hindus and Muslims cannot have common secular interests, and that their secular interests are bound to be opposed.

It is not true that communalism was a remnant of, or survival from, the medieval period. Though religion was an important part of people’s lives and they did sometimes quarrel over religion, there was hardly any communal ideology or communal politics before the 1870s. Communalism is a modern phenomenon. It had its roots in the modern colonial socio-economic political structure.

Communalism emerged as a result of the emergence of new, modern politics based on the people and on popular participation and mobilisation. It made it necessary to have wider links and loyalties among the people and to form new identities. This process was bound to be difficult, gradual and complex. This process required the birth and spread of modern ideas of nation, class and cultural-linguistic identity.

These identities, being new and unfamiliar, arose and grew slowly and in a zigzag fashion. Quite often people used the old, familiar pre-modern identity of caste, locality, sect and religion to grasp the new reality, to make wider connections and to evolve new identities. This has happened all over the world. But gradually the new, modern and historically-necessary identities of nation, nationality and class have prevailed.

Unfortunately, in India this process has remained incomplete for decades, for India has been for the last 150 years or more a nation-in-the- making. In particular, religious consciousness was transformed into communal consciousness in some parts of the country and among some sections of the people. The question is why did this happen?

In particular, modern political consciousness was late in developing among the Muslims. As nationalism spread among the Hindus and Parsis of the lower-middle class, it failed to grow equally rapidly among the Muslims of the same class.

Hindus and Muslims had fought shoulder to shoulder during the Revolt of 1857. In fact, after the suppression of the Revolt, British officials had taken a particularly vindictive attitude towards the Muslims, hanging 27,000 Muslims in Delhi alone. From now on the Muslims were in general looked upon with suspicion.

But this attitude changed in the 1870s. With the rise of the nationalist movement the British statesmen grew apprehensive about the safety and stability of their empire in India.

To check the growth of a united national feeling in the country, they decided to follow more actively the policy of ‘divide and rule’ and to divide the people along religious lines, in other words, to encourage communal and separatist tendencies in Indian politics.

For this purpose they decided to come out as ‘champions’ of the Muslims and to win over to their side Muslim zamindars, landlords and the newly educated. They also fostered other divisions in Indian society. They promoted provincialism by talking of Bengali domination. They tried to utilise the caste structure to turn non-Brahmins against Brahmins and the lower castes against the higher castes.

In Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, where Hindus and Muslims had always lived in peace, they actively encouraged the movement to replace Urdu as the court language by Hindi. In other words, they tried to use even the legitimate demands of different sections of Indian society to create divisions among the Indian people. The colonial government treated Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs as separate communities.

It readily accepted communal leaders as authentic representatives of all their co-religionists. It permitted the propagation of virulent communal ideas and communal hatred through the press, pamphlets, posters, literature and other public platforms. This was in sharp contrast with its frequent suppression of the nationalist newspapers, writers, etc.

In the rise of the separatist tendency along communal lines, Sayyid Ahmad Khan played an important role. Though a great educationist and social reformer, Sayyid Ahmad Khan became towards the end of his life a conservative in politics.

He laid the foundations of Muslim communalism when in the 1880s he gave up his earlier views and declared that the political interests of Hindus and Muslims were not the same but different and even divergent.

He also preached complete obedience to British rule. When the Indian National Congress was founded in 1885, he decided to oppose it and tried to organise along with Raja Shiva Prasad of Varanasi a movement of loyalty to the British rule.

He also began to preach that, since the Hindus formed the larger part of the Indian population, they would dominate the Muslims in case of the weakening or withdrawal of British rule. He urged the Muslims not to listen to Badruddin Tyabji’s appeal to them to join the National Congress.

These views were, of course, unscientific and without any basis in reality. Even though Hindus and Muslims followed different religions, their economic and political interests were not different for that reason. Hindus were divided from fellow Hindus, and Muslims from fellow Muslims, by language, culture, caste, class, social status, food and dress habits, social practices and so on.

Even socially and culturally the Hindu and the Muslim masses had developed common ways of life. A Bengali Muslim and a Bengali Hindu had much more in common than a Bengali Muslim and a Punjabi Muslim had. Moreover, Hindus and the Muslims were being equally and jointly oppressed and exploited by British imperialism. Even Sayyid Ahmad Khan had said in 1884:

Do you not inhabit the same land? Are you not burned and buried on the same soil? Do you not tread the same ground and live upon the same soil? Remember that the words Hindu and Mohammedan are only meant for religious distinction—otherwise all persons, whether Hindu or Mohammedan, even the Christians who reside in this country, are all in this particular respect belonging to one and the same nation.

When all these different sects can be described as one nation, they must each and all unite for the good of the country which is common to all.

The question then arises: how could the communal and separatist trend of thinking grow among the Muslims?

This was to some extent due to the relative backwardness of the Muslims in education and in trade and industry. Muslim upper classes consisted mostly of zamindars and aristocrats. Because the upper- class Muslims during the first 70 years of the nineteenth century was very anti-British, conservative and hostile to modern education, the number of educated Muslims in the country remained very small.

Consequently, modern Western thought with its emphasis on science, democracy and nationalism did not spread among Muslim intellectuals, who remained traditional and backward. Later, as a result of the efforts of Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Nawab Abdul Latif, Badruddin Tyabji and others, modern education spread among Muslims.

But the proportion of the educated was far lower among Muslims than among Hindus, Parsis or Christians. Similarly, the Muslims had also taken little part in the growth of trade and industry. The small number of educated persons and men of trade and industry among the Muslims made it possible for the reactionary big landlords to maintain their influence over the Muslim masses.

