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Ethics and Values: The Moral Compass of Humanity

• Categories: Ethics Values of Life

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Published: Sep 12, 2023

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The significance of ethics and values, the role of ethics and values in society, challenges and dilemmas in ethical decision-making, striving for ethical excellence, 1. personal development:, 2. relationships:, 3. decision-making:, 4. accountability:, 5. society:, 1. law and justice:, 2. medicine and healthcare:, 3. business and economics:, 4. politics and governance:, 5. education and academia:, 1. moral relativism:, 2. conflicting values:, 3. ethical grey areas:, 4. peer pressure and groupthink:, 5. ethical fatigue:, 1. ethical education:, 2. ethical frameworks:, 3. ethical leaders:, 4. open dialogue:, 5. ethical decision-making models:.

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Setting the Moral Compass: Essays by Women Philosophers

Calhoun, Cheshire (ed.), Setting the Moral Compass: Essays by Women Philosophers , Oxford University Press, 2004, 384pp (pbk), ISBN 0195154754.

Reviewed by Anita Superson, University of Kentucky

This superb collection contains nineteen, most newly published, papers by some of the leading women moral philosophers who have “set the moral compass” over the past few decades. The time has come for this book: I for one have found that the overwhelming majority of intriguing papers in moral philosophy have been written by women. What makes women’s works so interesting, evidenced by the papers in this volume, are (1) the issues with which women are largely concerned (e.g., self-respect, decency, resentment, and moral progress), (2) the approaches women take to philosophy (e.g., drawing on examples from literature and from real life rather than using wildly implausible, hypothetical cases, and respecting the history of philosophy while using it to teach new lessons applicable to real life), and (3) the theses women defend (e.g., that moral theories need to include treatment of vulnerable persons, that we need to assess not only the wrongdoings of individuals, but also the injustices of institutions, practices, and ideologies, and that in assessing the practices of other cultures we need to be sensitive to cultural differences while not succumbing to moral relativism). This is the first book I have seen that puts together papers for the reason that they are written by women philosophers, and as such it promises to confirm my own convictions about women’s philosophical work in the minds of its readers. The papers in this volume are not necessarily feminist papers: some explicitly are, but others are not identified as such by their authors. Cheshire Calhoun thinks of them in terms of a feminist continuum, ranging from papers with explicitly feminist aims, to papers that would not have been written in the same way had the authors lacked feminist sensibilities. I like to think of them as humanist papers, since they, together with earlier works by women moral philosophers, legitimize certain topics (e.g., killing in the heat of passion, genocide, the role of narrative in moral life), and either they explicitly aim to include traditionally disenfranchised groups, or the views they defend can be more inclusively applied than those typically espoused in traditional moral theories. Either way, they buttress feminists’ arguments for ending women’s oppression. Most significantly, this book is a unifier , not a divider. Typically we find works in moral philosophy written either by feminists (mostly women) or by those in more “mainstream” ethical theory (mostly men), with little or no overlap. This is unnecessarily divisive both for ethics and for women, since it sets aside feminism as a “special” area concerned with “women’s issues,” and generates expectations that all women philosophers (but only a few men) do feminism. But the fact of the matter is that feminism is concerned with some of the most fundamental issues in ethics (e.g., respect, equality, autonomy, and justice), and indeed, that any moral theory that fails to import these issues into its basic tenets in an inclusive way is seriously remiss. This division of areas often serves to marginalize feminism, and subsequently, feminists (mostly women) in the profession. This book, though, counteracts such unjust separations, since it shows that traditional ethics can be –indeed, should be – informed by feminism, and vice versa, in order for our principles and theories to reach their richest levels. All moral philosophy stands to benefit from this mutual exchange of ideas. Philosophy in general needs a lot more of this, and this book provides a great start. It is suitable to use in an upper division undergraduate or graduate course on ethics, and will be an inspiration to all women considering entering the profession of philosophy.

Calhoun’s introduction is simply outstanding. Significantly – and, I believe, courageously – Calhoun links the purpose of this collection to women’s status in the profession. She does not think that women philosophers produce a “woman’s moral philosophy” in a gender-essentialist sense. A gender-essentialist believes that just in virtue of their gender, philosophers will produce different kinds of work. This, of course, is false and sexist. But yet Calhoun believes that embodiment does make a difference to the philosophy one does.(12) This is because “our social worlds make all sorts of things of our evident sex differences.”(10) Our social world includes, for philosophers, our academic environment, where women have been notoriously under-represented. Calhoun believes that how women philosophers have been received into and supported by their profession affects both their subjectivity and their philosophical production. Indeed, not only women’s embodiment, but men’s too, will show up in their work, but, I would add, men’s philosophical production has been taken to be the norm, while women have had to work, without the support of numbers or high-ranking women colleagues, to legitimize certain issues, approaches, and theses. The point of Calhoun’s book is to make visible the difference that gender makes to one’s philosophical production, by allowing women philosophers, as philosophers rather than as feminists or as token spokespersons for all women philosophers, to have a voice. Very importantly, Calhoun notes that once we see the difference that gender makes in doing philosophy, it will be obvious that women’s under-representation is “a significant cognitive loss.”(12) I couldn’t agree more, and I would add that it would be a loss for our (male) colleagues to dismiss this book just because it is a collection of works by women philosophers, and/or because it contains representative feminist pieces. They most of all need to read it, since in virtue of their numbers they determine women’s being attracted to, and hired and retained in, philosophy.

