short essay on non violence and peace

Essay on Peace

500 words essay peace.

Peace is the path we take for bringing growth and prosperity to society. If we do not have peace and harmony, achieving political strength, economic stability and cultural growth will be impossible. Moreover, before we transmit the notion of peace to others, it is vital for us to possess peace within. It is not a certain individual’s responsibility to maintain peace but everyone’s duty. Thus, an essay on peace will throw some light on the same topic.

Importance of Peace

History has been proof of the thousands of war which have taken place in all periods at different levels between nations. Thus, we learned that peace played an important role in ending these wars or even preventing some of them.

In fact, if you take a look at all religious scriptures and ceremonies, you will realize that all of them teach peace. They mostly advocate eliminating war and maintaining harmony. In other words, all of them hold out a sacred commitment to peace.

It is after the thousands of destructive wars that humans realized the importance of peace. Earth needs peace in order to survive. This applies to every angle including wars, pollution , natural disasters and more.

When peace and harmony are maintained, things will continue to run smoothly without any delay. Moreover, it can be a saviour for many who do not wish to engage in any disrupting activities or more.

In other words, while war destroys and disrupts, peace builds and strengthens as well as restores. Moreover, peace is personal which helps us achieve security and tranquillity and avoid anxiety and chaos to make our lives better.

How to Maintain Peace

There are many ways in which we can maintain peace at different levels. To begin with humankind, it is essential to maintain equality, security and justice to maintain the political order of any nation.

Further, we must promote the advancement of technology and science which will ultimately benefit all of humankind and maintain the welfare of people. In addition, introducing a global economic system will help eliminate divergence, mistrust and regional imbalance.

It is also essential to encourage ethics that promote ecological prosperity and incorporate solutions to resolve the environmental crisis. This will in turn share success and fulfil the responsibility of individuals to end historical prejudices.

Similarly, we must also adopt a mental and spiritual ideology that embodies a helpful attitude to spread harmony. We must also recognize diversity and integration for expressing emotion to enhance our friendship with everyone from different cultures.

Finally, it must be everyone’s noble mission to promote peace by expressing its contribution to the long-lasting well-being factor of everyone’s lives. Thus, we must all try our level best to maintain peace and harmony.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Conclusion of the Essay on Peace

To sum it up, peace is essential to control the evils which damage our society. It is obvious that we will keep facing crises on many levels but we can manage them better with the help of peace. Moreover, peace is vital for humankind to survive and strive for a better future.

FAQ of Essay on Peace

Question 1: What is the importance of peace?

Answer 1: Peace is the way that helps us prevent inequity and violence. It is no less than a golden ticket to enter a new and bright future for mankind. Moreover, everyone plays an essential role in this so that everybody can get a more equal and peaceful world.

Question 2: What exactly is peace?

Answer 2: Peace is a concept of societal friendship and harmony in which there is no hostility and violence. In social terms, we use it commonly to refer to a lack of conflict, such as war. Thus, it is freedom from fear of violence between individuals or groups.

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The Ethics of Nonviolence: Essays by Robert L. Holmes

Robert L. Holmes,  The Ethics of Nonviolence: Essays by Robert L. Holmes , Predrag Cicovacki (ed.), Bloomsbury, 2013, 263pp., $34.95 (pbk), ISBN 9781623568054.

Reviewed by Andrew Fiala, California State University, Fresno

This is a collection of essays by Robert L. Holmes, a philosopher known primarily for his extensive body of work on nonviolence and war, including his influential book, On War and Morality (Princeton University Press, 1989). The essays include some of Holmes' early articles on American pragmatism and ethical theory. But its primary focus is later work, including some important material on the philosophy of nonviolence (some of it published previously in journals and books along with some previously unpublished material). The book concludes with a short essay on Holmes' teaching philosophy and an interview with the editor that provides some biographical material about Holmes' education and life.

While the earlier essays on pragmatism and ethical theory may be of interest to academic philosophers, and the later items would be of interest to those who know Holmes as a teacher or colleague, the primary focus of the volume is on the ethics of nonviolence. The essays on this topic are both readable and important. They would be of interest to a broad audience and not merely to academic philosophers. Indeed, these essays should be read and carefully considered by students of peace studies and peace activists.

One significant contribution is Holmes' is analysis of the difference between nonviolentism and pacifism. Indeed, it appears that he coined the term "nonviolentism" in a 1971 essay that is reprinted in this collection (157). According to Holmes, pacifism is a narrow perspective that is merely opposed to war, while nonviolentism is a broader perspective that is opposed in general to violence.

Holmes' account is a fine piece of analytic philosophy that reminds us that conceptual analysis matters. One concrete outcome of his analysis is the idea that one need not be an absolutist to be a pacifist or a nonviolentist. According Holmes, pacifists and nonviolentists get painted into a conceptual corner when they are thought to be absolutists. Absolute nonviolentism is easily overcome by imagined thought experiments in which a minor amount of violence is necessary in order to save a large number of people. Holmes concedes this point, admitting that absolute pacifism is "clearly untenable" (158).

Holmes' admission that pacifism is not appropriate for all conceivable worlds and in any conceivable circumstance may appear to doom his effort to defend nonviolence. And some may object that once Holmes makes this concession, continued discussion of nonviolentism becomes moot. Why bother to discuss nonviolentism when it won't work for the really hard cases?

But in fact, his admission of the limits of absolute moralizing is interesting as a meta-philosophical thesis, as a comment about absolutism in philosophy. And it links to his understanding of nonviolence as a way of life. Holmes connects the idea of nonviolence as a way of life with the tradition of virtue ethics -- and with non-Western sources such as Taoism. Holmes' goal is to describe a way of life in which nonviolence governs all of life, including both thought and deed.

Nonviolence in this maximalist sense does govern all of our life. Once we satisfy its requirements, we may in other respects act as we choose toward others. Even though I have stated it negatively, it has, for all practical purposes, a positive content. It tells us to be nonviolent . (174)

This is somewhat vague. A critic may worry -- as critics of virtue ethics often do -- that this is not very helpful when considering concrete cases. Such a retreat to virtue may not be readily accepted by absolutists who want clarity about moral principles. But Holmes fends of this sort of critique in his theoretical essays. In an essay with the polemical title "The Limited Relevance of Analytical Ethics to the Problems of Bioethics," Holmes aims to show that analytic ethics fails in important ways. In general Holmes holds that moral philosophy is situated in a broader context in which philosophers come to their work with a set of predispositions that are apparent even in the choice of methodology. And he points to a gap between the way philosophers proceed and the way the vast majority of people proceed, when reflecting on moral issues. What most of us want is a way of life and system of virtue -- not merely a decision procedure based on abstract principles.

This leads Holmes to conclude that academic philosophy is not very good at creating moral wisdom. Moral philosophizing attempts to hover free from value claims -- in attempting to be neutral -- and thus can end up being used to support immoral outcomes. A related point is made in Holmes' broader claim about the way that universities are too cozy with the military-industrial complex -- for example in supporting ROTC programs. While his criticism of ROTC was made in the early 1970's, we might note that ROTC still exists on campuses across the country, often free from criticism. It is worth considering whether the values embodied in academic philosophy and the larger academy are nonviolentist in Holmes' sense.

In the metaphilosophical and metaethical concerns of the earlier essays, Holmes clarifies the source of his thinking in American pragmatism (with special emphasis on Dewey). He also discusses the problem of finding a middle path between consequentialist and nonconsequentialist moral theory. And he criticizes philosophers' tendency to rely on imagined thought experiments.

He explains, for example, that most people are simply not absolutists, who hold to principles in the face of all possible counter-examples. He writes that although some philosophers believe that "far-fetched counterexamples" may crushingly refute absolute principles, "the philosopher's refutation of the philosopher's interpretation of the principle becomes conspicuously irrelevant to the issues in which ordinary people find themselves caught up" (57). Holmes' immediate target here is moral reasoning that occurs in applied ethics -- specifically Judith Thomson's widely read 1971 article "In Defense of Abortion." Holmes aims beyond the postulation of absolutist principles and attempted refutations of these by imagined counter-examples.

The imagined examples that are offered to refute pacifism are, for the most part irrelevant to Holmes' endeavor of describing and defending an ethic of nonviolence. He rejects an exclusive focus on "contrived cases, such as that of a solitary Gandhi assuming the lotus position before an attacking Nazi panzer division" (146). Holmes admits that killing could be justified in some rare situations. But such an admission does not help us make moral judgments in the real world of war and militarism. I think he is right about this. But one might worry that Holmes does not offer enough analysis of the concrete and ugly reality of war. For example, there is no discussion of post-traumatic stress disorder or suicide by soldiers or fragging -- let alone an account of war on children, widows, and the social fabric. Indeed, there is little here in terms of descriptions of the ugly reality of war that is often left out by defenders of militarism. Holmes may imagine that we already know that ugly reality. But his argument could be bolstered by more concrete detail.

One significant point Holmes makes is that much of the evil of the world -- and especially the evil of war -- is not deliberately intended. Holmes rejects the doctrine of double effect by noting that an exclusive focus on intention is insufficient. But he points toward a larger problem, which he names "the Paradox of Evil": "the greatest evils in the world are done by basically good people" (209). Truly evil people are usually only able to harm a few others. But the greatest harms are done by large social organizations that use good people to create massive suffering. Holmes suggests that the worst things happen when basically good people end up sacrificing for and supporting political and military systems. One reason for this is that they have been persuaded that nonviolentism is silly -- by those pernicious and fallacious arguments that consist primarily of contrived imagined cases.

Rather than dwelling on those contrived cases, Holmes emphasizes that we ought to work to develop plausible alternatives to violence and war. He imagines a nonviolent army or peaceforce, consisting of tens of thousands of trained persons, funded and educated at levels equivalent to that of the military. While it may seem that "nonviolent social defense" (as Holmes prefers to call it) is feckless in a world of military power, Holmes points out that there have been successful cases of nonviolent social transformation in recent history: in the Indian campaign for independence from Britain, in the American Civil Rights movement, in the demise of the Soviet Union, and in the end of apartheid in South Africa. This is all useful as a reminder of the fact that nonviolence can work. But one thing missing here is a concrete analysis of how and why nonviolent social revolutions work.

Holmes does argue that in order to complete the work of creating a "nonviolent American revolution" as he puts it, we ought to leave our violentist/realist assumptions about history behind and acknowledge that nonviolence can work to produce positive social change. For example, Holmes points out that national economies are grounded in value judgments and that we could create a nonviolent national economy, rather than our current militarized economy.

This points toward Holmes' basic optimism and idealism. Holmes suggest that our world is based in thought: "much of the world that most of us live in consists of embodied thought" (233). Injustices such as slavery are grounded upon a set of values and concepts that could be otherwise. One of the problems of the ubiquity of militarism in the United States is the feeling that military power is inevitable and normal. But Holmes points out that things could be different -- that we could imagine the social and political world differently and reconstitute it accordingly.

One significant problem is that we are miseducated about the usefulness of violence. Prevailing historical narratives make it appear that progress is usually made by the use of military power. But Holmes is at pains to point out that war and violence have often not worked. "We know that resort to war and violence for all of recorded history has not worked. It has not secured either peace or justice to the world" (197). While we often hear a story touting the usefulness of violence -- as in the Second World War narrative -- it turns out that in reality war merely prepares the way for future conflict -- as the Second World War gave way to the Cold War.

A further problem is that Holmes thinks that we defer too willingly to the narratives told by those in power and that we are too quick to give our loyalty to the state. Holmes espouses loyalty to the truth -- not loyalty to the state -- and a higher patriotism that is directed beyond borders. "It is from love of one's country, and for humankind generally, that a nonviolent transformation of society must proceed" (232). Running throughout his essays is a sort of anarchism, which Holmes sees in the ideas of those authors he admires: Thoreau, Tolstoy, and Gandhi. Holmes concludes, "the consistent and thoroughgoing nonviolentist, as Tolstoy saw, will be an anarchist" (180). To support this idea, Holmes reminds us that there is nothing permanent or sacred about the system of nation-states. "Nation-states are not part of the nature of things. They certainly are not sacrosanct. If they perpetuate ways of thinking that foster division and enmity among peoples, ways should be sought to transcend them" (120).

The just war tradition and political realism appear to go astray when they turn the state into an end in itself, rather than viewing it as a means to be used to create positive social living. Holmes locates one source of this in Augustine, who compromised so much with state power that he ended up closer to Hobbes than to Jesus -- a line of political realism that Holmes claims is picked up by Reinhold Niebuhr.