Landlords and zamindars, whether Hindu or Muslim, supported the British rule out of self-interest. But, among the Hindus, the modern intellectuals and the rising commercial and industrialist class had pushed out the landlords from leadership. Unfortunately, the opposite remained the case with the Muslims.

The educational backwardness of the Muslims had another harmful consequence. Since modern education was essential for entry into government service or the professions, the Muslims had also lagged behind non-Muslims in this respect. Moreover, the government had consciously discriminated against the Muslims after 1858, holding them largely responsible for the Revolt of 1857.

When modern education did spread among the Muslims, the educated Muslim found few opportunities in business or the professions. He inevitably looked for government employment. And, in any case, India being a backward colony, there were very few opportunities of employment for its people.

In these circumstances, it was easy for the British officials and the loyalist Muslim leaders to incite the educated Muslims against the educated Hindus. Sayyid Ahmad Khan and others raised the demand for special treatment for the Muslims in the matter of government service.

They declared that if the educated Muslims remained loyal to the British, the latter would reward them with government jobs and other special favours. Some loyalist Hindus and Parsis too tried to argue in this manner, but they remained a small minority.

The result was that while in the country as a whole, independent and nationalist lawyers, journalists, students, merchants and industrialists were becoming political leaders, among the Muslims loyalist landlords and retired government servants still influenced political opinion.

Bombay was the only province where the Muslims had taken to commerce and education quite early; and there the National Congress included in its ranks such brilliant Muslims as Badruddin Tyabji, R.M. Sayani, A Bhimji and, the young barrister, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. We can sum up this aspect of the problem with a quotation from Jawaharlal Nehru’s The Discovery of India-.

There has been a difference of a generation or more in the development of the Hindu and the Muslim middle classes, and that difference continues to show itself in many directions, political, economic, and other. It is this lag which produces a psychology of fear among the Muslims.

As students of history we should also know that the manner in which Indian history was taught in schools and colleges in those days also contributed to the growth of communalist feelings among the educated Hindus and Muslims.

British historians and, following them, Indian historians described the medieval period of Indian history as the Muslim period. The rule of Turk, Afghan and Mughal rulers was called Muslim rule.

Even though the Muslim masses were as poor and oppressed by taxes as the Hindu masses, and even though both were looked down upon by the rulers, nobles, chiefs and zamindars, whether Hindu or Muslim, with contempt and regarded as low creatures, yet these writers declared that all Muslims were rulers in medieval India and all non-Muslims were the ruled.

They failed to bring out the fact that ancient and medieval politics in India, as politics everywhere else, were based on economic and political interests and not on religious considerations. Rulers as well as rebels used religious appeals as an outer colouring to disguise the play of material interests and ambitions. Moreover, the British and communal historians attacked the notion of a composite culture in India.

The Hindu communal view of history also relied on the myth that Indian society and culture had reached great, ideal heights in the ancient period from which they fell into permanent and continuous decay during the medieval period because of ‘Muslim’ rule and domination.

The basic contribution of the medieval period to the development of Indian economy and technology, religion and philosophy, arts and literature, culture and society, and fruits, vegetables and dress was denied.

All this was seen by many contemporary observers. Gandhiji, for example, wrote:

“Communal harmony could not be permanently established in our country so long as highly distorted versions of history were taught in her schools and colleges, through the history textbooks.”

In addition, the communal view of history was spread widely through poetry, drama, historical novels and short stories, newspapers and popular magazines, children’s magazines, pamphlets and, above all, orally through the public platform, classroom teaching, socialisation through the family and private conversation.

The founding fathers of Indian nationalism fully realised that the welding of Indians into a single nation would be a gradual and hard task, requiring prolonged political education of the people. They, therefore, set out to convince the minorities that the nationalist movement would carefully protect their religious and social rights while uniting all Indians in their common national, economic and political interests.

In his presidential address to the National Congress of 1886, Dadabhai Naoroji had given the clear assurance that the Congress would take up only national questions and would not deal with religious and social matters. In 1889, the Congress adopted the principle that it would not take up any proposal which was considered harmful to the Muslims by a majority of the Muslim delegates to the Congress.

Many Muslims joined the Congress in its early years. In other words, the early nationalists tried to modernize the political outlook of the people by teaching that politics should not be based on religion and community.

Unfortunately, while militant nationalism was a great step forward in every other respect, it was to some extent a step back in respect of the growth of national unity.

The speeches and writings of some of the militant nationalist had a strong religious and Hindu tinge. They emphasised ancient Indian culture to the exclusion of medieval Indian culture. They identified Indian culture and the Indian nation with the Hindu religion and Hindus.

They tried to abandon elements of a composite culture. For example, Tilak’s propagation of the Shivaji and Ganapati festivals, Aurobindo Ghose’s semi-mystical concept of India as mother and nationalism as a religion, the terrorists’ oaths before the goddess Kali and the initiation of the Anti-Partition agitation with dips in the Ganga could hardly appeal to the Muslims.

In fact, such actions were against the spirit of their religion, and they could not be expected as Muslims to associate with these and other similar activities. Nor could Muslims be expected to respond with full enthusiasm when they saw Shivaji or Pratap being hailed not merely for their historical roles but also as ‘national’ leaders who fought against the ‘foreigners’.

By no definition could Akbar or Aurangzeb be declared a foreigner, unless being a Muslim was made the ground for declaring one a foreigner. In reality, the struggle between Pratap and Akbar, or Shivaji and Aurangzeb had to be viewed as a political struggle in its particular historical setting.