The book is divided into six sections: an ethics for ordinary life and vulnerable persons (Marcia Homiak, Elizabeth Spelman, Virginia Held, Martha Nussbaum); what we ought to do for each other (Barbara Herman, Susan Wolf, Cheshire Calhoun); the normative importance of a shared social world (Margaret Walker, Claudia Card, Annette Baier); achieving adequate moral understandings (Robin Dillon, Marilyn Friedman, Alison Jaggar, Michele Moody-Adams); the dramatic and narrative form of deliberation and agency (Amelie Rorty, Diana Meyers); and emotions, reason, and unreason (Christine Korsgaard, Karen Jones, Marcia Baron). I am able to address only one representative paper in each section, tying it in with themes that Calhoun takes to be illustrative of women’s philosophy. Any moral philosopher would benefit from reading the other extremely rich, insightful, and interesting papers.

One common theme in women’s philosophy that takes many forms is resistance to elitism and inegalitarianism. Marcia Homiak persuasively argues that Aristotle’s arguments about the goodness of the moral life can reach not only those who are already disposed to virtue, but even the average person on the street. Homiak shows that the unimpeded activity of ordinary life is not that far removed from Aristotle’s ideal life of contemplation that seems to be in the reach of only a select few. She relies on an everyday case study of the ordinary activity (another theme in women’s philosophy) of art patronage, which is within almost anyone’s grasp. Art patronage involves continuous and pleasant activity of knowing about paintings, enjoyment from the mathematical skills involved in the business aspect of art, and contemplation with colleagues, all of which are marks of unimpeded activity. As a result of these ordinary activities and relationships, the art patron develops further desires for greater continuous activity, which eventually leads to virtue. In short, a person acquires more desires from pursuing certain things that the person on the street pursues, and these desires will eventually lead to virtue. Thus virtue, which is continuous activity, is within the scope of any rational being, and so Aristotle’s theory is not as elitist as we may have believed.

Another characteristic of women’s philosophy is the appeal to literature outside philosophy. Cheshire Calhoun, in a fun and exciting paper, examines the notion of common decency through the failure of Ebenezer Scrooge, who does his duty by giving others exactly what he owes, but who gives nothing more – no pleasantries, mercies, kindnesses, and favors that we expect of any minimally well-formed agent. Calhoun argues that common decencies are a subclass of supererogatory acts, the former being ones that are motivationally nontaxing (e.g., giving up one’s seat to an elderly person) and that are part of social convention (e.g., opening a door for a burdened stranger v. tying his shoe). My only concern about Calhoun’s argument is that if a person is being exploited (e.g., the severely underpaid professor), we should hope that the expectations of minimal decency (e.g., giving comments on students’ papers) become straightforward supererogatory acts. Calhoun could readily accept this modification by challenging the sexism and other immorality that might underlie social conventions and expectations generated thereby.

Margaret Walker’s paper is important for understanding the oppressed’s response to the privileged. It argues that resentment plays the role of targeting violations and prompting violators of our shared norms and expectations to reconsider their actions and to beware that they have violated these. This paper illustrates the themes of ordinariness and resistance to elitism: resentment is a common reaction of the oppressed to their oppressors, and it is a way that the oppressed can protest their ill-treatment and express the view that the privileged, but not the oppressed, have violated shared norms. Resentment responds to received threats to expectations based on presumably shared norms, and to threats to one’s standing to assert or insist upon these norms.(146) It is occasioned not only by harms and losses, but by exploitations (free-ridership), improprieties, demotions (of value), slights (treatment beneath one’s status), and offenses (norm-violations). In all cases the person resenting believes that the other could have acted differently, since the latter knows or ought to know that he is not exempt from the shared norms. Resentment calls for the resented to reaffirm their subscription to moral or other norms they have violated. And where these norms are different for the oppressed and the privileged, the oppressed can legitimately resent this very difference.

In her excellent and powerful paper, Robin Dillon argues that for Kant arrogance is the deadliest of moral vices.(192) Dillon approaches the issue of arrogance from a feminist perspective, setting up a dichotomy: should women use arrogance in struggling against domination, or should they eschew arrogance as a trait that conflicts with self-respect, as Kant believed? In so asking, Dillon demonstrates resistance to elitism, since even if arrogance might help women fight their oppression, it might be the case that they ought not to develop it if it means sacrificing self-respect – one is to have a humble attitude toward morality. Arrogance violates the duty to respect others, requiring that others respect the arrogant person more highly than he deserves, and that they respect themselves much less than they deserve, thereby denying their intrinsic dignity. Dillon identifies three versions of arrogance in Kant: (1) a warped belief that the worth of persons is scalar, and that nothing, including oneself, is unconditionally deserving of respect; (2) an unwarranted claim to much more moral merit than one has actually earned from acting morally; and (3) a belief in the greatness of one’s moral worth by failing to compare it with the standards of excellence set by the moral law. The third kind of arrogance underlies the first two, and is the worst form and the deepest source of evil, since it involves tinkering with the moral law in a way that makes the arrogant person able to pass off what he wants to do as what he ought to do, by subordinating the incentives of the moral law to those of the inclinations. He exercises power over morality and reason itself, for the desire for self-esteem.(209) I believe that this best explains the arrogance involved in privilege. Were women to become arrogant in this way, they would likely turn into oppressors themselves, and lose self-respect. They can, though, become superior to oppressive social norms, as long as they do so in a self-respecting way.