This train of thought points toward a critique of the logic of militaristic nation-states, which will tend to grow in power and centralized control. This leads to what Holmes calls the "garrison mentality" and "the garrison state" (114). He maintains that under the guise of a realist interpretation of history we end up assimilating military values, thinking that we can solve both international and domestic problems through the use of military tactics. But the development of the garrison state chained to a permanent war economy is an impending disaster, especially in a democracy. Holmes suggests, "This most likely would not happen by design, but gradually, almost imperceptibly, through prolonged breathing of the air of militarism, deceptively scented by the language of democratic values" (114). But in the long run, the growth of militarism comes at the expense of democracy. These prescient ideas were originally published in 1998, prior to 9/11, the war on terrorism, and recent revelations about the growing extent of security agencies and spying. The perceptive insight of Holmes' remarks reminds us that the perspective of nonviolentism is a valuable one, which helps to provide a critical lens on the world.

In general, this book provides a useful collection of essays on the ethics of nonviolence. Some of the earlier essays can be seen as a bit academic and boring. But, as noted above, the metaphilosophical considerations found in these earlier essays are clearly connected to the more concrete considerations on the ethics and philosophy of nonviolence. If one thing is missing, it is a more extensive practical account of how and why nonviolence works. Holmes mentions that some of the evidence for his claims about the effectiveness of nonviolence can be found in the work of authors such as Gene Sharp. However, there are very few details. Nor is there much in terms of a description of what a nonviolent way of life would look like. Would it be vegetarian? Would it include religion? Would a nonviolentist play violent video games or films? How would nonviolence impact gender relations? Would a nonviolentist with anarchist sympathies such as Holmes retreat to a 21 st century version of Walden Pond? Or would nonviolence lead us to a life of activism and social protest? One hopes that Holmes may take up the practical particulars of a life of nonviolence in future work.

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What is Nonviolent Peacemaking?

This is among the most frequent questions we are asked at the Center for Peacemaking. Even a simple examination of nonviolence quickly reveals its depth and multidimensionality. The following overview is an introduction to some of the foundations of nonviolence.

Understanding Violence; Achieving Peace

Active nonviolence: a third way, nonviolence: motivations and goals, nonviolence: types of application, breaking the cycle of violence; building lasting peace.

In its most basic form, nonviolence is refusing to use violence. It is important, though, to recognize that violence manifests in many forms. Different approaches to peacemaking and nonviolence respond to the different types of violence.

Types of Violence

There are many forms of violence. The most visible is physical violence , which usually manifests as physical harm to someone. Psychological violence can manifest as an independent event (lies, manipulation, or threats) or as an aftereffect of other physical or psychological harm (psychological damage, distress, or trauma). This form of violence targets the mind and soul.

Another important distinction is the relationship between violence and influence. Negative influence occurs in the form of punishment for doing something the influencer considers wrong. Positive influence occurs as a reward for doing something the influencer considers right. In this sense, positive influence can be used to coerce others into committing violence.

Each of these types of violence play out on three different levels personal, structural and cultural.

Direct Violence

Direct violence , also called personal violence, is initiated by an identifiable actor and serves to threaten the life, basic needs, or well-being of another person or group. Direct violence is usually easy to identify, which may make it easier to address.

Structural and Cultural Violence

Structural violence is not initiated by a specific actor, but instead imposed by a structure. For example, an unjust legal system can enforce disproportionately violent punishment for minor infractions or ethically questionable laws.

Likewise, cultural violence manifests in ways that blend with social and cultural norms. Structural and cultural violence intend to maintain an unequal distribution of power or resources and results in unequal life chances. This is also known as social injustice.

Because these forms of violence are usually indirect and perceived as socially or culturally acceptable, they can be harder to identify and address. Examples include discrimination, exploitation, or marginalization based on race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, class, religion, or language.

Types of Peace

From the intrapersonal (inner peace) to the interpersonal (outer peace), and spanning from ancient religions and civilizations to modern societies and governments, peace is an often discussed, rarely defined word. Peace studies has popularized the framework of negative and positive peace.

Negative Peace

Negative peace is simply the absence of direct violence and war. While this is desirable, it still comes short of achieving social justice, or an equitable distribution of power and resources.

Positive Peace

Positive peace , on the other hand, is the absence of structural and cultural violence. Thus, positive peace is evident in the presence of social justice, harmony, equity and dignity.

Considering both definitions, the aim of 'peace' is two-fold: the absence of direct violence and the presence of social justice.

Widespread recognition of the fight-or-flight response has popularized passivity (flight) and violent opposition (fight) as the two responses to a threat. However, there is another way to respond: active nonviolence.

The flight response , though not violent, avoids addressing the threat. Flight thus can appear as submission, passivity, withdrawal, or surrender. The fight response meets violence with violence and can appear as direct retaliation, revenge, armed revolt, or violent rebellion.

The way of active nonviolence (creative engagement) is a third way to respond. Contrary to images of passivity the word “nonviolence” may conjure, nonviolence is an active response that directly addresses the threat and has the power to transform opponents into allies. Active nonviolence can appear as noncooperation, intervention, self-suffering, protest and the creation of alternative systems.

Furthermore, active nonviolence requires creativity, discipline, courage and strength. Creativity and discipline are required to channel anger over injustice toward the creation of opportunities that disrupt cycles of violence and constructively engage adversaries. Courage and strength are required to control one’s fear and persevere while confronting injustice. It is because of these attributes that Gandhi called nonviolence the weapon of the strong and violence the weapon of the weak.

As Mahatma Gandhi said, “Nonviolence is the greatest and the activist force in the world. It is a force which is more positive than electricity and more powerful than even ether.”

Nonviolence is a strategic application of tactics to achieve goals. Individuals and campaigns that utilize nonviolence can be segmented into two groups: principled and pragmatic. The difference is in their goals and motivations.

Principled Nonviolence

Principled nonviolence , also known as Gandhian or Kingian nonviolence, is often associated with a moral, ethical, or religious motivation or commitment. Its goal is to transform relationships, societies and adversaries through nonviolent direct action so individuals are not oppressed or exploited. The power concern is to build “power with others” to shape society.

Ensuring continuity between means and ends is a key component of principled nonviolence. This requires that nonviolent means be used to achieve nonviolent ends. For instance, it includes a willingness to endure rather than inflict suffering and seeks to transform rather than defeat adversaries. Principled nonviolence derives its strength from its consistency—nonviolence is viewed as a way of life.

Examples of principled nonviolence campaigns include the U.S. Civil Rights Movement, the Satyagraha movements in India, the United Farm Workers movement in American farm fields and the Peace People movement in Northern Ireland.

Tactical Nonviolence

Tactical nonviolence , also known as pragmatic nonviolence, is utilitarian in nature. Its goal is to accomplish specific objectives and to defeat adversaries through nonviolent direct action. Its power concern is to gain “power over others” and is expressed in more adversarial terms. Gene Sharp, a leading advocate of tactical nonviolence, defines it as “a technique of socio-political action for applying power in a conflict without the use of violence.”

Tactical nonviolence views physical violence as ineffective or impractical. Nonviolence is preferred so long as it is effective and practical—it is not seen as a lifestyle. Thus, it has a lower barrier to entry. However, because it also has a lower barrier to exit, some may abandon their commitment to nonviolence once they gain significant political power.

Examples of tactical nonviolence campaigns include the First Palestinian Intifada uprising against the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, the student-led Otpor! movement to overthrow Slobodan Milosevic in Serbia, and the Orange Revolution in response to corruption, voter intimidation, and electoral fraud in Ukraine.

Below are three classifications of nonviolent action. Emerging research demonstrates the effectiveness of nonviolence in each of these situations.

Civil Resistance

Civil resistance includes nonviolent protest and persuasion, noncooperation with oppressive social, economic and political systems, as well as the creation of parallel institutions of government. Civil resistance may lead to peacemaking —bringing parties of a conflict into negotiated agreement—or result in overthrowing a regime or overturning oppressive laws and policies.

In their groundbreaking book, Why Civil Resistance Works: the Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict, Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan find that nonviolent campaigns worldwide were two times more successful than campaigns using violent methods. They collected data from 1900-2006 on all major nonviolent and violent campaigns aiming to overthrow a government or expel an occupying power. They argue that the moral, physical, informational and commitment barriers to participation are much lower for nonviolent resistance than for violent insurgency. Thus, nonviolent campaigns are more likely to gather mass participation or garner mass appeal.

Civil Defense

Civil defense includes building, protecting and preserving democratic structures from invasion, coup d’etat, natural disasters, or other threats. Civil defense largely encompasses the area of peacebuilding —developing tools to change unjust structures, systems and policies; as well as to resolve tensions, disagreements and conflicts without resorting to violence. Examples of civil defense or peacebuilding programs include agriculture and natural resource management, water and sanitation programs, as well as access to education, health and social service programs.

For example, Catholic Relief Services has integrated civil defense and peacebuilding approaches into water projects in southern Honduras, where conflict over water is pervasive. Strengthening local capacities in this way can contribute to improved social outcomes.

Civilian Protection

Unarmed Civilian Protection (UCP), is the practice of deploying teams of trained, unarmed civilians before, during, or after violent conflict. The goals of UCP include to prevent or reduce violence, to provide direct physical protection to civilian populations under threat and to strengthen or build resilient local peace infrastructures. UCP is considered a form of peacekeeping .

Most UCP practitioners are nonpartisan and engage in dialogue with all parties of a conflict. Key methodologies of UCP include relationship building, proactive engagement, monitoring and capacity development. These methods have been put into place to successfully train civilians as ceasefire monitors, facilitate dialogue between adversaries, and to educate civilians in their own protection, especially women and children.

Nonviolent Peaceforce is an example of UCP with presence in South Sudan, Sri Lanka, Colombia, Guatemala, the Philippines and Indonesia.

There are many tools available to address violence: mediation, negotiation, alternative dispute resolution, circle processes, restorative justice, truth and reconciliation commissions, peace accords, transitional justice, etc.

Jean Paul Lederach's differentiation of conflict resolution and conflict transformation present a useful framework to understand the difference between breaking the cycle of violence and building lasting peace.

Conflict Resolution

Conflict resolution is focused on the need to de-escalate a conflict or to end something that is not desired. It strives to achieve short-term agreements and solutions to specific incidents of violence. Thus, its goal aligns with negative peace.

Conflict Transformation

Conflict transformation is focused on the need to pursue constructive change—to build something that is desired in the place of something that is destructive. It is a mid- to long-term approach of increasing local capacity to effectively resolve incidents of conflict and generate solutions that address structural and cultural causes of conflict. Thus, its goal aligns with positive peace.

For example, recurring "isolated incidents" are usually symptoms of structural or cultural violence. Handling each incident independently (conflict resolution) may address the specific incidents but fails to address the root cause(s). Conflict transformation intentionally engages the complex history of long-term conflicts and asks questions such as what are patterns that generate this?

Sources and additional reading:

“The Meanings of Peace.” Peace & Conflict Studies , by David P. Barash and Charles Webel, SAGE Publications, Inc., 2018, pp. 3–12.

Chenoweth, Erica, and Maria J. Stephan. Why Civil Resistance Works: the Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict . Columbia University Press, 2013.

(Editor), Ellen Furnari, and For Peace Work and Nonviolent Conflict Transformation, Institute. Wielding Nonviolence in the Midst of Violence Case Studies of Good Practices in Unarmed Civilian Protection . Books on Demand, 2016.

Galtung, Johan. “Violence, Peace, and Peace Research.” Journal of Peace Research , vol. 6, no. 3, 1969, pp. 167–191.

Lederach, John Paul. The Little Book of Conflict Transformation: Clear Articulation of the Guiding Principles by a Pioneer in the Field . Good Books, 2003.

Case Studies of Unarmed Civilian Protection . Nonviolent Peaceforce, 2015, Case Studies of Unarmed Civilian Protection , www.nonviolentpeaceforce.org/images/publications/UCP_Case_Studies___vFinal_8-4-15.pdf.

Paffenholz, Thania. Civil Society & Peacebuilding . VIVA Books, 2011.

Sharp, Gene.   The Politics of Nonviolent Action . Boston: Porter Sargent, 1973

Wink, Walter. Jesus and Nonviolence: a Third Way . Fortress, 2003..

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Nonviolence means avoiding not only external physical violence but also internal violence of spirit. You not only refuse to shoot a man, but you refuse to hate him. -Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

Nonviolence is both a principle and a practice. The principle of nonviolence affirms the active use of non-coercive and non-aggressive means to create a more peaceful context. It is based on the assumption that justice will eventually prevail, that choices should be made from a place of love rather than hate, that the hurtful action, not the person, should be subdued and that voluntary suffering has value as an important facet of life.