To declare Akbar or Aurangzeb a ‘foreigner’ and Pratap or Shivaji a ‘national’ hero was to project into past history the communal outlook of twentieth century India. This was not only bad history; it was also a blow to national unity.

This does not mean that militant nationalists were anti-Muslim or even wholly communal. Far from it, most of them including Tilak, favoured Hindu-Muslim unity. To most of them, the motherland, or Bharatmata, was a modern notion, being in no way linked with religion.

Most of them were modern in their political thinking and not backward looking. Economic boycott, their chief political weapon, was indeed very modern as also their political organisation.

Tilak, for example, declared in 1916:

“He who does what is beneficial to the people of this country, be he a Muhammedan or an Englishman, is not alien.’Alienness’ has to do with interests. Alienness is certainly not concerned with white or black skin or religion.”

Even the revolu­tionary terrorists were in reality inspired by European revolutionary movements, for example, those of Ireland, Russia and Italy, rather than by Kali or Bhawani cults. There was a certain Hindu tinge in the political work and ideas of the militant nationalists.

This proved to be particularly harmful as clever British and pro-British propagandists took advantage of the Hindu colouring to poison the minds of the Muslims. The result was that a large number of educated Muslims either remained aloof from the rising nationalist movement or became hostile to it, thus falling an easy prey to a separatist outlook.

The Hindu tinge also created ideological openings for Hindu communalism and made it difficult for the nationalist movement to eliminate Hindu communal, political and ideological elements within its own ranks. It also helped the spread of a Muslim tinge among Muslim nationalists.

Even so, quite a large number of advanced Muslim intellectuals such as the barrister Abdul Rasul and Hasrat Mohani joined the Swadeshi movement, Maulana Azad joined the revolutionary terrorists and Muhammad Ali Jinnah became one of the leading younger leaders of the National Congress.

This was because the national movement remained basically secular in its approach and ideology. This secularism became sturdier when leaders like Gandhiji, C.R. Das, Motilal Nehru, Jawaharlal Nehru, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, M.A. Ansari, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Subhas Bose, Sardar Patel, Rajendra Prasad and C. Rajagopalachari came to the helm.

The economic backwardness of the country, the consequence of colonial underdevelopment, also contributed to the rise of communalism. Due to the lack of modern industrial development, unemployment was an acute problem in India, especially for the educated.

There was, in consequence, an intense competition for existing jobs. Far-sighted Indians diagnosed the disease and worked for an economic and political system in which the country would develop economically and in which, therefore, employment would be plentiful. However, many others thought of such short-sighted and short-term remedies as communal, provincial or caste reservation in jobs.

They aroused communal and religious and, later, caste and provincial passions in an attempt to get a larger share of the existing, limited employment opportunities. To those looking desperately for employment such a narrow appeal had a certain immediate attraction.

In this situation, Hindu and Muslim communal leaders, caste leaders and the officials following the policy of ‘divide and rule’ were able to achieve some success.

Many Hindus began to talk of Hindu nationalism and many Muslims of Muslim nationalism. The politically immature people failed to realise that their economic, educational and cultural difficulties were the result of common subjection to foreign rule and of economic backwardness, and that only through common effort could they free their country, develop it economically and thus solve the underlying common problems, such as unemployment.

Some believe that a major factor in the growth of communalism was the existence of several religions in India. This is not so. It is not true that communalism must arise inevitably in a multi-religious society. Here we must distinguish between religion as a belief system, which people follow as a part of their personal belief, and the ideology of a religion-based socio-political identity, that is communalism.

Religion is not the cause of communalism, nor is communalism inspired by religion. Religion comes into communalism to the extent that it serves politics arising in non-religious spheres. Communalism has been rightly described as political trade in religion. Religion was used, after 1937, as a mobilising factor by the communalists.

Secularism is not, therefore, opposed to religion. It only means confining religion to the private life of the individual and dissociating it from politics and the state.

As Gandhiji repeatedly declared:

“Religion is the personal affair of each individual. It must not be mixed up with politics or national affairs.”

The separatist and loyalist tendencies among a section of the educated Muslims and the big Muslim nawabs and landlords reached a climax in 1906 when the All India Muslim League was founded under the leadership of Aga Khan, the Nawab of Dhaka, and Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk.

Founded as a loyalist, communal and conservative political organisation, the Muslim League made no critique of colonialism, supported the partition of Bengal and demanded special safeguards for the Muslims in government services. Later, with the help of Lord Minto, the Viceroy, it put forward and secured the acceptance of the demand for separate electorates.

Thus, while the National Congress was taking up anti-imperialist economic and political issues, the Muslim League and its reactionary leaders preached that the interests of Muslims were different from those of Hindus. The Muslim League’s political activities were directed not against the foreign rulers, but against Hindus and the National Congress.

Hereafter, the League began to oppose every nationalist and democratic demand of the Congress. It thus played into the hands of the British who announced that they would protect the ‘special interests’ of the Muslims.

The League soon became one of the main instruments with which the British hoped to fight the rising nationalist movement and to keep the emerging intelligentsia among Muslims from joining the national movement.

To increase its usefulness, the British also encouraged the Muslim League to approach the Muslim masses and to assume their leadership. It is true that the nationalist movement was also dominated at this time by educated town-dwellers but, in its anti-imperialism, it was representing the interests of all Indians—rich or poor, Hindu or Muslim.