Diana Meyers’ insightful paper argues that any theory of moral agency must speak to the issue of internalized oppression, since this compromises self-determination. Agents who internalize their oppression act on their “own” values and preferences, but at the same time perpetuate their own oppression. Meyers rejects the Kantian view that so long as reason can steer volition, the agent’s will is free, since rational willing is not an option for those in the grips of internalized oppression.(297) Meyers rejects the Humean view that the only force that compromises free will is an external one, since agents who internalize oppression are not self-determining. She favors a narrative account of agency and responsibility that can show both how internalized oppression subverts self-determination, and how resistance is possible. When oppressed persons tell their life stories, they are empowered, are creative about what their futures can be, engage others for help in revising their self-narratives, become aware of habits that keep them from changing, and even change their desires and so rid themselves of internalized oppression. Meyers’ paper illustrates a resistance to elitism by acknowledging the very real presence of internalized oppression and by including even those who internalize their oppression as self-determining, full moral agents.

The book ends with Marcia Baron’s engaging paper on killing in the heat of passion. Significantly for woman’s philosophy, Baron points out that the provocation defense historically has been seen from the reasonable man’s perspective, being allowed when a husband observes his wife committing adultery, but not vice versa. Even though the defense is now available to women who kill their adulterous husbands, since women rarely kill their husbands for this reason, it is still gendered. Baron argues that the provocation defense is neither purely an excuse, since it suggests some degree of fault on the part of the “provoker,” nor purely a justification, since it suggests that the defendant’s agency is impaired by some provocation. Instead of rejecting this defense, which we might think that feminists should do, given its link with sexist background assumptions about blame, provocation, violence, gendered versions of what counts as acceptable expressions of rage, and so on, Baron argues instead for narrowing the defense. It can be used, after all, in cases such as the one in which a battered woman caught her husband about to rape their baby girl, and after hearing him later the same day threaten to rape the girl, shot him.(362) Baron argues for fine-tuning the defense in ways that speak to the extraordinary nature of the situation, and to whether there was taunting or arrogant flaunting on the part of the provoker or his friends. Using provocation as a hybrid of excuse and justification reflects our view that the defendant had every reason to be upset –there is nothing wrong with her– and that even very good people might react the way she or he did. Baron’s thought-provoking paper is a very fine example of philosophy that is informed both by tradition and by feminism, and shows how each stands to benefit from the other.

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How to Develop a Strong Moral Compass

Sanjana is a health writer and editor. Her work spans various health-related topics, including mental health, fitness, nutrition, and wellness.

Verywell / Zoe Hansen

What Makes Up Your Moral Compass?

Signs of a strong moral compass, what does it mean to lack a moral compass.

Just like ships are guided by a magnetic compass, humans are guided by a moral compass. Also known as your conscience or your ethical principles, your moral compass is an innate set of values that guides your behavior and decisions.

Your moral compass essentially helps you distinguish between what’s right and wrong, says Kristin Wilson , LPC, CCTP, Chief Experience Officer at Newport Healthcare.

Your moral compass plays a significant role in your life. It can guide the way you work, the way you respond when you’re asked a question, the way you react to a situation , or simply the way you go about your day-to-day life.

For example: Do you leave your campground clean or littered with trash? Do you lend your neighbor your footstool or claim you don’t have one? Do you blame a mistake you made at work on your colleague or take responsibility for it?

This article explores the signs and benefits of a moral compass, factors that influence your moral compass, and strategies to help you develop a strong moral compass.

These are some factors that can influence your moral compass, according to Wilson:

• Family values
• Parental styles
• Life experiences
• Role models
• Religious beliefs
• Cultural norms
• Social influences
• Political climate
• Economic environment
• Social media

Kristin Wilson, LPC, CCTP

Moral compasses aren't fixed constructs—they may change as we face new experiences in life, gain knowledge, or cope with hardships. Therefore, everyone's moral compass is unique.

These are some of the signs of a strong moral compass, according to Wilson:

• Honesty: Being truthful and not lying to people or deceiving them for your own gain.
• Respect: Treating others with respect, even if they have a different background or belief system from yours.
• Humility: Not being arrogant and avoiding boasting.
• Reliability: Keeping your word and being dependable to those who count on you.
• Accountability: Taking responsibility for your actions and mistakes.
• Loyalty: Being faithful and supportive of the people in your life.
• Kindness: Being kind to others and helping out as much as possible.
• Thoughtfulness: Being considerate toward other people.
• Selflessness: Being quick to help and putting others’ needs before your own.
• Trustworthiness: Being honest and not stealing, cheating on, or manipulating others.
• Compassion: Being empathetic toward the plight of others.