In practice, nonviolence involves ACTIVELY peaceful behavior in the midst of conflict, becoming an example of consideration to those around us and breaking the destructive cycle of retaliation when we believe we have been wronged. It also means awareness of our own inner violence, and eliminating its negative effects upon our own intentions. Applying these principles of non-violence can reduce conflict, anger and violence on personal, local, national and global levels.

Nonviolence has come to be recognized as a powerful strategy for students, communities, disenfranchised groups and whole societies in addressing and transforming conditions. During the 20th century, the successful social movements of Gandhi in India and Martin Luther King, Jr. in the United States led to the public’s realization of completely new dimensions of nonviolent conflict resolution.

For more about the influence of Gandhi on Reverend King’s philosophy of nonviolence,  CLICK HERE

WHAT CAN YOU DO: NONVIOLENCE

–  Engage students in one of Stanford U’s Lesson Plans about Dr.King

– Check out the National Education Association Site with lessons for K-12 related to nonviolence, civil rights, etc.  CLICK HERE

– Review and discuss one or more of the Mainstreaming Nonviolence tools of Pace de Bene: CLICK HERE   

– Learn about Martin Luther King Jr.’s Principles of nonviolence and steps to social change : CLICK HERE . (For more info, go to the King Center Website ).

– Learn about Gandhian Principles of Nonviolence: CLICK HERE

– Use one or more of the SEASON OF NONVIOLENCE ideas

– Take the CAMPAIGN NONVIOLENCE Pledge: CLICK HERE

– Review the Principles of conflict transformation offered by the Global Coalition of conflict Transformation:  CLICK HERE  For more info,  CLICK HERE

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X5HIN0TVoWA Segment of the “I Have A Dream” Speech Focusing on Nonviolence

MLK: A Call to Conscience – PBS 1-hour episode examining Martin Luther King, Jr.’s stand against the Vietnam War and the influence of his legacy today – CLICK HERE .

Engage in the FREE online Nonviolence class:  CLICK HERE Gandhi & King: The Power of Non-Violent Action 

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Value-Creating Global Citizenship Education for Sustainable Development pp 77–98 Cite as

An Understanding of Peace and Non-violence as Being Central to the Human Rights Agenda

• Namrata Sharma 3  
• First Online: 14 October 2020

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Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Global Citizenship Education and Democracy ((GCED))

This chapter develops an understanding of peace and non-violence as being central to the human rights agenda. It engages with the behavioral goal of learning to do and argues that learners must be equipped with the knowledge, skills, values, and attitudes that enable them to negotiate through socio-political-economic and other realities. This requires, for example, preparing students as far as possible to deal with the contradictions and paradoxes that arise when values such as non-violence engage in real-world politics, drawing on the examples of Ikeda and the Indian non-violent activist Gandhi as leaders of mass movements of their respective countries. The implications for ESD and GCE are developed with reference to a critical review of the SDGs and related human rights issues. At a basic level, three rights to be guaranteed for the learner are proposed and developed within the framework of this book, as discussed in this chapter.

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In Mahayana Buddhism, practiced by the Soka Gakkai International (SGI), the term Bodhisattva depicts a state of life that lies within every human being. It emphasizes an ideal of human behavior. It is a state of wisdom, compassion, and courage by which one can overcome the restraints of egoism and work for the welfare of self and others (see Takazawa 2016 : 10–14). See Ikeda ( 1999 ) on the SGI’s peace movement to promote “responsibility, compassion, and wisdom,” which Ikeda describes as the efforts to advance “peace, culture, and education,” respectively.

Elsewhere, Ikeda ( 2020a : 3) expresses his view that, “people who take action to build friendships with others as fellow human beings are true global citizens.”

For more details on the relevance of Ikeda’s dialogue to global citizenship education, see Sharma ( 2010 ).

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See examples of organizations such as Mina’s list for representation of women and women’s voices in politics as an example: https://www.minaslist.org/

The practice of GCE should seriously engage with the work being done by the anti-nuclear weapons group, ICAN, that won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2017. See http://www.icanw.org/ The SGI is a partner organization of this initiative. Also see the website of the SGI Office for UN Affairs on projects and resources pertaining to issues on peace and disarmament, human rights education, sustainable development, gender equality, and women’s empowerment: https://sgi-ouna.org/

The phrase “social self-actualization” has been used recently by several scholars including the Dewey scholar, Jim Garrison (see Bogen 2009 ).

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See Sharma ( 2018 ), Chapter 5, for theoretical arguments, and pages 104–105 for praxis.

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Sharma, N. (2020). An Understanding of Peace and Non-violence as Being Central to the Human Rights Agenda. In: Value-Creating Global Citizenship Education for Sustainable Development. Palgrave Studies in Global Citizenship Education and Democracy. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58062-9_5

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Campaign Nonviolence

These six global struggles show the power of nonviolence in action.

In today’s media world — especially if you live inside the U.S. media bubble — if you hear news about foreign countries, it tends to be about business, political leaders, wars or disasters. Overall, it presents a dismal view of our fellow citizens — not to mention a disempowering one. But here are six of the many stories of ongoing nonviolent campaigns for change in countries across the world. They show the agency and power of ordinary people working for justice, rights, peace and dignity. They show that people don’t have to hold wealth, weapons or traditional power to be powerful. Instead, they need community, connection and some tools of nonviolent action.

1. India’s women farmers reassert their place and presence in farmer protests : India’s farmer protests have captured headlines around the world — as well they should. They are the largest protests in human history. On Jan. 18, Mahila Kisan Diwas (Women Farmers’ Day), women farmers across India demonstrated to reassert their place in the ongoing farmers’ struggle against Modi’s neoliberal agricultural laws. This action was organized in part to redress gender imbalances, particularly around media coverage that cut women out of the struggle’s story.

Due to the impacts of global patriarchy, women in movements have often needed to correct the record, rebalance who’s in the room and invited to the table, and (re)assert their pivotal roles in creating change. Studies show that women play powerful roles in nonviolent movements. They were at the heart of Sudan’s 2019 nonviolent revolution against a 30-year dictatorship. They propelled Chile’s recent constitutional revision campaign so decisively that the slogan for the re-write is “never again without women.” And, in India, women and women farmers have been organizing mass demonstrations, general strikes and protest encampments in such large numbers that they’ve consistently broken world records over and over in the past two years. It’s important to get the story straight!

Due to the impacts of global patriarchy, women in movements have often needed to correct the record.

2. Striking Palestinian workers triumph : Much of the news about Palestine is heart wrenching and tragic. We hear of bombings, orchards being razed, houses bulldozed and more abuses of Israeli occupation. Yet, here is a nonviolent campaign that is significant because the Palestinian workers not only won human and labor rights, they also won an apology for the racist comments their Israeli employer made. During the 19 days of an open-ended strike, the workers lost all wages and were threatened with being fired and replaced with other workers. But they persevered, and they won. (A word of caution: the strike’s agreement must still be upheld by an Israeli court.)

Palestinian organizers are heartened by the news. The secretary of the trade unions in Palestine said, “We hope that this small victory is the beginning of other victories for our workers and our people that have been subjugated by Israel’s inhumane apartheid and settler colonial oppression.” They also credited international solidarity and words of encouragement from global workers with helping them persevere and succeed.

3. In Sri Lanka, hundreds of tea plantation workers strike to defend jobs and social rights : In Sri Lanka, workers on tea plantations are unionized, but due to lack of action by union leadership, Gartemore Estate workers have been on a wildcat strike (a strike without union approval) since the end of December. After the Gartemore Estate sold off a portion of its lands, the workers feared the erosion of their rights and the loss of their jobs under the new management. They are worried that the current owner plans to develop tourist facilities on the estate instead of tea, which would drastically reduce the workforce. Some workers also fear that important personal documents, including birth and death certificates, health and other family papers, currently in the estate office would not be protected under the new management. The strike organizers are demanding a written agreement — not a verbal promise — that outlines a set of demands to protect workers around these issues. 

4. Doctors in Peru launch hunger strike over lack of protections and equipment: Since the start of the pandemic, Peru’s healthcare workers have been using nonviolent action to push for improved protections and equipment. Now, at least four doctors began a hunger strike as a protest against the substandard working conditions. Medical personnel have been protesting for a week just as a second wave of coronavirus cases is hitting the country. They’re not alone. Medical worker strikes have been erupting around the world. Just two weeks ago, medical students in Ecuador won similar demands after walking off the job and withstanding police repression. Will the Peruvian doctors succeed? Time will tell.

These workers are up against the “fire and rehire” policies that the pandemic’s economic impacts have aggravated.

5. Oil workers strike in Kazakhstan : More than 60 oil workers have gone on strike in Kazakhstan’s northwestern region, seeking a salary increase. The workers walked out on Jan. 29 saying that their monthly salaries of about $160 should be doubled, as they currently fail to allow them to provide for their families. They could find solidarity with the office employees of a British gas company , who have held numerous strike actions over substandard wages. These workers — and those in many other industries — are up against the “fire and rehire” policies that the pandemic’s economic impacts have aggravated.

6. Canadians block weapons trucks going to the Yemen War : Serious about halting the Yemen War, Canadians blocked a caravan of trucks hauling armored vehicles and other weapons to shipping locations headed for Saudi Arabia. Sitting down in front of the wheels, stretching banners across the roads, and risking arrest were a few of the tactics used. The direct action in Hamilton, Ontario coincides with hundreds of events to pressure the Biden administration, and other governments, to stop arming Saudi Arabia. Their action is reminiscent of the ways Italian dock workers have repeatedly refused to load weapons onto ships headed to Saudi Arabia in opposition of the Yemen War. 

These six nonviolent campaigns are just a fraction of the stories Nonviolence News collects and circulates week after week, both in the United States and abroad. (You can read more in this week’s round-up here and sign-up to the newsletter to receive it in your inbox.) These stories reveal that nonviolent action is a global phenomenon — and that it’s being used for everything from peace to increased wages to human rights and health protections and more. Each struggle has unique lessons to offer all of us in our organizing work. At the same time, these stories also remind us of our common humanity — and that ordinary people everywhere are striving for justice, peace and fairness. 

Rivera Sun is the editor of Nonviolence News , the author of "The Dandelion Insurrection" and other novels, and a nationwide trainer in strategy for nonviolent movements. www.riverasun.com

More By Rivera Sun

Over 5,000 actions were organized for campaign nonviolence action days 2023, rising up for cultural transformation — campaign nonviolence action days 2023, 6 reasons why movements sing to the choir, leave a reply cancel reply.

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Will Biden honor the nonviolent heroes surrounding him in the Oval Office?

When tragedy hits close to home, what a peaceful build-up that evades ecological breakdown could look like, what the movement for black lives can learn from tunisia’s revolution.

Campaign Nonviolence, a project of Pace e Bene Nonviolence Service, is working for a new culture of nonviolence by connecting the issues to end war, poverty, racism and environmental destruction. We organize The Nonviolent Cities Project and the annual Campaign Nonviolence Week of Actions.

Waging Nonviolence partners with other organizations and publishes their work.

Search the United Nations

• UN Observances

  Let us remember Gandhi’s wise counsel: “Our ability to reach unity in diversity will be the beauty and the test of our civilization.” Let us heed his words today and re-commit ourselves to this essential purpose. UN Secretary-General António Guterres  

Say No to Violence

The International Day of Non-Violence is observed on 2 October, the birthday of Mahatma Gandhi, leader of the Indian independence movement and pioneer of the philosophy and strategy of non-violence.

According to General Assembly resolution A/RES/61/271 of 15 June 2007, which established the commemoration, the International Day is an occasion to "disseminate the message of non-violence, including through education and public awareness". The resolution reaffirms "the universal relevance of the principle of non-violence" and the desire "to secure a culture of peace, tolerance, understanding and non-violence".

Introducing the resolution in the General Assembly on behalf of 140 co-sponsors, India’s Minister of State for External Affairs, Mr. Anand Sharma, said that the wide and diverse sponsorship of the resolution was a reflection of the universal respect for Mahatma Gandhi and of the enduring relevance of his philosophy. Quoting the late leader’s own words, he said: "Non-violence is the greatest force at the disposal of mankind. It is mightier than the mightiest weapon of destruction devised by the ingenuity of man".

Gandhi and the struggle for non-violence

The name of Mahatma Gandhi transcends the bounds of race, religion and nation-states, and has emerged as the prophetic voice of the twenty-first century. The world remembers Gandhi not just for his passionate adherence to the practice of non-violence and supreme humanism, but as the benchmark against which we test men and women in public life, political ideas and government policies, and the hopes and wishes of our shared planet.