On the other hand, the Muslim League and its upper-class leaders had little in common with the interests of the Muslim masses, who were suffering as much as the Hindu masses at the hands of foreign imperialism. This basic weakness of the League came to be increasingly recognised by patriotic Muslims.

The educated Muslim young men were, in particular, attracted by radical nationalist ideas. The militantly nationalist Ahrar movement was founded at this time under the leadership of Maulana Mohamed Ali, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Hasan Imam, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan and Mazhar-ul-Haq.

These young men disliked the loyalist politics of the Aligarh School and the big nawabs and zamindars. Moved by modern ideas of self-government, they advocated active participation in the militant nationalist movement.

Similar nationalist sentiments were arising among a section of traditional Muslim scholars led by the Deoband School. The most prominent of these scholars was the young Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who propagated his rationalist and nationalist ideas in his newspaper Al Hilal which he brought out in 1912 at the age of 24.

Maulana Mohamed Ali, Azad and other young men preached a message of courage and fearlessness and said that there was no conflict between Islam and nationalism.

In 1911 war broke out between the Ottoman empire (Turkey) and Italy, and during 1912 and 1913 Turkey had to fight the Balkan powers. The Turkish ruler claimed at this time to be also the Caliph or religious head of all Muslims; moreover, nearly all of the Muslim holy places were situated within the Turkish Empire.

A wave of sympathy for Turkey swept India. A medical mission, headed by Dr. M.A. Ansari, was sent to help Turkey.

Since Britain’s policy during the Balkan War and after was not sympathetic to Turkey, the pro- Turkey and pro-Caliph or Khilafat sentiments tended to become anti- imperialist. In fact, for several years—from 1912 to 1924—the loyalists among the Muslim League were completely overshadowed by nationalist young men.

Unfortunately, with the exception of a few persons like Azad who were rationalists in their thinking, most of the militant nationalists among Muslim young men also did not fully accept the modern secular approach to politics. The result was that the most important issue they took up was not political independence, but protection of holy places and of the Turkish empire.

Instead of understanding and opposing the economic and political consequences of imperialism, they fought imperialism on the ground that it threatened the Caliph and the holy places of Islam. Even their sympathy for Turkey was on religious grounds. Their political appeal was to religious sentiments.

Moreover, the heroes and myths and cultural traditions they appealed to belonged not to ancient or medieval Indian history but to West Asian history. It is true that this approach did not immediately clash with Indian nationalism. Rather, it made its adherents and supporters anti-imperialist and encouraged the nationalist trend among urban Muslims.

But in the long run this approach too proved harmful, as it encouraged the habit of looking at political questions from a religious view point. In any case, such political activity did not promote among the Muslim masses a modern, secular approach towards political and economic questions.

Simultaneously, Hindu communalism was also being born and Hindu communal ideas were arising. Many Hindu writers and political workers echoed the ideas and programme of Muslim communalism and the Muslim League. From the 1870s, a section of Hindu zamindars, moneylenders and middle-class professionals began to arouse anti-Muslim sentiments.

Fully accepting the colonial view of Indian history, they talked and wrote about the ‘tyrannical’ Muslim rule in the medieval period and the ‘liberating’ role of the British in ‘saving’ Hindus from ‘Muslim oppression’.

In Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, they took up, correctly, the question of Hindi, but gave it a communal twist, declaring, totally un-historically, that Urdu was the language of Muslims and Hindi of Hindus.

All over India, anti- cow slaughter propaganda was undertaken in the early 1890s. The campaign was, however, primarily directed not against the British but against Muslims; the British cantonments, for example, were left free to carry on cow slaughter on a large scale.

The Punjab Hindu Sabha was founded in 1909. Its leaders attacked the National Congress .for trying to unite Indians into a single nation. They opposed the Congress’ anti-imperialist politics. Instead, they argued that Hindus should placate the foreign government in their fight against Muslims. One of its leaders Lai Chand declared that a Hindu should believe that he was “a Hindu first and an Indian later”.

The first session of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha was held in April 1915 under the president-ship of the Maharaja of Kasim Bazar. But it remained for years a rather weak organisation. One reason was the greater weight and influence of the modern secular intelligentsia and middle class among Hindus.

Among Muslims, on the other hand, landlords, bureaucrats and traditional religious leaders still exercised dominant influence. Moreover, the colonial government gave Hindu communalism few concessions and little support, for it relied heavily on Muslim communalism and could not easily simultaneously placate both these forms of communalism.

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Essay on Communalism in Indian Politics

In this essay we will discuss about the communalism in Indian politics. After reading this essay you will learn about: 1. Role of Communalism in Indian Politics 2. Communal Politics after Partition of India 3. Causes Responsible for Communalism.

List of Essays on Communalism in Indian Politics

Essay Contents:

• Essay on the Causes Responsible for Communalism

1. Essay on the Role of Communalism in Indian Politics:

For centuries people belonging to different religious communities have been living together in India without any friction or ill will. Major communities in India being the Hindus, the Muslims, the Sikhs, the Christians, the Parsees, the Jains, the Buddhists, etc.

All these communities lived with each other in perfect toleration. It was only at the turn of the century that the British rulers in India followed policy of divide and rule and with that the gulf between various religious communities very considerably increased.

The device of giving separate representation to each major community in elected bodies and civil services widened the gap, particularly among two major Indian communities, namely, the Hindus and the Muslims. When late Muhammed Ali Jinnah expounded his two nation theory, gap between these communities still more widened.