Benefits of Having a Strong Moral Compass

These are some of the benefits of having a strong moral compass:

• Stronger identity: Having a strong moral compass can lead to a strong sense of integrity, self-worth, and self-confidence, says Wilson.
• Increased happiness: Acting in accordance with your values can help you feel happy and at peace with yourself. A 2014 study notes that having a clear conscience helps promote inner peace . The authors of the study notes that this even applies during stressful situations, because you know you’ve done your best.
• Better relationships: People with a strong moral compass are able to foster better relationships with others because they value others’ needs and view themselves as part of a greater good, says Wilson.
• Greater success: Research shows that ethical behavior is linked to better performance and greater success.

Without a moral compass, you may simply act per your own convenience, without taking into consideration what’s better for others or society as a whole.

People who lack moral compasses can be difficult to deal with because they often make decisions that will negatively impact those around them, says Wilson.

Research also shows that psychopathic people, who often have antisocial or criminal tendencies, tend to lack a moral compass.

Tips to Strengthen Your Moral Compass 

These are some strategies that can help you strengthen your moral compass.

Review Your Beliefs

Your moral compass is comprised of your beliefs, principles , and values. It can be helpful to reflect upon them and evaluate them from time to time, to ensure your moral compass stays strong.

You can do this by reflecting on day-to-day situations in your life or current events in the news. Ask yourself how you feel about the situation and why. If you like, you can even discuss your thoughts with others, to see how they feel about them.

Seek Out Diverse Perspectives

Often, we rely only on what we know to guide us. However, our perspective can sometimes be limiting.

It’s important to broaden your horizons by considering different cultures, religions, social practices, and economic backgrounds. The best way to do this is by talking to lots of different people. You can also read books and articles, and watch diverse content.

Developing a more diverse, inclusive, and holistic worldview can help you be more compassionate and strengthen your moral compass.

Practice Empathy

While we always consider how our actions will affect us, it’s equally important to consider how they affect others.

Putting yourself in someone else’s shoes and seeing things from their perspective can help you understand how your actions might affect them. This can help you be more empathetic toward them and guide your behavior toward them.

Act Upon Your Intentions

While your moral compass is a guiding light, it’s important to follow through and act upon your intentions.

For instance, even though you might be tempted to turn in an assignment late and make an excuse to your manager, it’s important to get it done on time if you value punctuality, reliability, and trustworthiness.

The satisfaction you get by acting upon your values is motivating and rewarding in itself and will help strengthen your moral compass.

Correct Your Mistakes

Your moral compass evolves over time, as you encounter new information and experiences. If you find something you once believed was mistaken or misguided, don’t be afraid to correct yourself. Admit your mistakes , apologize to people you’ve hurt, and learn from the situation.

Even if you were mistaken before, correcting yourself can help you strengthen your moral compass and feel at peace with yourself. Being stubborn and refusing to accept that you might have been wrong can be as harmful to your mental well-being as it is to others’.

Bennahum DA. Moral compass in the care of patients who choose aid in dying . Camb Q Healthc Ethics . 2020;29(2):327-329. doi:10.1017/S0963180119001117

Van Stekelenburg LH, Smerecnik C, Sanderse W, et al. ‘What do you mean by ethical compass?’ Bachelor students’ ideas about being a moral professional . Empirical Res Voc Ed Train 12, 11 (2020). doi:10.1186/s40461-020-00097-6

Ramos AM, Griffin AM, Neiderhiser JM, Reiss D. Did I inherit my moral compass? Examining socialization and evocative mechanisms for virtuous character development . Behav Genet . 2019;49(2):175-186. doi:10.1007/s10519-018-09945-4

Vithoulkas G, Muresanu DF. Conscience and consciousness: a definition . J Med Life . 2014;7(1):104-108.

Donnellan JJ Jr. A moral compass for management decision making: a healthcare CEO's reflections . Front Health Serv Manage . 2013;30(1):14-26.

Marshall J, Watts AL, Lilienfeld SO. Do psychopathic individuals possess a misaligned moral compass? A meta-analytic examination of psychopathy's relations with moral judgment . Personal Disord . 2018;9(1):40-50. doi:10.1037/per0000226

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Setting the Moral Compass: Essays by Women Philosophers (Studies in Feminist Philosophy) 1st Edition

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• ISBN-10 0195154754
• ISBN-13 978-0195154757
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• Publication date December 25, 2003
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• Publisher ‏ : ‎ Oxford University Press; 1st edition (December 25, 2003)
• Language ‏ : ‎ English
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• ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0195154757
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Morals, Values, and Ethicss

This essay about the intricate interplay of morals, values, and ethics in shaping human behavior and societal dynamics. It explores how these fundamental principles serve as guiding forces in navigating life’s complexities and influencing our decisions and interactions. By examining the significance of morals as internal compasses, values as guiding stars, and ethics as frameworks for interpersonal conduct, the essay highlights their collective impact on individual lives and broader societal structures. It emphasizes the importance of understanding and integrating these principles into our daily lives to foster a more just, compassionate, and sustainable world.