The life and leadership of Mahatma Gandhi

Gandhi, who helped lead India to independence, has been the inspiration for non-violent movements for civil rights and social change across the world. Throughout his life, Gandhi remained committed to his belief in non-violence even under oppressive conditions and in the face of seemingly insurmountable challenges.

The theory behind his actions, which included encouraging massive civil disobedience to British law as with the historic Salt March of 1930, was that "just means lead to just ends"; that is, it is irrational to try to use violence to achieve a peaceful society. He believed that Indians must not use violence or hatred in their fight for freedom from colonialism.

Definition of Non-Violence

The principle of non-violence — also known as non-violent resistance — rejects the use of physical violence in order to achieve social or political change. Often described as "the politics of ordinary people", this form of social struggle has been adopted by mass populations all over the world in campaigns for social justice.

Professor Gene Sharp , a leading scholar on non-violent resistance, uses the following definition in his publication, The Politics of Nonviolent Action :

"Nonviolent action is a technique by which people who reject passivity and submission, and who see struggle as essential, can wage their conflict without violence. Nonviolent action is not an attempt to avoid or ignore conflict. It is one response to the problem of how to act effectively in politics, especially how to wield powers effectively."

While non-violence is frequently used as a synonym for pacifism, since the mid-twentieth century the term non-violence has been adopted by many movements for social change which do not focus on opposition to war.

One key tenet of the theory of non-violence is that the power of rulers depends on the consent of the population, and non-violence therefore seeks to undermine such power through withdrawal of the consent and cooperation of the populace.

There are three main categories of non-violence action:

• protest and persuasion, including marches and vigils;
• non-cooperation; and
• non-violent intervention, such as blockades and occupations.

Mahatma Gandhi Quotes

• Poverty is the worst form of violence.
• Non-violence is a weapon of the strong.
• Non-violence and truth are inseparable and presuppose one another.
• We may never be strong enough to be entirely nonviolent in thought, word and deed. But we must keep nonviolence as our goal and make strong progress towards it.

Relevance of Mahatma Gandhi in the Contemporary World

Key Documents

• General Assembly Resolution on International Day of Non-Violence  (A/RES/61/271)
• International Decade for a Culture of Peace and Non-violence for the Children of the World (2001–2010)
• Declaration on the Right of People to Peace
• Declaration and Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace
• General Assembly resolutions on non-violence

Related Websites

• United Nations Peacekeeping
• United Nations and the Nobel Peace Prize
• UN Messengers of Peace

Culture of Peace and Non-violence

• Sustainable Development Goals
• GANDHI SMRITI AND DARSHAN SAMITI

Related Observances

• International Day of Sport for Development and Peace （6 April）
• International Day of Living Together in Peace （16 May）
• World Day for Cultural Diversity for Dialogue and Development （21 May）
• International Day of Peace （21 September）
• International Day for Tolerance （16 November）
• International Human Solidarity Day （20 December）
• World Interfaith Harmony Week （1-7 February）
• International Decade for the Rapprochement of Cultures (2013-2022)

Establishing a culture of peace and sustainable development are at the heart of UNESCO’s mandate. Training and research in sustainable development are among the priorities, as well as human rights education, skills for peaceful relations, good governance, Holocaust remembrance, the prevention of conflict and peace building.

#KindnessMatters

The # KindnessMatters campaign was launched on the International Day of Non-Violence in 2018 and so far more than 5 million acts of kindness have been performed across the world! #KindnessMatters Campaign aims to mobilize young people to carry out transformative acts of kindness to tackle the SDGs and create a positive culture of kindness.

Why do we mark International Days?

International days and weeks are occasions to educate the public on issues of concern, to mobilize political will and resources to address global problems, and to celebrate and reinforce achievements of humanity. The existence of international days predates the establishment of the United Nations, but the UN has embraced them as a powerful advocacy tool. We also mark other UN observances .

ARTICLES : Peace, Nonviolence, Conflict Resolution

Read articles written by very well-known personalities and eminent authors about their views on gandhi, gandhi's works, gandhian philosophy of peace, nonviolence and conflict resolution..

• Articles on Gandhi
• TABLE OF CONTENTS
• Peace, Nonviolence, Conflict Resolution : Gandhi's Philosophy of Nonviolence

Peace, Nonviolence, Conflict Resolution

• Nonviolence and Multilateral Diplomacy
• Ahimsa: Its Theory and Practice in Gandhism
• Non-violent Resistance and Satyagraha as Alternatives to War - The Nazi Case
• Thanatos, Terror and Tolerance: An Analysis of Terror Management Theory and a Possible Contribution by Gandhi
• Yoga as a Tool in Peace Education
• Forgiveness and Conflict Resolution

Gandhi's Philosophy of Nonviolence

• Global Nonviolence Network
• Violence And Its Dimensions
• Youth, Nonviolence And Gandhi
• Nonviolent Action: Some Dilemmas
• The Meaning of Nonviolence
• India And The Anglo-Boer War
• Gandhi's Vision of Peace
• Gandhi's Greatest Weapon
• Conflict Resolution: The Gandhian Approach
• Kingian Nonviolence : A Practical Application in Policing
• Pilgrimage To Nonviolence
• Peace Paradigms: Five Approaches To Peace
• Interpersonal Conflict
• Moral Equivalent of War As A Conflict Resolution
• Conflict, Violence And Education
• The Emerging Role of NGOs in Conflict Resolution
• Role of Academics in Conflict Resolution
• The Role of Civil Society in Conflict Resolution
• Martin Luther King's Nonviolent Struggle And Its Relevance To Asia
• Terrorism: Counter Violence is Not the Answer
• Gandhi's Vision and Technique of Conflict Resolution
• Three Case Studies of Nonviolence
• How Nonviolence Works
• The Courage of Nonviolence
• Conflict Resolution and Peace Possibilities in the Gandhian Perspective
• An Approach To Conflict Resolution
• Non-violence: Neither A Beginning Nor An End
• Peacemaking According To Rev. Dr.Martin Luther King Jr.
• The Truth About Truth Force
• The Development of A Culture of Peace Through Elementary Schools in Canada
• Gandhi, Christianity And Ahimsa
• Issues In Culture of Peace And Non-violence
• Solution of Violence Through Love
• Developing A Culture of Peace And Non-Violence Through Education
• Nonviolence And Western Sociological And Political Thought
• Gandhi After 9/11: Terrorism, Violence And The Other
• Conflict Resolution & Peace: A Gandhian Perspective
• A Gandhian Approach To International Security
• Address To the Nation: Mahatma Gandhi Writes on 26 January 2009
• Truth & Non-violence: Gandhiji's Tenets for Passive Resistance
• The Experiments of Gandhi: Nonviolence in the Nuclear Age
• Terrorism And Gandhian Non-violence
• Reborn in Riyadh
• Satyagraha As A Peaceful Method of Conflict Resolution
• Non-violence : A Force for Radical Change
• Peace Approach : From Gandhi to Galtung and Beyond
• Gandhian Approach to Peace and Non-violence
• Locating Education for Peace in Gandhian Thought

Further Reading

(Complete Book available online)

• Conflict Resolution And Gandhian Ethics - By Thomas Weber
• A Contemporary Interpretation of Ahimsa
• The Tradition of Nonviolence and its Underlying Forces
• A Study of the Meanings of Nonviolence
• Notes on the Theory of Nonviolence
• Nonviolence as a Positive Concept
• Experimentation in Nonviolence: The Next Phase
• The Best Solver of Conflicts
• War and What Price Freedom
• A Coordinated Approach to Disarmament
• A Disarmament Adequate to Our Times
• The Impact of Gandhi on the U.S. Peace Movement
• The Grass-roots of World Peace
• Is There a Nonviolent Road to a Peaceful World?
• Nuclear Explosions and World Peace
• Aspects of Nonviolence in American Culture
• The Gandhian Way and Nuclear War
• A Nonviolent International Authority

Extrernal Links

• Gandhi, The Jews And Palestine A Collection of Articles, Speeches, Letters and Interviews Compiled by: E. S. Reddy

With Gandhi, the notion of nonviolence attained a special status. He not only theorized on it, he adopted nonviolence as a philosophy and an ideal way of life. He made us understand that the philosophy of nonviolence is not a weapon of the weak; it is a weapon, which can be tried by all.