The result of all this was that there was communal hatred. Before the partition of the country, there were communal riots in some parts of the country resulting in the killing of several hundred people and looting and burning property worth crores of rupees. Everything inhuman and unhuman was done in the name of religion.

The country had to be partitioned because the Muslim League, under the leadership of M.A. Jinnah made it clear that the Muslims and the Hindus were two separate nations, which could not live together and partition of India was the only solution of communal and political problems of the country

2. Essay on Communal Politics after Partition of India:

In 1947, India was partitioned and with that migration of population started. Conditions in the country were such that it was almost impossible for the Hindus to respectfully live in the areas which formed Pakistan and thus they had to migrate. From India some of the Muslims migrated but a vast majority decided to remain in the county.

When constitution was being enacted there was a demand that the Hindus should have full control over political life of India because the country had been partitioned 011 the basis of two nations theory and that the Muslims had got their home land. They should migrate there and if they decided to live in India they should remain as second rate citizens. But leadership at that time firmly stood against this view point.

It was made clear that religion should have no part and role to play in Indian politics. It had already done sufficient harm and could not be allowed to do more harm to our polity. It was, therefore, decided that India will be a secular state and subsequently this was incorporated even in the preamble of the constitution itself.

Several clauses in the constitution accordingly provided that no distinction between religious communities in any walks of life will be made on the basis of religion.

In other words, constitution fathers were determined to see that religion did not become a heavy weight on political life of the country. In order to lessen the influence of religion on politics under the Representation of People’s Act, it was made clear that influencing of voters in the name of religion or exploitation of religious sentiments to get votes, was liable to even make the election of successful candidate invalid.

No such symbol will be allotted to any political party, which is likely to exploit religious sentiments of any religious community or injure those bf any other.

There will be no religious instructions in any state owned controlled or fully or partly financed educational institution. Similarly none in the state will in any way get preference in any way simply because of religion.

But unfortunately much which was expected by constitution fathers about the role of religion in politics has not come true. Some of the orthodox religious minded persons could not reconcile themselves to the idea of a secular India in which the Hindus were to be placed on equal footings with other religious communities.

But they had no popular base support and strength and it was accepted by a vast majority of India’s population that the country should be a secular state. But in spite of all this in India there have been communal riots from time to time between two major religious communities; namely, the Hindus and the Muslims.

These indicate that even after the lapse of such a long time some in India, belonging to both the communities, have not fully reconciled themselves to the basic idea and philosophy of secularism. After the partition of the country, when there was turmoil, for about a decade or so, there were no communal riots in India and it appeared that all was going well, but situation began to gradually change thereafter.

It was, however, in October, 1961, that communal riots broke out in Aligarh Muslim University and the trouble spread outside the university and in some parts of U.P., Bihar, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh. It was with great difficulty that situation could be controlled.

To the satisfaction of all, for some time there were no riots in the country till 1963 when communal riots broke out in J & K. In December of that year it was reported that sacred hair of Prophet Mohammed was missing from Hazratbal Mosque in Srinagar. There were hartals, demonstrations and violence as well as lawlessness in the state.

The relic was recovered and certified as the original one. But some orthodox Muslims did not accept its genuineness and continued demonstrations which spread in some part of the East Pakistan. Large number of the Hindus was killed and their properties looted. Thousands of them were forced to leave the country to migrate to India.

It is estimated that more than 5 lakhs Hindus and those belonging to other religious minorities were forced to cross over to India. There were riots in some parts of Bengal and Bihar as well. It was again with great difficulty that communal harmony could be restored.

Communal riots again broke out at Washim in Maharashtra in 1966. On October 2, i.e. on the birth of Mahatma Gandhi, the prophet of non-violence. It is said that some members of a religious community threw stones on the processionists of the other community who were taking out a procession in support of cow protection. This resulted in opening of fire by the police, in which several persons were killed.

In 1967, there were again serious communal troubles. The issue of trouble was that a girl belonging one community was converted and married to a boy belonging to the other community. The former did not tolerate this. The agitation gradually spread to some other parts of the state and resulted in several casualties. The troops had to be called out to control the situation.

But in October of the same year there were riots in the state. This time the point of infuriation was that it was alleged that some torn pages of holy Quran were found in a latrine. Again police had to be called out. Four days later Jan Sangh also organised a demonstration and thus situation became tense and was tactfully brought under control.

In 1968, there were riots in four states, namely, U.P., Assam, West Bengal and Bihar. In U.P. early in the year in January some people belonging to one community are alleged to have attacked a political meeting of the other community and in the riots that followed 17 persons were killed.

On March 15 riots broke out in Allahabad on Holi day resulting in the death of three persons.

In Assam riots broke out on March 2,1968 on a stray cow incident and in that seven persons were killed. A few days later cow became the cause of communal riots at Tinsukia.

But serious riots broke out in Bihar in 1968 over the issue of Urdu to be given the status of second official language. This was opposed by Jan Sangh, a constituent unit in the government. The riots were of so serious magnitude that more than 150 Persons are stated to have been killed.

In Calcutta, in March of the same year there was some quarrel between a Hindu and a Muslim, which took a communal turn. In order to control the situation, police had to be given shoot at sight orders.

In Aurangabad riots broke out when a Muslim baker killed a cow. This infuriated the Hindus who looted property and destroyed bakery. Several houses were burnt and thus considerable damage was done to public and private property.

In 1969, serious communal riots broke out in Ahmedabad in September of that year. In this case again cow became cause of trouble. It is stated that a herd of cows which belonged to a Hindu Temple injured few Muslim boys near a mosque. The Muslims in turn drove the cows in the temple to which these belonged.