How it works

In the intricate web of human existence, the interplay of morals, values, and ethics forms the very fabric of our collective conscience. Like skilled artisans, we navigate the threads of our beliefs and principles, crafting a tapestry of behavior that defines who we are and how we interact with the world around us.

Morals, those inner guideposts of right and wrong, are deeply ingrained within us, shaped by our upbringing, experiences, and cultural heritage. They serve as the bedrock of our moral compass, steering us through the complexities of life’s ethical dilemmas.

Whether it’s the golden rule instilled by our parents or the teachings of our faith, morals provide us with a sense of direction, guiding our actions and decisions with a moral clarity that transcends individual preferences.

Values, meanwhile, are the hues and shades that color the canvas of our lives, reflecting what we hold dear and prioritize above all else. From the pursuit of truth and justice to the bonds of family and community, our values shape our aspirations and shape the trajectory of our journey. They are the guiding stars that illuminate our path, guiding us towards fulfillment and purpose in a world fraught with uncertainty and change.

Ethics, the silent architects of our societal structures, provide the framework upon which we build our interactions with others. Rooted in principles of fairness, integrity, and respect for human dignity, ethics govern the rules of engagement in our personal and professional lives. Whether it’s the Hippocratic Oath sworn by doctors or the code of conduct upheld by business leaders, ethics serve as the invisible hand that maintains order and harmony within our communities.

Together, these three pillars form the cornerstone of human civilization, binding us together in a shared tapestry of values and beliefs. Yet, as we traverse the ever-changing landscape of the modern world, the threads of morality, values, and ethics are constantly tested and reshaped by the forces of progress and innovation. From the ethical implications of artificial intelligence to the moral dilemmas posed by genetic engineering, our ability to navigate these uncharted waters will determine the course of our collective destiny.

In conclusion, the tapestry of human conduct is a complex and ever-evolving masterpiece, woven together by the threads of morals, values, and ethics. As we embark on this journey of self-discovery and societal transformation, let us embrace the diversity of perspectives and experiences that enrich our shared humanity. For only by weaving together the disparate threads of our existence can we create a future that is both vibrant and resilient, grounded in the timeless principles of justice, compassion, and integrity.

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8 Resentment and Assurance

• Published: December 2003
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Resentment is a kind of anger. It is widely agreed that resentment predicates some kind of wrong at others’ hands and that it is in some way a defensive emotion in its operation or its manner of expression. The most widely cited contemporary account of resentment, Jean Hampton’s, renders the anger, wrong, and need for defense in a particularly colorful way. Hampton’s is an individualistic and agonistic account of resentment. Beings acutely aware of their “value and rank” are moved to anger by injuries to themselves that challenge their presumed standings, and they are mobilized in fearful defense of the self-esteem these standings under-write.

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• Essay Database >
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• Essay on Morality

Moral Compass Essay Essay Example

Type of paper: Essay

Topic: Morality , Ethics , Moral Values , Code , Moral Code , Wisdom , Traditions , Vision