Nonviolence was not Gandhi's invention. He is however called the father of nonviolence because according to Mark Shepard, "He raised nonviolent action to a level never before achieved." 1 Krishna Kripalani again asserts "Gandhi was the first in Human history to extend the principle of nonviolence from the individual to social and political plane." 2 While scholars were talking about an idea without a name or a movement, Gandhi is the person who came up with the name and brought together different related ideas under one concept: Satyagraha. Gandhi's View of Violence / Nonviolence Gandhi saw violence pejoratively and also identified two formsof violence; Passive and Physical, as we saw earlier. The practice of passive violence is a daily affair, consciously and unconsciously. It is again the fuel that ignites the fire of physical violence. Gandhi understands violence from its Sanskrit root, "himsa", meaning injury. In the midst of hyper violence, Gandhi teaches that the one who possess nonviolence is blessed. Blessed is the man who can perceive the law of ahimsa (nonviolence) in the midst of the raging fire of himsa all around him. We bow in reverence to such a man by his example. The more adverse the circumstances around him, the intenser grows his longing for deliverance from the bondage of flesh which is a vehicle of himsa... 3 Gandhi objects to violence because it perpetuates hatred. When it appears to do 'good', the good is only temporary and cannot do any good in the long run. A true nonviolence activist accepts violence on himself without inflicting it on another. This is heroism, and will be discussed in another section. When Gandhi says that in the course of fighting for human rights, one should accept violence and self-suffering, he does not applaud cowardice. Cowardice for him is "the greatest violence, certainly, far greater than bloodshed and the like that generally go under the name of violence." 4 For Gandhi, perpetrators of violence (whom he referred to as criminals), are products of social disintegration. Gandhi feels that violence is not a natural tendency of humans. It is a learned experience. There is need for a perfect weapon to combat violence and this is nonviolence.Gandhi understood nonviolence from its Sanskrit root "Ahimsa". Ahimsa is just translated to mean nonviolence in English, but it implies more than just avoidance of physical violence. Ahimsa implies total nonviolence, no physical violence, and no passive violence. Gandhi translates Ahimsa as love. This is explained by Arun Gandhi in an interview thus; "He (Gandhi) said ahimsa means love. Because if you have love towards somebody, and you respect that person, then you are not going to do any harm to that person." 5 For Gandhi, nonviolence is the greatest force at the disposal of mankind. It is mightier than any weapon of mass destruction. It is superior to brute force. It is a living force of power and no one has been or will ever be able to measure its limits or it's extend.Gandhi's nonviolence is the search for truth. Truth is the most fundamental aspect in Gandhi's Philosophy of nonviolence. His whole life has been "experiments of truth". It was in this course of his pursuit of truth that Gandhi discovered nonviolence, which he further explained in his Autobiography thus "Ahimsa is the basis of the search for truth. I am realizing that this search is vain, unless it is founded on ahimsa as the basis." 6 Truth and nonviolence are as old as the hills.For nonviolence to be strong and effective, it must begin with the mind, without which it will be nonviolence of the weak and cowardly. A coward is a person who lacks courage when facing a dangerous and unpleasant situation and tries to avoid it. A man cannot practice ahimsa and at the same time be a coward. True nonviolence is dissociated from fear. Gandhi feels that possession of arms is not only cowardice but also lack of fearlessness or courage. Gandhi stressed this when he says; "I can imagine a fully armed man to be at heart a coward. Possession of arms implies an element of fear, if not cowardice but true nonviolence is impossibility without the possession of unadulterated fearlessness." 7 In the face of violence and injustice, Gandhi considers violent resistance preferable to cowardly submission. There is hope that a violent man may someday be nonviolent, but there is no room for a coward to develop fearlessness. As the world's pioneer in nonviolent theory and practice, Gandhi unequivocally stated that nonviolence contained a universal applicability. In his letter to Daniel Oliver in Hammana Lebanon on the 11th of 1937 Gandhi used these words: " I have no message to give except this that there is no deliverance for any people on this earth or for all the people of this earth except through truth and nonviolence in every walk of life without any exceptions." 8 In this passage, Gandhi promises "deliverance" through nonviolence for oppressed peoples without exception. Speaking primarily with regards to nonviolence as a libratory philosophy in this passage, Gandhi emphasizes the power of nonviolence to emancipate spiritually and physically. It is a science and of its own can lead one to pure democracy. Satyagraha, the Centre of Gandhi's Contribution to the Philosophy of Nonviolence It will be good here to examine what Stanley E. Jones calls "the centre of Gandhi's contribution to the world". All else is marginal compared to it. Satyagraha is the quintessence of Gandhism. Through it, Gandhi introduced a new spirit to the world. It is the greatest of all Gandhi's contribution to the world. What is Satyagraha? Satyagraha (pronounced sat-YAH-graha) is a compound of two Sanskrit nouns satya, meaning truth (from 'sat'- 'being' with a suffix 'ya'), and agraha, meaning, "firm grasping" (a noun made from the agra, which has its root 'grah'- 'seize', 'grasp', with the verbal prefix 'a' – 'to' 'towards). Thus Satyagraha literally means devotion to truth, remaining firm on the truth and resisting untruth actively but nonviolently. Since the only way for Gandhi getting to the truth is by nonviolence (love), it follows that Satyagraha implies an unwavering search for the truth using nonviolence. Satyagraha according to Michael Nagler literally means 'clinging to truth,' and that was exactly how Gandhi understood it: "clinging to the truth that we are all one under the skin, that there is no such thing as a 'win/lose' confrontation because all our important interests are really the same, that consciously or not every single person wants unity and peace with every other" 9 Put succinctly, Satyagraha means 'truth force' , 'soul force' or as Martin Luther Jr would call it 'love in action.' Satyagraha has often been defined as the philosophy of nonviolent resistance most famously employed by Mahatma Gandhi, in forcing an end to the British domination. Gene Sharp did not hesitate to define Satyagraha simply as "Gandhian Nonviolence." 10 Today as Nagler would say, when we use the word Satyagraha we sometimes mean that general principle, the fact that love is stronger than hate (and we can learn to use it to overcome hate), and sometimes we mean more specifically active resistance by a repressed group; sometimes, even more specifically, we apply the term to a given movement like Salt Satyagraha etc. It is worthwhile looking at the way Gandhi uses Satyagraha. Gandhi View of Satyagraha Satyagraha was not a preconceived plan for Gandhi. Event in his life culminating in his "Bramacharya vow", 11 prepared him for it. He therefore underlined: Events were so shaping themselves in Johannesburg as to make this self-purification on my part a preliminary as it were to Satyagraha. I can now see that all the principal events of my life, culminating in the vow of Bramacharya were secretly preparing me for it. 12 Satyagraha is a moral weapon and the stress is on soul force over physical force. It aims at winning the enemy through love and patient suffering. It aims at winning over an unjust law, not at crushing, punishing, or taking revenge against the authority, but to convert and heal it. Though it started as a struggle for political rights, Satyagraha became in the long run a struggle for individual salvation, which could be achieved through love and self-sacrifice. Satyagraha is meant to overcome all methods of violence. Gandhi explained in a letter to Lord Hunter that Satyagraha is a movement based entirely upon truth. It replaces every form of violence, direct and indirect, veiled and unveiled and whether in thought, word or deed. Satyagraha is for the strong in spirit. A doubter or a timid person cannot do it. Satyagraha teaches the art of living well as well as dying. It is love and unshakeable firmness that comes from it. Its training is meant for all, irrespective of age and sex. The most important training is mental not physical. It has some basic precepts treated below. The Basic Precepts of Satyagraha There are three basic precepts essential to Satyagraha: Truth, Nonviolence and self-suffering. These are called the pillars of Satyagraha. Failure to grasp them is a handicap to the understanding of Gandhi's non –violence. These three fundamentals correspond to Sanskrit terms: Sat/Satya – Truth implying openness, honesty and fairness Ahimsa/Nonviolence – refusal to inflict injury upon others. Tapasya – willingness to self-sacrifice. These fundamental concepts are elaborated below. 1.Satya/Truth: Satyagraha as stated before literally means truth force. Truth is relative. Man is not capable of knowing the absolute truth. Satyagraha implies working steadily towards a discovery of the absolute truth and converting the opponent into a trend in the working process. What a person sees as truth may just as clearly be untrue for another. Gandhi made his life a numerous experiments with truth. In holding to the truth, he claims to be making a ceaseless effort to find it. Gandhi's conception of truth is deeply rooted in Hinduism. The emphasis of Satya-truth is paramount in the writings of the Indian philosophers. "Satyannasti Parodharmati (Satyan Nasti Paro Dharma Ti) – there is no religion or duty greater than truth", holds a prominent place in Hinduism. Reaching pure and absolute truth is attaining moksha. Gandhi holds that truth is God, and maintains that it is an integral part of Satyagraha. He explains it thus: The world rests upon the bedrock of satya or truth; asatya meaning untruth also means "nonexistent" and satya or truth, means that which is of untruth does not so much exist. Its victory is out of the question. And truth being "that which is" can never be destroyed. This is the doctrine of Satyagraha in a nutshell. 13 2.Ahimsa: In Gandhi's Satyagraha, truth is inseparable from Ahimsa. Ahimsa expresses as ancient Hindu, Jain and Buddhist ethical precept. The negative prefix 'a' plus himsa meaning injury make up the world normally translated 'nonviolence'. The term Ahimsa appears in Hindu teachings as early as the Chandoya Upanishad. The Jain Religion constitutes Ahimsa as the first vow. It is a cardinal virtue in Buddhism. Despite its being rooted in these Religions, the special contribution of Gandhi was: To make the concept of Ahimsa meaningful in the social and political spheres by moulding tools for nonviolent action to use as a positive force in the search for social and political truths. Gandhi formed Ahimsa into the active social technique, which was to challenge political authorities and religious orthodoxy. 14 It is worth noting that this 'active social technique which was to challenge political authorities', used by Gandhi is none other than Satyagraha. Truly enough, the Indian milieu was already infused with notions of Ahimsa. Nevertheless, Gandhi acknowledged that it was an essential part of his experiments with the truth whose technique of action he called Satyagraha. At the root of Satya and Ahimsa is love. While making discourses on the Bhagavad-Gita, an author says: Truth, peace, righteousness and nonviolence, Satya, Shanti, Dharma and Ahimsa, do not exist separately. They are all essentially dependent on love. When love enters the thoughts it becomes truth. When it manifests itself in the form of action it becomes truth. When Love manifests itself in the form of action it becomes Dharma or righteousness. When your feelings become saturated with love you become peace itself. The very meaning of the word peace is love. When you fill your understanding with love it is Ahimsa. Practicing love is Dharma, thinking of love is Satya, feeling love is Shanti, and understanding love is Ahimsa. For all these values it is love which flows as the undercurrent. 15 3.;Tapasya (Self-Suffering); it remains a truism that the classical yogic laws of self-restraint and self-discipline are familiar elements in Indian culture. Self-suffering in Satyagraha is a test of love. It is detected first of all towards the much persuasion of one whom is undertaken. Gandhi distinguished self-suffering from cowardice. Gandhi's choice of self-suffering does not mean that he valued life low. It is rather a sign of voluntary help and it is noble and morally enriching. He himself says; It is not because I value life lo I can countenance with joy Thousands voluntary losing their lives for Satyagraha, but because I know that it results in the long run in the least loss of life, and what is more, it ennobles those who lose their lives and morally enriches the world for their sacrifice. 16 Satyagraha is at its best when preached and practiced by those who would use arms but decided instead to invite suffering upon them. It is not easy for a western mind or nonoriental philosopher to understand this issue of self-suffering. In fact, in Satyagraha, the element of self-suffering is perhaps the least acceptable to a western mind. Yet such sacrifice may well provide the ultimate means of realizing that characteristic so eminent in Christian religion and western moral philosophy: The dignity of the individual. The three elements: Satya, Ahimsa, Tapasya must move together for the success of any Satyagraha campaign. It follows that Ahimsa – which implies love, leads in turn to social service. Truth leads to an ethical humanism. Self-suffering not for its own sake, but for the demonstration of sincerity flowing from refusal to injure the opponent while at the same time holding to the truth, implies sacrifice and preparation for sacrifice even to death. Satyagraha in Action For Satyagraha to be valid, it has to be tested. When the principles are applied to specific political and social action, the tools of civil disobedience, noncooperation, nonviolent strike, and constructive action are cherished. South Africa and India were 'laboratories' where Gandhi tested his new technique. Satyagraha was a necessary weapon for Gandhi to work in South Africa and India. Louis Fischer attests that: "Gandhi could never have achieved what he did in South Africa and India but for a weapon peculiarly his own. It was unprecedented indeed; it was so unique he could not find a name for it until he finally hit upon Satyagraha." 17 South Africa is the acclaimed birthplace of Satyagraha. Here Satyagraha was employed to fight for the civil rights of Indians in South Africa. In India, Gandhi applied Satyagraha in his socio-political milieu and carried out several acts of civil disobedience culminating in the Salt March. Another wonderful way of seeing Satyagraha in action is through the fasting of Mahatma Gandhi. Fasting was part and parcel of his philosophy of truth and nonviolence. Mahatma Gandhi was an activist – a moral and spiritual activist. And fasting was "one of his strategies of activism, in many ways his most powerful." 18 Qualities of a Satyagrahi (Nonviolence Activist) Gandhi was quite aware that there was need to train people who could carry on with his Satyagraha campaigns. He trained them in his "Satyagraha Ashrams". Here are some of the basic qualities of expected of a Satyagrahi. A Satyagraha should have a living faith in God for he is his only Rock. One must believe in truth and nonviolence as one's creed and therefore have faith in the inherent goodness of human nature. One must live a chaste life and be ready and willing for the sake of one's cause to give up his life and his possessions. One must be free from the use any intoxicant, in order that his reason may be undivided and his mind constant. One must carry out with a willing heart all the rules of discipline as may be laid down from time to time. One should carry out the jail rules unless they are especially dense to hurt his self-respect. A satyagrahi must accept to suffer in order to correct a situation. In a nutshell, Satyagraha is itself a movement intended to fight social and promote ethical values. It is a whole philosophy of nonviolence. It is undertaken only after all the other peaceful means have proven ineffective. At its heart is nonviolence. An attempt is made to convert, persuade or win over the opponent. It involves applying the forces of both reason and conscience simultaneously, while holding aloft the indisputable truth of his/her position. The Satyagrahi also engages in acts of voluntary suffering. Any violence inflicted by the opponent is accepted without retaliation. The opponent can only become morally bankrupt if violence continues to be inflicted indefinitely. Several methods can be applied in a Satyagraha campaign. Stephen Murphy gives primacy to "noncooperation and fasting". Bertrand Russell has this to say about Gandhi's method: The essence of this method which he (Gandhi) gradually brought to greater and greater perfection consisted in refusal to do things, which the authorities wished to have done, while abstaining from any positive action of an aggressive sort.... The method always had in Gandhi's mind a religious aspect... As a rule, this method depended upon moral force for its success. 19 Murphy and Russell do not accept Gandhi's doctrine totally. Michael Nagler insists that they ignore Constructive Programme, which Gandhi considered paramount. A better understanding of Gandhi's nonviolence will be seen in the next chapter.

• M. SHEPARD, Mahatma Gandhi and his Myths, Civil Disobedience, Nonviolence and Satyagraha in the Real World, Los Angeles,
• Shepard Publications, 2002, http://www.markshep.com/nonviolence/books/myths.html
• M. K. GANDHI, All Men Are Brothers, Autobiographical Reflections, Krishna Kripalani (ed.), New York; The Continuum Publishing Company, 1990, vii.
• M. K. GANDHI, Young India, 22-11-1928, The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. xxxviii, Ahmedabad; Navajivan Trust, 1970, 69.
• M. K. GANDHI, Young India, 20-12-1928, in ibidem, 247.
• The New Zion’s Herald, July/August 2001, vol. 175, issue 4, 17.
• M. K. GANDHI, An Autobiography or The Story of My Experiments With truth, Ahmedabad; Navajivan Trust, 2003, 254.
• NIRMAL KUMAR BOSE, Selections from Gandhi, Ahmedabad; Navajivan Trust, 1948,154.
• Mahatma Gandhi, Judith M. Brown, The Essential Writings, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2008, 20. Also in Pyarelal Papers, EWMG, 60.
• Michael N. Nagler, Hope or Terror? Minneapolis, METTA Center for Nonviolence Education, 2009, p. 7.
• T. WEBER and R. J. Burrowes, Nonviolence, An Introduction, http://www.nonviolenceinternational.net/seasia
• Bramacharya Simply means Celibacy, Chastity.
• M. K. GANDHI, An Autobiography, 292.
• S. E. JONES, Gandhi, Portrayal of a Friend, Nashville, Abingdon Press, 1948, 82.
• J. V. BONDURANT, Conquest of Violence, The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict. Los Angeles; University of California Press, 1965, 112.
• BHAGAVAN SRI SATHYA SAI BABA, Discourses on the Bhagavad-Gita, Andhra Pradesh; Sri Sathya Sai Books and Publications Trust, 1988, 51-52.
• M. K. GANDHI, Nonviolence in Peace and War,(2nd ed.) Ahmedadad, Navijivan Trust, 1944, 49.
• L. FISCHER. Gandhi; His life and Message For the World, New York Mentor Books, 1954, 35.
• S. E. JONES, Gandhi, Portrayal of a Friend, 108.
• B. RUSSELL, Mahatma Gandhi, Boston, Atlantic Monthly, December 1952, 23.