This infuriated the Hindus, who retaliated and as a consequence tension developed which shortly became riots. According to some sources about 600 persons were killed, while others estimate it at 1200. Several political leaders and Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, who happened to be in India at that time, went on fast to touch the conscience of the people to give up communal hatred.

But in May 1970, communal riots broke out at Bhiwandi near Bombay, when it is alleged that a procession being taken out in honour of Shivaji was stoned by some miscreants. These infuriated the processionists and in the riots that broke out about a thousand houses were destroyed and some 80 persons were killed.

In a statement issued by the then Union Minister of State in the Ministry of Home Affairs in the year 1973 as many as 242 incidents of communal violence took place in the country. One serious riot of the year broke out in December of that year in Meerut, in which political parties charged each other for the outbreak of riots in which nine persons were killed.

In May 1974, serious riots broke out in Delhi and in order to control the situation Border Security Force had to be called out.

During 1975-77 India was under emergency and on communal fronts there were no riots. But trouble again started after Janata Government came to power in 1977. In 1978, there were serious riots in Aligarh resulting in loss of many lives. There were incidents of communal violence in some other parts of the country as well.

Communal trouble again started in August 1980 on Id day at Moradabad. It is alleged that when prayers were going on some stray animal went in the mosque. It became the source of trouble. In the subsequent communal trouble about 150 persons including some police men were killed.

As a consequence communal trouble also started in Delhi on 15th August, 1980 soon after the Prime Minister had finished her speech from the ramparts of Red Fort on independence day.

The same spread in some parts of Gujarat and J & K. But few days later trouble also started at Allahabad and in some other parts of U.P. including Sambal and Aligarh. At every place there was loss of life and property. To control the situation army had to be called and curfew imposed.

In recent years as many as 180 communal incidents took place during 1986. Of these about 50% broke out in Gujarat alone. It has been estimated that about 200 lives were lost in these incidents. In 1987, serious communal riots broke out in Meerut which resulted in heavy loss of life and property.

But communal tension in India very much increase because of Ram Janam Bhumi and Babri Masjid dispute. When the masjid was demolished on 6th December, 1992 there were riots in some parts of the country and even outside India resulting in heavy losses of lives and property.

In 1993, there were communal riots in Bombay in which hundreds were killed and property worth crores was looted.

The riots are always a matter of concern both for the society as well as the government but these are becoming of great serious concern because the country side which used to be free from communal tension is now becoming victim of communal disharmony.

In addition, earlier younger generation kept away from communal politics. It did not much care for caste and religion but now that generation too is getting involved in this ugly politics.

3. Essay on the Causes Responsible for Communalism:

There is no denial that under the existing conditions in India, all major Indian communities must live in close harmony with each other, in case both these communities as well as the nation as a whole wants to make rapid progress. Each communal riot results in loss of life of the people, creating problems for the families left behind.

There is looting of property and its destruction in the wake which creates serious social and economic problems for the individuals as well as the society. It creates tensions for the neighbours who had been otherwise living very peacefully. Heavy strain is put on the civil administration, which is forced to divert its resources to the riot torn areas.

The task of maintaining law and order becomes very difficult and all developmental activities come to a stand still for some time. The task of reconstruction and rehabilitation of those who are affected by communal fury is in no way easy. The irony is that no religious, social or political leader of any community openly supports communal disharmony. As soon as riots break out these leaders invariably issue prompt statements for maintaining communal harmony.

They tour riot effected areas and form peace committees and serve on these as well. And yet riots break out. Then another tragedy is that all this is done in the name of religion, whereas no religion propagates either communal hatred or disharmony or violence or looting of property and killing of the people.

A very important question, therefore, arises as to why communal disharmony is presisting between major religous communities, though the constitution has established a secular set up.

Some of the important causes responsible for this are as under:

i. Tendency to Keep Aloof:

Under the constitution, India has been declared a secular state. The constitution fathers had hoped that all religious communities, including the Muslims will join the main stream of national life and that they will contribute to the task of national-reconstruction.

In fact, soon after the partition of the country many Muslim leaders appealed to the Muslims to actively associate themselves in the task of national development which laid before the country.

But unfortunately quite a vast majority has not come closer to Hindu majority and general impression and stigma that the Muslims in India were responsible for the partition of the country in the past continues. Some of the Muslims have organised themselves in such organisations as Jamaite-Islami; Jamait-ul-ulama-i-Hind; Muslim Majlis, Muslim League of India and so on.

Though these bodies today have no significant role to play in national politics, yet the fact remains that by and large the Muslims remain aloof from the majority community and thus the scope for appreciating and understanding each other’s view point is considerably reduced. In this way communal harmony is hindered.

ii. Religious Orthodoxy:

Then another serious problem is religious orthodoxy of the Muslims. In every society religion, of course, plays a big role but at the same time each society is likely to receive a serious set back unless it modernises itself. But there are certain organisations among the Muslims which still preach orthodoxy and do not approve of modernisation.

These stress on medieval glories of Islam and supremacy of religion in the life of the individual. These organisations still stress on basic differences which exist between the Hindu and the Muslim ways of living and thinking. These are not prepared to bring about any change in Muslim personal laws, in spite of the fact that in some Muslim countries these laws are being reviewed and changed.

Not only this, but they threaten that if any attempt is made to change these laws then the Muslims will not hesitate to make any sacrifice to save that.