Words: 1300

Published: 03/30/2023

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Moral Compass

This essay is a discussion of what I feel on a personal level as what is right and also what is wrong. The essay will demonstrate how I can act accordingly when I am faced with decisions or judgment involving right or wrong. It is a reflection of myself in the context of moral values. The essay is a synthesis of personal value system and will incorporate experience, observations, independent inquiries, and ideas gained from learning wisdom traditions. There will also be a critical review of human values as well as the ethical challenges faced by business leaders. Further, it will highlight critiques of personal values and also social norms from multiple perspectives. Finally, there will be a review of Carey personal conduct which shall be discussed together with integrity norms. According to Thompson (2009), Moral Compass is reflected in aspects such as decision-making, relationships, and character. My understanding of a moral compass is a guide to decision making which enables me to choose what is right or wrong. The moral compass is a good foundation to personal integrity since it guides on what values and behaviours to adopt for one to realise the good in not only oneself but also in others as well as material and social environment. A person with integrity and social conscience need to have a good understanding of what is wrong and what is right in the society. Failure to differentiate what is wrong and what is right might make it hard to live harmoniously, peacefully, and sustainably with others in society. What I value about the wisdom traditions is that there is an inner core of either traditions or religions which are independent of sectarianism, trappings, power structures, doctrines, and all other elements that pertain to religion. What I question about the wisdom traditions is that why do issues of moral values vary from one community to another? For example, “why is it that there are moral biases, yet we have the wisdom of traditions?” My vision of a good life is the one where I live in line with the moral values accepted by the community. The main values which anchor my moral vision are the golden rule and integrity which effectively summarises my core values (peace, truth, freedom, justice, and friendship). Symbols which motivates and inspires my moral vision are the famous people who lived by doing good things in the society such as Mother Teresa. My wisdom tradition influences my moral vision in that I am in a position to judge what is right or wrong without necessarily referring outside sources. My rules and principles of the moral code are drawn from religious teachings such as the Bible, wisdom traditions, and experiences in life. For example, in the Ten Commandments, I frequently apply the principle of “love your neighbour as you love yourself”. In general, the golden rule summarises my rules and principles of moral code. If I am to express myself as who I am, the moral code best describes me. That is why I can say my moral code is consistent with my moral vision. For example, my moral vision involves core values such as world peace, truthfulness, friendship, justice, and freedom. The golden rule, which an underlying rule and principle of my moral code, involves all these core values. Wisdom Tradition influences my moral code because the universal principles which I believe it should govern sustainable, prosperous, and harmonious existence are grounded largely inform my moral code. My moral fitness regimen is evident from my day to day practices. My relations with others such as the way I live up to my virtues, the way I overcome vices, the way I build moral community and the manner in which I create dispositions pertaining moral awareness are some of the factors which constitute my moral fitness regimen. I employ these practices to nurture a personal character and integrity by making them stand out in my daily interaction with people in the community. The practices reinforce and align with my moral code and vision because I can use them to describe who I am and what I stand for in matters regarding morality. One of the moral challenges that has been a key defining moment for me was a request I was made to express my views regarding the decision of whether it is right or wrong to go to war. The consequences of war have clarified my decision to support peace instead of war. It has continued to define my character and values as a peaceful person who promote peace at all times and also a firm believer in the golden rule. If I could, I will still retain my stand against war or aggression. The universal principles of moral values which are inherent in me inform that the best approach to a conflict is the path of least resistance and minimal consequences to those who are involved and not involved in the circumstances leading to conflicts. As a business leader, there is a lot to be applied in the moral compass. The major things which underpin my moral values as a business leader are fitness, performance, vision, and code. Building a social network of shared values involve interacting with various people with divergent views regarding what is right and what is wrong. This present a challenge. However, there exist opportunities in social networks with people who have similar views such as religious memberships and other social networks where members have almost homogeneous perspectives. With power associated with leadership, there is adequate resources to reinforce moral values. Being a business leader requires one to build cultures of shared accountability and responsibility. Business and social context of moral values may not be the same. The challenge is further complicated by the rights enshrined in the constitution which might be in conflict with business cultures. The ability to mobilise people to observe certain moral values may be quite challenging. However, there are opportunities to do this by establishing a moral code of conduct in the workplace. The ultimate objective of every business is to create wealth. However, there is a challenge in selecting commercial ventures which are in line with the moral values anticipated in the society. Given that communities favour certain commercial engagements which are in line with their moral values, there are lots of opportunities which can favour my commerce. Building societies that work better for everyone are quite challenging because people have been made to understand moral values differently. This is because of doctrines, traditions, and religious practices. However, due to the wisdom of traditions, the majority of the people somehow understand what is right and what is wrong. They present opportunities to build better communities. Besides helping me to learn more about the moral compass, this essay has also given me an opportunity to reflect on my personal moral values. It has also given me a chance to describe myself in the context of moral values in case I assume different leadership positions. Beyond learning the moral values, I have also gotten a chance to differentiate ethics and morality. Further, I have learned where morality and ethics converge. Importantly, this assignment has helped to reinforce my expectations and responsibilities as a student at Carey Business School (Carey, 2014). Specifically, I can now exhibit honesty, respect for others, and integrity as part of my acceptable moral conduct in the community of students. I also understand better why the code of conduct is necessary and why all should observe it.

Carey. (2014). Code of Conduct. Retrieved from: http://carey.jhu.edu/students/student-resources/honor-code/code-of-conduct Thompson, L.J. (2009). The Moral Compass: Leadership for a Free World. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing

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Setting the moral compass: essays by women philosophers

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Middle East Crisis Israeli Officials Lash Out Over Potential U.S. Sanctions on Military Unit

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• Closed shops Sunday during a general strike in Hebron, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. Hazem Bader/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
• Posters in Tel Aviv with images of hostages who were taken during the Hamas-led Oct. 7 attacks. Hannah Mckay/Reuters
• The streets of Hebron were largely empty due to the strike. Hazem Bader/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
• Destruction after the Israeli military raid on the Nur Shams refugee camp. Associated Press
• Israeli forces at the scene of a shooting near Hebron, in the occupied West Bank. Mussa Qawasma/Reuters
• A funeral procession on Sunday for a Palestinian killed in an Israeli raid in the occupied West Bank. Jaafar Ashtiyeh/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Netanyahu says U.S. sanctions against Israel’s military would be a ‘moral low.’

The United States is considering imposing sanctions on one or more Israeli battalions accused of human rights violations during operations in the occupied West Bank, according to a person familiar with the deliberations.

Israeli leaders, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, on Saturday called the possibility of the Biden administration’s placing such sanctions “the peak of absurdity and a moral low” at a time when Israeli forces are fighting a war in Gaza against Hamas. Mr. Netanyahu said in a social media post that his government would “act by all means” against any such move.