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Non-Violence, Essay Example

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Non-violence is a strategy and philosophy for social change that does reject the society use of violence. Non-violence is also seen as an alternative to the passive acceptance of the armed struggle and oppression against it. Non violence practitioners use diverse methods in their campaigns for the social change that includes; the critical forms of non-violence direct action and civil disobedience, education and persuasion and the targeted communication through the mass media (Chris 45).

Non-violence has been powerful tool in the modern times for the social protest. Martin Luther King is one of the people who used non violence to struggle for winning the civil rights for the African Americans. Pacifism is a synonym for the term non-violence. Pacifism means use of violence rejection as personal decision on spiritual or moral grounds although it does not imply inclination towards the change on any social political level. On the other hand, non violence presupposes the aim of political or social change to be the reason of rejecting the violence (Chris 45).

There are three categories of non violence. They include noncooperation, acts of protest and persuasion, and nonviolent intervention. Act of protest or persuasion as a non violent are mainly the symbolic actions that are performed by a group of people who wants to show their disapproval or even support for something. This action’s goal is to bring the awareness of the public to an issue, influence a group of people or even to facilitate nonviolent action in future. The message can be directed to opponents, public or even people who have been affected by an issue. Methods or ways of protest and persuasion include speeches, petitions, symbolic acts, communication in public, processions or marches, arts and public assemblies. Non cooperation does involve the withholding of the cooperation or the unwillingness to initiate with cooperating with the opponent. The goal of this is to hinder or stop an industry, economic process or even political process. It mainly includes economic boycotts, civil disobedience, labor strikes, tax refusal and the general disobedience. Non violence intervention is a more direct method of non violent. It is more effective and immediate than the others. It is usually more taxing and hard to maintain. It includes parallel government, fasting and occupations or sits INS (Chris 45).

Malcolm X argues that the violence was the option in the situations where the non-violence was not possible. Malcolm X maintained that although non violence was essential and of paramount, it was not applicable in the situations where the fruits of non violence were not achieved. He at some point criticized the Martin Luther King argument that the non violent ways should be applied always. Malcolm X said to the African Americans that they should continue to defend themselves and had that right of defending themselves from their oppressors. He said that the African Americans should protect themselves if government was not unable or unwilling to protect the black people. He said that they should use any means they can to protect themselves. He went ahead to reject the use of non violence as the means of securing or getting equality declaring that the members of the Afro American Unity  and also himself were very much determined to get the justice, freedom and equality by any means whether violence or non violence. This contradicts with the Martin Luther King opinion that does not entertain at any oint any act of violence (Chris 45).

Non violence is an effective method of resistance according to Martin Luther King. He argues that the non violence way may be seen as for cowards but it is not. But it was a method of resisting. Martin Luther argues that a non violent protester is as passionate as the person whose ways of protesting are violent. The only difference is that he is not physically aggressive but his emotions and mind are ever active and they are constantly trying to convince the opponent that he is greatly misguided or mistaken or he is wrong. This requires a lot of spiritual courage and great emotional to stand against the injustices. Many people believes that only the people who use physical ways are aggressive in the way they act as they violently protest but Martin Luther says that even those who do not use violence ways physically by being emotional and participates aggressively with his mind towards their opponents (Deanna).

Martin Luther continues to support that the non violence way is also effective in that it does not humiliate the opponent. It instead helps one to gain his understanding and friendship. He further says that the methods of non cooperation and boycotts were meant to awaken the sense of the moral shame in the opponent. This results to redemption and reconciliation rather than chaos and bitterness as a result of violence resistance. The non violent as a means of asking for the justice does not disgrace the opponent but rather it tries to seek his friendship and understanding. This seems to be a polite and smooth way of getting the justice done. According to Martin Luther, the awakening of the opponents mind leads to him thinking back and making a decision which eventually or rather makes a friendship to emerge between the two rivals and eventually the justice is gotten without any side being hurt as a result (Deanna).

The third point Martin Luther advanced was the battle against the evil forces but not against the individuals. He said that the tension was not between the tribes or races but between the injustice and justice or between the forces of darkness and forces of light.  The tension only existed between the evil and good and not between people and if there was victory, it would be for justice and forces of light. This makes the non violence to be effective as it uses ways that are not evil and does not hurt in anyway be it physical. It is very open and does not target the individual but the behaviors of the person who is oppressive. According to Martin Luther, the person has no problem but the problem is the behaviors that are attached with him. Therefore if it is possible to change the behavior of any person or the forces of the behavior in him it would be better and this would be possible if no violence at all was used (Deanna).

The safety of the person who is protesting is very looked after. The non violence resistance requires the willingness to suffer. It is important for one to accept violence without retaliating with the violence and must be ready to go to the jail if it is necessary. Martin Luther King believed that the acceptance of suffering led to the tremendous educational and even transforming possibilities and it is a very powerful tool towards changing the opponent’s minds.  This show how effective non violence as ways of resistance should be adopted instead of violence. Retaliatory violence causes more trauma, chaos and hatred. Acceptance of the suffering by the Protestants usually leads to a change in the mind and the heart of the opponent. It has never in any place with violence been heard of any unreported injuries. This means or clearly shows that the violence consequences are fatal and severe always. Martin Luther argues or says that one should not under any circumstance accept to retaliate with violence at all cost. He argues that one should even be ready to go to jail if the situation proves so. This brings a lot of implication to the opponent to an extent of him changing his mind. This makes the non violence be an effective way of resistance as compared to violence ways which has very severe consequences (Deanna).

Martin Luther King talking about the non violence resistance said that the universe or the world was on the justice side and that the people have a companionship that is cosmic with God who is on truth side of the life. Therefore, activists have faith that the justice will one day occur in the future.  This differs with the violent ways of demanding justice. The kind of faith is very essential in that one can do it deeper in his heart and with God’s intervention this may end up being very much effective. Martin Luther King told the African Americans activists should ensure that they keep the faith and that the justice will occur in the future. Martin Luther believed that God pays everything in this world and that everything done in this world has to pay in this world. If one is done injustice in this world, then definitely he will have to be paid as God does not forsake his people. Those who do injustices to others according to the Martin Luther shall pay for the same in this world. This contradicts to the Malcolm’s X suggestions of that if non violence ways do not work, then the violence ways should be used without hesitating (Deanna).

Martin Luther the King believed that the non violence importance was that it prevented or avoided the physical violence and the spirit’s internal violence. The hate and the bitterness that develops in the resisters mind are replaced with the love. This is different from the violence method where by the resister develops a lot hatred and also bitterness due to the violence. The person who is protested against with the violence methods cannot be able to develop love if he approached with violence hence he may also retaliate and be unable to accept or even change his behaviors. Martin Luther king says that there is respect that develops from the opponent as he realizes that those who are seeking justice from him are mature persons who know themselves and their rights and this eventually results to love contrary to the violent ways which results to hatred and bitterness between the two groups involved. This concludes that the non violence is the best way or effective way of resistance (Deanna).

According to the Malcolm X, he criticizes non violence portraying it as passive doctrine that usually causes non violent leaders to radicalize their non violent rhetorical.

Does Nonviolence Have Limitations That Render Violence Necessary In Some Cases?

The violence is not necessary and does not render the non violence at any point. When the violence is used, its aftermath is the bitterness between the two rivals which is very dangerous. This cannot at any point be used to replace the non violent at any point or any circumstances. Comparing to the non violent, its aftermath is reconciliation and beloved community creation rather than the violence or bitterness. Martin Luther does not at any point suggest that the violence can replace or substitute non violence ways under any circumstance (Deanna).

Malcolm X fervently criticized non violence saying that were attempts of imposing the bourgeoisie morals upon the proletariat and that the violent was essential towards accompaniment to the revolutionary change or that the right to self defense is very important.  Malcolm X believed that the violence should at all cost be used where there is no other option remaining. Malcolm X argues that it was an offense to any individual who is being mistreated, abused or assaulted to continue accepting being assaulted without doing at least something so as to defend himself.  Malcolm X says that one should not just keep quite but he should wake up and take an action even if it means violence (Deanna).

According to the Martin Luther King, the non violence as a way of resistance should be applied at all times no matter how ineffective it is not working. Martin Luther King believed that this will come to a point where the opponent will soften his heart and change completely. Martin Luther believed that everybody can change.

At no point should the violent ways be applied as this would mean attacking the individual person and not the forces of the evil. This is according to Martin Luther who says that non violence is there to defeat or fight the injustice and not to the persons like the violence methods which target the individuals or persons. This contradicts to the Malcolm X views which argue that if non violence fails then violence should prevail and even if it means fighting with the person as an individual. He supported this by arguing the blacks and his fellow Afro American Unity organization members that they should be determined to win or get justice , freedom and even equality by any means that would be necessary including using the violence (Deanna).

Martin Luther King continues to support that the non violent should not at any point be overcome by the violent. This is because the violent ways usually or always results to bloodshed and even casualties as the opponent retaliates back still with violent. Hence there should no point where the violent should be used or overcome the violence. If the non violence way is substituted by the violence, then this would mean that hatred and bitterness automatically develops between the opponents, therefore it should not be necessary under any case. Using violence does not also guarantee that the justice will be provided hence should not be viewed as an alternative way to justice other than non violence in any case whatever the circumstances (Deanna).

Deanna Proach K. Martin Luther King . 5 Jan. 2009. 15 Dec. 2009. <http://modern-us-history.suite101.com/article.cfm/martin_luther_king>

Chris, Graham J. Peace building alum talks practical app of nonviolence , London: Augusta Free   Press, 2009.

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Essay on Importance of Non Violence

Students are often asked to write an essay on Importance of Non Violence in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Importance of Non Violence

Understanding non-violence.

Non-violence is a principle that promotes peace and love, rejecting harm and aggression. It encourages resolving conflicts through dialogue and understanding.

Importance of Non-Violence

Non-violence is crucial for maintaining peace in society. It fosters respect, tolerance, and empathy among individuals.

Non-Violence in Daily Life

Practicing non-violence in daily life means avoiding harm to others, both physically and emotionally. It promotes harmony and understanding.

Non-violence is a powerful tool for peace. It promotes mutual respect and understanding, creating a harmonious society.

250 Words Essay on Importance of Non Violence

Introduction.

Non-violence, a philosophy championed by figures like Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., is a powerful tool for social and political change. It is not merely the absence of violence, but a proactive stance towards peace and justice.

Non-Violence: A Catalyst for Change

Non-violence acts as a catalyst for change, promoting dialogue and understanding over conflict. It encourages the resolution of disagreements through peaceful means, fostering a culture of respect and tolerance. This approach has proven effective in many historical movements, such as the Indian independence struggle and the American Civil Rights Movement.

The Moral Power of Non-Violence

Non-violence carries a moral power that violence lacks. It appeals to the conscience of the oppressor, making it harder for them to justify their actions. By refusing to resort to violence, the oppressed assert their moral superiority, often winning public sympathy and support.

Non-Violence in the Contemporary World

In today’s interconnected world, the importance of non-violence is more pronounced. With global issues like climate change and social inequality, there is a need for collective action that transcends borders. Non-violence fosters this spirit of global citizenship, encouraging cooperation over conflict.

In conclusion, non-violence is not just a strategy, but a way of life. It promotes understanding, respect, and mutual cooperation, making it a crucial component of a peaceful society. As we navigate an increasingly complex world, the philosophy of non-violence offers a path towards a more harmonious and just future.

500 Words Essay on Importance of Non Violence

Non-violence, a philosophy deeply rooted in many cultures and religions worldwide, has been a significant guiding principle for social and political change. From Mahatma Gandhi’s peaceful resistance against British rule to Martin Luther King Jr.’s civil rights movement, non-violence has shown its power and relevance repeatedly. This essay will explore the importance of non-violence as a tool for conflict resolution, social transformation, and personal development.

Non-violence as a Tool for Conflict Resolution

Non-violence promotes dialogue, understanding, and respect, making it an effective tool for conflict resolution. It encourages parties to engage in open discussions to understand each other’s perspectives, fostering empathy and mutual respect. This approach often leads to more sustainable solutions because it addresses the root causes of conflict rather than merely suppressing the symptoms. Non-violence also prevents the escalation of conflict into physical violence, which often leads to more harm than good.