They want that Art 44 of the constitution, which provides for a uniform civil code should not be applied to the Muslims. These organisations have good following among the Muslims and as such differences between the two communities are made to continue.

iii. Economic Backwardness of the Muslims:

During the British regime whole of India was economically backward, but even in those days the Muslims were comparatively economically more backward, as compared with the Hindus. It was hoped that after independence when equal opportunities would be provided to all, the Muslims in India would also take the fullest advantage of that.

But even now the percentage of Muslims going to educational, technical, medical and other professional institutions is much less than their population.

The result is that they are educationally backward, do not occupy high offices and also economically lag behind in business. As such they are today economically backward. This economic disparity between the two communities is creating wide gap and many misunderstanding; one community feeling that it is being constantly exploited by the other or that the richness of one is only at the cost of poverty of the other.

iv. Role of Pakistan:

Pakistan was created on the basis of two nation theory, i.e., that the Hindus and the Muslims were are separate nations, which can not live together. With the creation of Pakistan, the Muslims got their homeland and those Muslims who did not wish to live in India migrated to Pakistan.

It was very much hoped that after the creation of this new state both the countries will attend to their domestic problems and devote themselves to the task of national reconstruction, not interfering in the internal affairs of other country.

But from the very beginning Pakistan tried to play the role of guardian of the Muslims in India. On the least pretext it tries to provocate the Muslims of India. In every communal riot it holds the Hindus of India responsible. It always tries to show the world that the Muslims of India are deliberately being kept backward and in a state of slavery.

Pakistan radio and press constantly propagates that the Muslims of India are at the mercy of the Hindus and that all crimes against the Muslims of India are committed in a planned way and with indirect approval of the government.

In this way many Muslims fall into the trap of propaganda of Pakistan and carry some misconceived notions which do not help bringing the two nations as closer to each other, as otherwise these would have come.

v. Responsibility of the Government:

Many have held government responsible for the continuance of communalism. They point out that Ministers both at the Centre and states make such statements at times to win favour of religious communities which result in disharmony, raise un-necessary hopes and make false promises which they cannot keep.

These governments so far have failed to find out real causes of communal riots. Ministers approach religious leaders for getting their blessings and request them to appeal to their followers for casting their votes in their favour, etc. All this encourages communalism. Not only this, but it is alleged that quite often law enforcing agencies fail to quickly control communal riots, thus, creating many apprehensions in the minds of worst affected religious community.

vi. Role of Communal Parties:

India has decided to be a secular state in which communal politics should play no role and there should be no communal parties. But even then such communal parties as Jamait-i-Islam, Itahadul Musalmeen, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, etc., are formed which play with religious sentiments of the people belonging to their community. They try to develop narrow out look among them.

They do not hesitate to spread communal violence to maintain their existence and if need be spread even communal hatred. Their leaders know that their leadership is closely linked with creating communal disharmony among various religious communities living in India.

vii. Hindu Chauvinism:

Even before the partition of India, when two nation theory was being preached by the Muslim League, there were Hindu organisations which always stressed that India was essentially a land of the Hindus and that the Muslims had come to the country as invaders only.

But after the partition of the country many among the Hindus forcefully argued that since the Muslims had got their homeland, India which was now left behind, should be the land of the Hindus.

They talked of Hindu Rashtra, Hindu Sanskriti, Hindu Maryada and so on. They wanted that high offices in India should exclusively be the monopoly of the Hindus. According to them the Muslims should be Indianised, if they are to become nationalists. Some preached that the Hindus of India should not only remain Hindus but fanatic Hindus as well, so that they could preserve Hindu culture and civilisation.

Some of these leaders declared that the Muslims in India were taking undue advantage of the endurance of the Hindus and that this should in no way be allowed to linger on.

They charge the government of following policy of appeasement towards the Muslims. When some of the Muslims demanded separate electorates for themselves the Hindu Chauvinists very sharply reacted to the demand and demanded that these Muslims still believed in two nation theory and should be sent to Pakistan.

They characterise the Muslims as dangerous and the biggest den of communal and anti-national activities. This attitude of these Hindus creates many apprehensions among the minds of the Muslims and thus widens the gap between the two communities.

viii. Vote Bank Background:

India is a democracy in which each political party tries to catch maximum voters for itself. But in India unfortunately political parties try to have religious communities as a vote bank, which means that community as a whole should vote for it.

These try to appease them and leave an impression that interests of one religious community are not safe in the hands of other. For this the parties try to create communal ill feelings and many misunderstandings as well.

ix. Ever Increasing Muslim Population:

By and large, the Muslims of India have not accepted family planning and welfare programmes launched by the Government of India with the result that their population has rapidly increased.

This has created many apprehensions in the minds of the Hindus who feel that in case this tendency is not checked, Muslim population in the country will so much increase that demand will once again be made for the partition of the country. This widens the gap between the two communities resulting in disharmony and apprehensions.

x. Attitude of the Government:

Lastly, then comes the attitude of the government. Though at times there have been communal riots in the country, yet the causes of problem have not been fully diagnosed. Every time the ruling parties everywhere satisfy themselves by saying that the riots had been masterminded by the opposition parties.

In some cases Jana Sangh and R.S.S. are held responsible whereas in other cases blame is thrown on Muslim League and other Muslim dominated parties. But nothing concrete has been done to find out real causes and also remedies of communal disharmony. This casual attitude of the government does not help in finding real solution of the problem but perpetuates that.

xi. Suggestions for Checking Communalism:

Thus several causes combined together are responsible for the gap which exists between two major religious communities in India. In case it is desired that this gap should be abridged for that concrete and solid steps will have to be taken. The task is difficult, but the satisfaction is that both the communities have not shown any disunity or major differences at the times of emergencies say e.g., during Indo-Pakistan wars.