The news about the possible sanctions, reported earlier by Axios , came only a day after the House approved $26 billion for Israel and humanitarian aid for civilians in conflict zones, including Gaza. The sanctions, if imposed, would not hold up the military aid that was just approved in Congress.

The possible imposition of sanctions against the Netzah Yehuda and other battalions would come under the so-called 1997 Leahy Law , which bans foreign military units accused of human rights violations from receiving U.S. aid or training.

It was not clear what practical impact any sanctions might have, given that funding of specific Israeli units is hard to track and the battalions in question do not receive American training. But such a punitive move would clearly sting, especially coming from Israel’s closest ally.

Netzah Yehuda, which has been accused of violence against Palestinians in the West Bank in the past, was established for ultra-Orthodox Jewish men whose strict religious observance demands that men and women be separated. The battalion has attracted other Orthodox soldiers as well, including hard-line nationalists from the West Bank settler movement.

One of the most egregious episodes attributed to the Netzah Yehuda battalion involved the death of a 78-year-old Palestinian-American man who was detained, gagged and handcuffed by members of the unit in a night raid on his village in January 2022.

An autopsy showed that the man, Omar Abdelmajed Assad, had died from a stress-induced heart attack brought on by injuries he sustained while he was detained. An investigation by the Israeli military’s justice system found failures in the conduct of the soldiers involved, who, the military said, “acted in a manner that did not correspond with what is required and expected of” Israeli soldiers.

The Israeli military disciplined three of the unit’s commanders after the investigation. But no criminal charges were brought against the soldiers because, the military said at the time, no causal link was found between Mr. Assad’s death and the failures of the soldiers’ conduct.

Human rights organizations have long accused the Israeli military justice system of whitewashing wrongdoing and the military of acting with impunity.

The Biden administration has been putting Israel on notice over rising levels of settler violence against Palestinians and anti-settlement activists in the occupied West Bank, imposing financial and travel sanctions on several people and, most recently, on two grass-roots organizations raising funds for some of those individuals.

Benny Gantz, a centrist member of Mr. Netanyahu’s war cabinet and a former military chief, said imposing sanctions on Israeli military units would set “a dangerous precedent.”

The fierce denunciations came just hours after Israeli officials welcomed the bipartisan vote in Congress to approve billions of dollars in aid for Israel, underscoring the dramatic swings and contradictions that have characterized recent relations between President Biden and Mr. Netanyahu.

Mr. Biden has chided Mr. Netanyahu over civilian deaths in Gaza while nonetheless coming to Israel’s aid in repelling an attack this month from Iran and providing weapons used in the war in Gaza.

Israel’s defense minister, Yoav Gallant, said that he talked recently with Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken and the U.S. ambassador to Israel, Jacob J. Lew.

“Our friends and our enemies are closely watching the ties between Israel and the United States, now more than ever,” Mr. Gallant said in a statement on Monday. “I call on the U.S. administration to withdraw its intention to impose sanctions on the Netzah Yehuda battalion.”

Mr. Biden has faced months of criticism and fury — even from some members of his own party — over his backing of Israel’s war in Gaza as the death toll there has climbed, and any imposition of sanctions against an Israeli unit could be seen as a kind of counterweight. More than 34,000 Palestinians have been killed during the six months of war, according to Gazan health officials.

Mick Mulroy, a former C.I.A. officer and senior Pentagon official, said placing such sanctions on a close ally like Israel would be unusual, so “it should send a message.”

Charles Blaha, a former director of an office in the State Department’s bureau of democracy, human rights and labor, said he hoped any decision to impose sanctions “would provide incentives to Israel to improve accountability.”

Natan Odenheimer and Gabby Sobelman contributed reporting.

An earlier version of this article misstated a title once held by Charles Blaha. He is a former director of an office in the State Department’s bureau of democracy, human rights and labor, not a former director of the bureau.

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— Isabel Kershner ,  Julian E. Barnes and Adam Rasgon Reporting from Jerusalem

A U.S. official says the military destroyed a rocket launcher in Iraq after rockets were fired toward a U.S. base.

The U.S. military destroyed a rocket launcher in Iraq in self-defense, an American defense official said late Sunday, after rockets were fired from the area toward a base used by U.S. forces in eastern Syria.

The attack on the base in Rumalyn, Syria, failed and no American personnel were injured, said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the matter.

It was not immediately clear who had fired the rockets, or how many had been fired, toward the base in Syria. The U.S. military has about 900 troops in Syria to help battle the remnants of the Islamic State, and they have been targeted in dozens of attacks by Iran-backed armed groups based in Iraq since the war in Gaza began last October. The Iran-backed groups in Iraq have said that they view their mission as attacking Israel and its allies.

The rocket fire over the weekend was believed to be the first attack directed at U.S. forces in Iraq, Syria or Jordan since early February, when, at the request of leaders of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, Iran-backed groups in Iraq reined in their assaults on American personnel in the region.