Non-violence and Social Transformation

Non-violence is not just the absence of physical violence; it is also a proactive force for social transformation. It empowers marginalized communities to assert their rights and challenge oppressive systems without resorting to violence. Non-violent protests and civil disobedience movements have been instrumental in bringing about significant social changes, such as ending racial segregation in the United States and dismantling apartheid in South Africa. These movements demonstrate the power of non-violence to effect change on a large scale.

Non-violence and Personal Development

On a personal level, non-violence encourages self-awareness, self-control, and a deep respect for all life. It helps individuals develop a sense of responsibility for their actions and their impact on others. Practicing non-violence can lead to personal growth and spiritual development, as it requires individuals to cultivate empathy, patience, and tolerance. It can also reduce stress and improve mental health by promoting peaceful interactions and relationships.

Challenges and Critiques

Despite its many benefits, non-violence is not without its challenges and critiques. Critics argue that non-violence may not be effective in all situations, especially against oppressive regimes that do not respect human rights. They also point out that non-violence requires a degree of patience and resilience that may not be feasible for everyone. However, these challenges do not diminish the importance of non-violence; instead, they highlight the need for a nuanced understanding of its principles and application.

In conclusion, non-violence is a powerful tool for conflict resolution, social transformation, and personal development. It promotes dialogue, understanding, and respect, empowering individuals and communities to effect change without resorting to violence. While it may not be the solution to all conflicts, its importance in fostering peaceful and sustainable solutions cannot be overstated. As we navigate an increasingly interconnected and complex world, the principles of non-violence can guide us towards a more peaceful and just society.

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WORK  EXPERIENCE

• Jason Manrique
• May 27, 2021
• 13 min read

Introduction to Nonviolence

Updated: Jan 12, 2022

By Jason Manrique (April, 2020)

Table of Contents

Introduction

Nonviolent Movements

International Nonviolent Struggle

Nonviolence in Academia and in the 21st Century

Nonviolence: an introduction.

Nonviolent activism over the course of the 20th century helped influence the world and century in a positive direction. There now is an effective option to fight back against injustice and oppression around the world without having to cause more pain and conflict. These days, nonviolence has an academic catalog full of examples, theory and scholars who help guide those in search of learning more on the subject of nonviolent philosophy. But first, What is Nonviolence?

A simple definition for nonviolence can be that it is the use of peaceful means, not by force, to bring about social change. However, this is a very simple and broad definition of what nonviolence is or can be. There are different aspects of the nonviolent philosophy that require their own meaning:

Nonviolent Communication for example is about expressing and hearing needs nonviolently resulting in mutual understanding and agreements between cooperating groups.

Nonviolent Conflict Resolution and Mediation are where special measures and techniques are employed to resolve conflicts that previously had been found to be irretractable. Mediation is where these techniques are employed by a neutral third party.

Nonviolent Noncooperation can be defined as when one group applies symbolic methods to disrupt daily processes of life in order to bring awareness to society of injustices or inequities.

Nonviolent Resistance is when oppositional measures are taken in different forms of protest to provoke and expose unacceptable actions and thus embarrass and shame the group doing the actions in the eyes of the public and the international community.

Examples of these forms of nonviolence will be provided later in this article.

Notable Nonviolent Movements: Early 20th Century

Nonviolent movements were active throughout the 20th century, helping shape society into what it is today.

Early on, it was the Women's Suffrage movement in the United States during the early 1900’s. One of the most notable events to come from that movement was the Suffrage Parade of 1913. The reason why is because this parade marked the first large march to take place in Washington D.C, where women from all over the country came together and marched for the right to vote. President Woodrow At the time, Wilson was going to have his inaugural address. This event helped ignite the suffragist movement and continue to hold Wilson’s administration accountable culminating in the passage of the 19th Amendment.

Meanwhile, around the same time in another part of the world, a young Mahatma Gandhi was preparing one of his first large-scale acts of civil disobedience against the British Empire. The 1920 Non-Cooperation movement was Gandhi’s example of what nonviolent noncooperation can look like when being implemented in real life. The movement had participants resign from positions en masse (election workers, teachers, courts, other administrative positions) and threaten to not pay taxes as well. While the non-cooperation movement ended in 1922, it marked the first time where civil disobedience came from all parts of Indian society instead of just an educated middle class, signifying that the independence movement was gaining popular support.

Nonviolence During the Civil Rights Era

The success of India's independence movement due in large part to Gandhi’s nonviolent philosophy helped inspire an upcoming generation of activists around the world that it is possible to fight back against oppressors without using violence. This would be seen best in the tactics and philosophies of activists during the American Civil Rights Era of the 1950s-1960s. The most significant example of this would have to be the civil rights work of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., who directly cited Gandhi as an inspiration and applied Gandhi’s methods of nonviolence to what King was trying to accomplish working toward abolishing the discriminatory Jim Crow laws in the American South. For example, King played a pivotal role in the Montgomery Bus Boycott as President of the Montgomery Improvement Association, preached nonviolence even after threats and attempts on his life were made, met with students of Gandhi, and delivered his iconic “I have a dream” speech at the 1963 March on Washington. MLK’s nonviolent philosophy remains one of his most notable characteristics in the eyes of the American public. Another lesser-known activist of the era is James Lawson. Lawson, similar to King, also came from a Christian upbringing revolving around nonviolence. It was his work in India where he directly learned about Gandhi's philosophy of nonviolence, Satyagraha, and then even had Dr. King urge him to move to the South and help teach people the nonviolent activism he had learned in India from Gandhi’s students. Lawson's teachings would prove to be very important and impactful during the Civil Rights Era, being a mentor and teacher to notable young activists such as Diane Nash and John Lewis, who themselves would go on to lead the sit-in movement throughout the South.

In the West, there was another similar struggle going on in the western part of the country during this time. Racism, corruption, and poor working conditions were common amongst farm workers in the western United States (workers who were often Mexican or Filipino immigrants). The man who would directly challenge the oppressive system rose from those ranks was Cesar Chavez. Chavez, very much like Martin Luther King was inspired by his religious upbringing (MLK with the Baptist church and Chavez with the Catholic church) and the work of Gandhi. A notable difference in Chavez’s experience is that he was also inspired by the Civil Rights movement that had been going on in the South at almost the exact same time he was fighting for labor rights in the west. A very crucial moment came in 1965 when the union he created joined a grape strike that was soon elevated to national notoriety due to the nonviolent tactics Chavez helped lead. Things such as asking for strike members to commit to nonviolence, long marches, and even a hunger strike by Chavez to protest the talks of committing acts of violence within the striking worker's ranks. Cesar’s work was recognized by notable Civil Rights figures such as Robert F. Kennedy and Martin Luther King, receiving a letter of praise and solidarity from King at one point. Chavez and the grape workers won in 1970 when their union was officially recognized.

International Nonviolent Struggles

While the work of nonviolent activists such as Cesar Chavez, Martin Luther King, and James Lawson and so many others during the American Civil Rights Era brought groundbreaking change, there were (and are) still ongoing struggles in other parts of the world.

Halfway across the world from America, the indigenous Africans of South Africa were in the midst of an ongoing struggle that would last much longer than the Civil Rights Era in America. The Apartheid regime in South Africa was a brutal system set in place by the white minority-controlled government beginning in the late 1940s. The country where Gandhi had first learned and implemented his early nonviolent philosophy was now the setting for another struggle. There were different forms of opposition used against the apartheid regime, from nonviolent ones to armed resistance. 1952 was when anti-apartheid activists implemented their first wide-scale act of nonviolent resistance. Disobeying the laws of apartheid by meeting in massive groups at locations such as train stations, post offices bus stops, schools, this would be known as the National Defiance Campaign. Thousands of people were arrested and membership for the African National Congress (ANC) political party skyrocketed.

Unfortunately, the campaign was met by harsh retaliation by the apartheid government and no concessions were made. However, nonviolence was still the main tool used by the South Africans throughout that period. Others actions were taken such as bus boycotts, demonstrations, and even burning passes. International pressure from the United Nations also dealt significant blows to the apartheid regime with arms embargoes on South Africa (Security Council Resolution 181, 182) , condemnation from the Commission on Human Rights and the General Assembly to name some examples.

It was during the 1970s and 1980s where different methods of civil disobedience were taken as a result of the oppression by the South African government. By that point, many activist leaders who were imprisoned were being released and at the same time, labor strikes were rising which helped show anti-apartheid activists that they can sabotage the inner workings of the Apartheid system using labor power. Mass work strikes, school boycotts, funerals for murdered activists were the new actions being used. These tactics served as a leverage system in that government officials and employers were worried about having a shortage of skilled workers in the near future and/or not having labor leaders/activists to negotiate with during labor disputes.

Economic boycotts had also become popular where practically the entire community does not go to work or shop at local businesses, hurting the white-owned businesses and other employers. As a result of the constant boycotts and other actions by the anti-apartheid activists, mixed with the international condemnation and sanctions brought by the UK and USA, the South African government slowly began making concessions by the mid to late 1980s and in 1994 a new constitution along with a non-white majority in government marked an end to Apartheid in South Africa.

Similar to South Africa, the struggle for the Palestineans in the Middle East has been a long one full of oppression from the Israeli side no matter what form of resistance is used against the Israeli government. Nonviolence has been prevalent in Palestinian resistance even before the issue of Israeli occupation. During the late 1930s, resistance to the British empire by Palestinians consisted of protests, strikes, and diplomatic petitions. Several decades after the formation of Israel (1948) a movement began where large portions of the Palestinian population acted in civil disobedience against the Israeli government. This event would come to be known as the First Intifada (1987).

During the Intifada, the people took nonviolent actions in large groups. Examples of these actions include: staging sit-ins, blocking roads, burning tires, having large demonstrations. The IDF (Israeli Defense Force) even classified over 95% of the activities as nonviolent. It was during the First Intifada when a champion for nonviolence would emerge within the Palestinian community. Mubarak Awad, a Palestinian Christian who had studied notable figures in the field of nonviolence (MLK, Gandhi, Gene Sharp) became a major organizer during the Intifada. Awad translated into Arabic the work of those thinkers and wrote and distributed pamphlets in Arabic on the subject of nonviolent non-cooperation and nonviolent theory all over the West Bank. Mubarak’s actions got him put on notice by the Israeli authorities and eventually resulted in his deportation. He helped promote nonviolent actions that would be in direct opposition to Israeli control of Palestinians. Planting olive trees in potential sites for new Israeli settlements, flying the Palestinian flag, directly opposing curfews, not presenting IDs, were just some of the actions Mubarak Awad helped promote. Unfortunately, unlike Apartheid in South Africa, the Palestinian struggle has lasted for much longer. To this day, the Palestineans continue to be subject to the oppressive, illegal policies of the Israeli government. The Intifada was able to make some progress in terms of having all sides of this conflict come together and attempt to really negotiate a deal for the first time.

Even though Israel has forbidden his return to Palestine, Mubarak Awad continues to advocate for nonviolence in Palestine and wherever in the world there is a similar struggle for civil and human rights through his organization that he has started in the U.S.A. in Washington, D.C., called Nonviolence International. It is interesting to note that his nephew, Sami Awad has continued his efforts in Palestine through the Holy Land Trust based in Bethlehem.

Today, there exists a vast academic field in nonviolence based on theory and the experiences/ analysis of notable events that occurred during the 20th Century. Researchers and scholars during the 20th century helped create the academic field of nonviolence to compliment the direct work being performed in real life settings. One of the best known and influential scholars on nonviolence is Gene Sharp. Sharp was an American political scientist who protested the Korean War by not participating in the draft and spending time in prison.

It was afterwards, when he went to go and study in Oslo, that Sharp got very involved in studying nonviolence (specifically how teachers in Norway resisted against fascist education). Sharp went on to receive a Doctorate from Oxford University and in 1973, published a three volume work called “ The Politics of Nonviolent Action ”. It was in one of these volumes where he wrote 198 Methods of Nonviolent Actions, a groundbreaking work that is still referenced to this day and only recently has been updated for modern times. (Nonviolence International will be publishing a book on over 300 methods in 2021). Gene listed and wrote in detail 198 different ways people can perform nonviolent acts. Sharp is also credited for moving the work of Gandhi outside of religion and ethics courses and into political science and sociology departments. Institutes and other organizations are now active in promoting the theory of nonviolent philosophy. His writings are still used as training for nonviolent activists around the world even after his passing in 2018 and were cited in movements around the world over several decades.

Here is a short list of the organizations working to promote nonviolence worldwide.