The Muslims and the Hindus stood side by side with each other and did not hesitate to sacrifice their lives for the sake of mother India. It will be most appropriate, if such religious and political parties are legally banned which propagate communal hatred and live on the exploitation of the religious sentiments of the people, both directly and indirectly.

The government should invigorate its propaganda machinery to make the masses realise the harm which these parties are likely to do to national unity and integrity. Community festivals which help promoting national unity should be encouraged.

It has been found that quite often riots take place at the time of taking out of processions. Elaborate arrangements should be made on these occasions for maintaining law and order. In addition, a code should be developed for all processionist’s which should be strictly enforced.

Rumours should not be allowed to play any role and immediate counter rumours steps should be taken. Those who play important role in curbing communalism and communal riots should be publicly honoured. Mohalla Samitis should be organised, consisting of non-political and non-communal minded persons. Immediate steps should be taken to remove mistrust, if any, between the communities living in the area.

No time should be allowed to lapse because that increases mistrust. In maintaining law and order police authorities should seek maximum co-operation of the minorities and weaker section of society.

Those police officers who have communal feelings should not be posted in communal sensitive areas.

Need, importance and utility of communal harmony should be propagated vigorously. An eye should be kept on the activities of communal militant organations and where necessary checks should be applied. It should be ensured that religious places are not used for preaching communal disharmony or hatred. These should not be allowed to be used for storing weapons.

Where riots frequently break out collective fines should be imposed so that all feel the punch of communal fury. It is only then that religion will not become a heavy weight on the political life of India, but will become a cementing force for nation’s unity and territorial integrity.

Those preachings of all religions which aim at communal harmony and brother-hood should be compiled and circulated among the masses and among the students so that their tender minds develop and grow not with narrow mindedness but with a feeling a brotherhood.

Ministers, both at the Centre and states should not be allowed to make such statements which are based on appeasement of a religious community.

If any such statement is made such a Minister should be pulled up by the Prime Minister/Chief Minister to avoid unnecessary controversy and tensions. Similarly no Minister should approach any religious leader for winning political favour from him. Vote bank psychology should be discouraged in so far as religious communities are concerned.

Law enforcing agencies and personnel who fail to take prompt action to control communal riots or disturbances should be quickly punished to convince the people of the seriousness of the government.

Electronic media and press should be extensively used for promoting communal harmony. Similarly mixed community housing schemes should be introduced on large scale.

If these and similar other measures are taken, it may be hoped that communalism in India will be checked. It will go a long way if the Muslims in India give up present system of living in isolation and try to flow in the national main stream.

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Indian Politics Essay

500 words essay on indian politics.

Politics, simply speaking, refers to the activities surrounding a country’s governance. In the context of a large democratic country like India, politics becomes really complicated. This Indian politics essay will throw light on the politics of India.

                                                                                                                     Indian Politics Essay

Background of Indian Politics

Politics in India, like any other democratic country, involves the ruling party and the opposition. In India, the formation of political parties has taken place on the basis of ideology. Moreover, the Indian political parties belong to the left and the right political spectrum.

Leftist politics rely on the values of secularism , liberalism, and rebelliousness. In contrast, rightist politics favour the values of being pro-government, orderly, conservative, and traditional.

There are no definitions of left-right politics anywhere in the Indian constitution. Furthermore, these terms were given by commentators, authors, and journalists. Also, it has been witnessed in India that some politicians can change their political party and ideology.

Indeed for a stable democracy , it is necessary that both political ideologies, the right and left, operate side by side. As such, some times, the country may be under rightist influence while leftist ideals may dominate at another time. The two major political parties in India, BJP and Congress, clearly demonstrate the two different political spectrums of right and left respectively.

Problem with Indian Politics

For a democracy to work properly there must be a proper demarcation between the political ideologies. However, in India, the demarcation between these ideologies tends to get blurry, thereby resulting in the superimposition of one ideology over the other. This is certainly not an indication of a mature democracy.

The political system of India suffers due to the clash of different political ideologies. Furthermore, such clashes can turn out to be quite ugly. Most noteworthy, such clashes are detrimental to the development of the country as a whole.

Various other problems affect Indian politics like hatred, injustice, corruption, greed, and bigotry. Due to all these problems, Indian politics is called a dirty game. Such problems can also force many intellectual and eminent individuals to stay away from Indian politics.

Sometimes the Indian politicians may choose a political party, not because of the ideological stance, but rather due to the winning probability in the elections. This is a really sad reality of Indian politics. Moreover, it shows that such politicians care more about their own personal interests rather than the interests of the common people.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Conclusion of Indian Politics Essay

Indian politics is a colourful drama and, according to some, its the great circus of the country. Despite such negative connotations, no one can doubt the enormously important role that politics has played in India. Most noteworthy, it is a crucial aspect of Indian democracy.

FAQs For Indian Politics Essay

Question 1: How many political parties are there in India?

Answer 1: According to the latest publication from the Election Commission of India, the total number of registered political parties in India is 2698. Furthermore, out of the registered political parties, 8 are national parties, 52 are state parties, and 2638 remain unrecognised. Also, registered parties that contest elections must have a symbol of their own that is approved by the EC.

Question 2: What are the two most powerful political parties in India?

Answer 2: The two most powerful political parties in India are the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Indian National Congress or Congress or INC. Furthermore, BJP is the leading right-wing party while Congress is the leading centrist/leftist party in India.

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