That request came after an Iran-backed armed group launched a drone strike on Jan. 28 that killed three U.S. service members and wounded 34 others at a military outpost in Jordan near the Syrian border. The United States responded to that strike by targeting bases used by Iran-backed armed groups in Iraq and Syria, killing dozens of people including civilians, according to officials in both countries .

Since then, a few attacks had targeted Syrian Kurdish forces who work closely with the U.S. Special Operations forces in Syria, but there had been no known attacks aimed at American troops.

— Alissa J. Rubin and Julian E. Barnes

Palestinians go on strike in the West Bank to protest a deadly Israeli military raid.

Palestinians in the West Bank on Sunday went on a general strike to protest an Israeli military raid at a refugee camp a day earlier in which at least 10 people were killed, in an episode that illustrated the continuing unrest in the territory.

The raid was the latest operation in a sweeping economic and security clampdown in the territory occupied by Israel, even as it prosecutes its war against Hamas in Gaza. Since the Hamas-led Oct. 7 attacks on Israel, hundreds of Palestinians have been killed and detained in raids in the West Bank, which Israeli officials describe as counterterrorism operations against Hamas and other armed groups.

Sunday’s strike “paralyzed all aspects of life” in the West Bank, according to the official Palestinian news agency, Wafa, with shops, schools, universities and banks shuttered. Public transportation also came to a standstill.

It was not the first shutdown in the occupied West Bank — where about 500,000 Israeli settlers live alongside roughly 2.7 million Palestinians — as an act of protest in recent months . The Israeli authorities have tightened restrictions in the territory since Oct. 7, canceling thousands of work permits that allowed Palestinians to work in Israel and squeezing the West Bank’s economy.

And violence in the West Bank has sharply escalated in recent months. Nearly 500 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces there since the Israel-Hamas war started, according to the Palestinian Ministry of Health. Deadly violence against Palestinians by Israeli settlers in the West Bank has also reached record levels since Oct. 7.

Early on Sunday, two Palestinian males in their late teens were fatally shot by Israeli forces, according to the Palestinian Health Ministry. The Israeli military said one of them had opened fire at soldiers at a military post north of Hebron and the other had tried to stab them.

Later on Sunday morning, an Israeli man was slightly injured in an explosion in the West Bank, according to the Israeli emergency services. Video footage shared by Israeli news outlets showed him kicking down a Palestinian flag on a pole in a field near a settlement. The flag appeared to have been booby-trapped.

Those incidents came after the Israeli military’s hourslong raid in the Nur Shams refugee camp, in the northern part of the West Bank, on Saturday. The military called the raid a counterterrorism operation and said the 10 killed were militants, a claim that could not be immediately verified.

However, the Palestinian Ministry said that the Israeli operation in Nur Shams was responsible for the deaths of at least 14 people, including a 15-year-old boy. The Fatah party, which dominates the Palestinian Authority, labeled the operation a “heinous” crime and called on residents of the occupied territory to protest the raid.

The United States has called on Israel to increase commercial engagement with the West Bank, arguing that doing so was important for both Palestinians and Israelis. The war has also sent shock waves through Israel’s economy, which shrank nearly 20 percent in the fourth quarter of last year.

— Vivek Shankar and Isabel Kershner

The House, with a bipartisan vote, approves an aid package for Israel.

The House voted resoundingly on Saturday to approve billions of dollars in aid for Israel as part of a larger package that would also fund Ukraine and Taiwan.

In four back-to-back votes, overwhelming bipartisan coalitions of lawmakers approved the new rounds of funding for the three U.S. allies.

The legislation allocates $26 billion for Israel and for humanitarian aid for civilians in conflict zones, including Gaza; $60 billion for Kyiv; and $8 billion for the Indo-Pacific region.

The House approved assistance to Israel by a vote of 366 to 58. Representative Rashida Tlaib, Democrat of Michigan and a vocal supporter of the Palestinian cause, voted “present.”

Thirty-seven liberal Democrats opposed the aid package for Israel because the legislation placed no conditions on how Israel could use American aid, even though there have been thousands of civilian casualties and Gaza faces the risk of famine.

That was a relatively small sliver of opposition given that left-wing lawmakers had pressed their colleagues to vote “no” on the bill to send a message to President Biden about the depth of anger within his political coalition over his backing for Israel’s tactics in the war.

“Sending more weapons to the Netanyahu government will make the U.S. even more responsible for atrocities and the horrific humanitarian crisis in Gaza, which is now in a season of famine,” said Representative Jonathan L. Jackson, Democrat of Illinois, speaking of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel. “The United States Congress must be the moral compass. I continue to call for the release of all prisoners and hostages. I continue to pray and work for peace, security and stability.”

Mr. Netanyahu welcomed the news that the bill had passed in the House, saying it was “ much appreciated ” and a demonstration of “bipartisan support for Israel.”

Hamas condemned it, saying in a statement on Sunday that the aid allocation was “a confirmation of the official American complicity and partnership” in what the group described as Israeli war crimes in Gaza.

The Senate is expected to pass the legislation as early as Tuesday and send it to Mr. Biden’s desk, capping a tortured journey through Congress .

Isabel Kershner contributed reporting.

— Catie Edmondson

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