Following Sharp’s inspiring example, other activists have gone on to create other institutes to promote the nonviolent philosophy for the younger generations. One example is the James Lawson Institute . This institute was created by Civil Rights activist James Lawson in collaboration with the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC) as a way for American activists and organizers to learn nonviolent disobedience. James Lawson personally was a major force in the American Civil Rights movement who worked personally with Dr. King.

The Center for Nonviolent Communications was created by psychologist Marshall Rosenberg and specializes specifically in nonviolent communications as a way to improve communications resulting in improved relationships, project planning and problem-solving. According to Rosenberg, nonviolent communications emphasizes a very positive view of human nature, and that an authentic human connection can overcome almost all problems, conflicts and obstacles. Thus, in essence, human behavior is based on common needs, and thus only optimized nonviolent communications are needed to make the most of the best that humanity has to give and thus overcome conflict and obstacles, and establish true human relations and intimacy. Thus Rosenberg’s organization teaches techniques and philosophy for optimizing communications that he pioneered for realizing the full potential of human relationship and life.

Another organization created by a nonviolent activist is Nonviolence International (or NVI). This international non-profit organization was founded by Mubarak Awad in the late 1980’s as a way to promote nonviolence around the world and to continue spreading the nonviolent philosophy he taught protesters in Palestine and to others willing to learn about nonviolence. Granted special consultative status with the UN Economic and Social Council (Eco-Soc), NVI works with other Nonprofits and Nongovernmental Organizations (NGO) within UN Civil Society in such events as NGO-CSW and the HLPF. The NVI website contains many resources such as webinar series, training manuals, position papers, videos and backgrounders on UN-related events. One notable project from Nonviolence is an updated version of Gene Sharps 198 Methods of Nonviolent Actions by CEO Michael Beer. An academic in the field of nonviolence himself, Beer has trained many activists around the world (Tibet, USA, Thailand, etc.) on the practice of nonviolence. This book and online database exceeds the original 198 to over 300 nonviolent tactics as a result of Michael Beer’s extensive research which adds modern tactics better suited for this day and age.

The Martin Luther King jr. Research and Education Institute at Stanford University is where Martin Luther King’s nonviolent philosophy is provided open and free to the public for research and education. With the blessings of King’s wife, Coretta King, the institute holds the King Papers, being digitized into an online database years in the making (still not complete) this collection is a project with the goal of collecting all of MLKs writings (published and unpublished) in one database, and making it freely available to all to inspire and guide future social improvement and human rights work. Thus, many primary sources on MLK speeches, sermons and other writings are now freely available to the public.

Started by the Gandhi-King Foundation located in Hyderabad, India, and now based at the MLK Research and Education Institute in Stanford University, is the Gandhi-King Global Initiative . Beginning in October 2019 (the 150th anniversary of Gandhi's birthday), a large international conference was held to commemorate the event and served as the first big event of the global initiative. The purpose of the Gandhi-King Global Initiative is to create an international network of activists who aspire to continue advocating for nonviolence and international collaboration. Currently including almost 100 members in the global network, including family members of Gandhi, King, Chavez, Mandela, and staff of Awad’s organization, GKGI strives to utilize the latest in online and communications technology to encourage communications, cooperation and collaboration amongst it’s members and others to create online and in the world events (before and after the COVID-19 pandemic of course) promoting peace, justice, equality and nonviolence and celebrate diversity.

The Albert Einstein Institution was founded by nonviolent scholar Gene Sharp in 1983. The institution operated out of Gene’s home in East Boston, as a way to focus on “pragmatic nonviolent struggle”. Much of Gene Sharps publications, which includes 20 books, are available at the Einstein Institutes website. Sharp picked Einstein as the name given that he had come into contact with Einstein himself early in his life and in his career as an advocate of nonviolence. Sharp was arrested when he protested the Korean War draft and wrote a letter to Einstein - and the physicist agreed and responded back to Sharp in support of his antiwar stance. The institution holds workshops, consultations, conferences and more.

The International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (or ICNC) is a non-profit, educational foundation that provides resources on civil resistance for people around the world and from different backgrounds. Since its formation in 2002, scholars, activists, NGOs, policy analysts are among the groups welcomed to use the ICNC for learning more on nonviolence since 2002. Grants for researchers are also provided by the center as well. As mentioned earlier, the James Lawson Institute was formed in part thanks to the ICNC. From a resource library full of articles, to films and translated writings, the ICNC serves as an international library of nonviolence.

The nonviolence movements that went on during the 20th century laid the groundwork for the modern academic and organized field seen today. People who participated in different movements like Mubarak Awad in Palestine and James Lawson in the United States went on to set up institutes and organizations to continue promoting the nonviolence they learned. Thus their organizations publish works based on nonviolence and teach activists the same nonviolent tactics they learned during their time as activists in the streets of Palestine and America. Gandhi’s work in South Africa and successful campaign for Indian independence inspired Martin Luther King, Lawson and Cesar Chavez to implement that nonviolent philosophy in America. Thanks to Gene Sharp, the writings and actions of Gandhi were exposed to a much larger academic audience in America. That led to countless American students (to this day) learning about one of the best nonviolent campaigns and practitioners, ensuring Gandhi’s philosophy lives on in the minds of generations to come. Sharp's own work has been cited in countries around the world as a tool for combatting oppressive regimes. The Suffrage Parade, the first large, peaceful organized protest in D.C was planned by women challenging the incoming president to give them equal rights.Since then, countless other groups have taken action to march nonviolently across the capital as an open symbol of nonviolent civil disobedience. Today, younger generations can look back at these historic movements and continue the fundamental mission of using nonviolence to tackle injustice. In some cases being taught by the same activists from that period or the students/colleagues of those activists. All the institutes, resource websites and nonprofits aligned with nonviolence have ensured that the work of all those activists in the 20th century can also serve as a knowledge hub for those seeking a way of learning more on the nonviolent philosophy.

"Nonviolence and Racial Justice"

Author:  King, Martin Luther, Jr.

Date:  February 6, 1957

Location:  Chicago, Ill.

Genre:  Published Article

Topic:  Nonviolence

On 26 November 1956 King submitted an article on nonviolence to  Christian Century , a liberal weekly religious magazine. In his cover letter to editor Harold Fey, King noted that “it has just been within the last few days that I have been able to take a little time off to do some much needed writing. If you find it possible to publish this article, please feel free to make any suggestions concerning the content.” He added that the journal’s “sympathetic treatment” of the bus boycott had been of “inestimable value.” 1  On 31 January Fey thanked King for the “excellent” article, and he featured it as the main essay in an issue devoted to race relations. 2  Drawing from his many speeches on the topic, King provides here a concise summary of his views regarding nonviolent resistance to segregation. 3

It is commonly observed that the crisis in race relations dominates the arena of American life. This crisis has been precipitated by two factors: the determined resistance of reactionary elements in the south to the Supreme Court’s momentous decision outlawing segregation in the public schools, and the radical change in the Negro’s evaluation of himself. While southern legislative halls ring with open defiance through “interposition” and “nullification,” while a modern version of the Ku Klux KIan has arisen in the form of “respectable” white citizens’ councils, a revolutionary change has taken place in the Negro’s conception of his own nature and destiny. Once he thought of himself as an inferior and patiently accepted injustice and exploitation. Those days are gone.

The first Negroes landed on the shores of this nation in 1619, one year ahead of the Pilgrim Fathers. They were brought here from Africa and, unlike the Pilgrims, they were brought against their will, as slaves. Throughout the era of slavery the Negro was treated in inhuman fashion. He was considered a thing to be used, not a person to be respected. He was merely a depersonalized cog in a vast plantation machine. The famous Dred Scott decision of 1857 well illustrates his status during slavery. In this decision the Supreme Court of the United States said, in substance, that the Negro is not a citizen of the United States; he is merely property subject to the dictates of his owner.

After his emancipation in 1863, the Negro still confronted oppression and inequality. It is true that for a time, while the army of occupation remained in the south and Reconstruction ruled, he had a brief period of eminence and political power. But he was quickly overwhelmed by the white majority. Then in 1896, through the Plessy  v.  Ferguson decision, a new kind of slavery came into being. In this decision the Supreme Court of the nation established the doctrine of “separate but equal” as the law of the land. Very soon it was discovered that the concrete result of this doctrine was strict enforcement of the “separate,” without the slightest intention to abide by the “equal.” So the Plessy doctrine ended up plunging the Negro into the abyss of exploitation where he experienced the bleakness of nagging injustice.

A Peace That Was No Peace

Living under these conditions, many Negroes lost faith in themselves. They came to feel that perhaps they were less than human. So long as the Negro maintained this subservient attitude and accepted the “place” assigned him, a sort of racial peace existed. But it was an uneasy peace in which the Negro was forced patiently to submit to insult, injustice and exploitation. It was a negative peace. True peace is not merely the absence of some negative force—tension, confusion or war; it is the presence of some positive force—justice, good will and brotherhood.

Then circumstances made it necessary for the Negro to travel more. From the rural plantation he migrated to the urban industrial community. His economic life began gradually to rise, his crippling illiteracy gradually to decline. A myriad of factors came together to cause the Negro to take a new look at himself. Individually and as a group, he began to re-evaluate himself. And so he came to feel that he was somebody. His religion revealed to him that God loves all his children and that the important thing about a man is “not his specificity but his fundamentum,” not the texture of his hair or the color of his skin but the quality of his soul.

This new self-respect and sense of dignity on the part of the Negro undermined the south’s negative peace, since the white man refused to accept the change. The tension we are witnessing in race relations today can be explained in part by this revolutionary change in the Negro’s evaluation of himself and his determination to struggle and sacrifice until the walls of segregation have been finally crushed by the battering rams of justice.

Quest for Freedom Everywhere

The determination of Negro Americans to win freedom from every form of oppression springs from the same profound longing for freedom that motivates oppressed peoples all over the world. The rhythmic beat of deep discontent in Africa and Asia is at bottom a quest for freedom and human dignity on the part of people who have long been victims of colonialism. The struggle for freedom on the part of oppressed people in general and of the American Negro in particular has developed slowly and is not going to end suddenly. Privileged groups rarely give up their privileges without strong resistance. But when oppressed people rise up against oppression there is no stopping point short of full freedom. Realism compels us to admit that the struggle will continue until freedom is a reality for all the oppressed peoples of the world.

Hence the basic question which confronts the world’s oppressed is: How is the struggle against the forces of injustice to be waged? There are two possible answers. One is resort to the all too prevalent method of physical violence and corroding hatred. The danger of this method is its futility. Violence solves no social problems; it merely creates new and more complicated ones. Through the vistas of time a voice still cries to every potential Peter, “Put up your sword!" 4  The shores of history are white with the bleached bones of nations and communities that failed to follow this command. If the American Negro and other victims of oppression succumb to the temptation of using violence in the struggle for justice, unborn generations will live in a desolate night of bitterness, and their chief legacy will be an endless reign of chaos.

Alternative to Violence

The alternative to violence is nonviolent resistance. This method was made famous in our generation by Mohandas K. Gandhi, who used it to free India from the domination of the British empire. Five points can be made concerning nonviolence as a method in bringing about better racial conditions.

First, this is not a method for cowards; it  does  resist. The nonviolent resister is just as strongly opposed to the evil against which he protests as is the person who uses violence. His method is passive or nonaggressive in the sense that he is not physically aggressive toward his opponent. But his mind and emotions are always active, constantly seeking to persuade the opponent that he is mistaken. This method is passive physically but strongly active spiritually; it is nonaggressive physically but dynamically aggressive spiritually.

A second point is that nonviolent resistance does not seek to defeat or humiliate the opponent, but to win his friendship and understanding. The nonviolent resister must often express his protest through noncooperation or boycotts, but he realizes that noncooperation and boycotts are not ends themselves; they are merely means to awaken a sense of moral shame in the opponent. The end is redemption and reconciliation. The aftermath of nonviolence is the creation of the beloved community, while the aftermath of violence is tragic bitterness.

A third characteristic of this method is that the attack is directed against forces of evil rather than against persons who are caught in those forces. It is evil we are seeking to defeat, not the persons victimized by evil. Those of us who struggle against racial injustice must come to see that the basic tension is not between races. As I like to say to the people in Montgomery, Alabama: “The tension in this city is not between white people and Negro people. The tension is at bottom between justice and injustice, between the forces of light and the forces of darkness. And if there is a victory it will be a victory not merely for 50,000 Negroes, but a victory for justice and the forces of light. We are out to defeat injustice and not white persons who may happen to be injust.”

A fourth point that must be brought out concerning nonviolent resistance is that it avoids not only external physical violence but also internal violence of spirit. At the center of nonviolence stands the principle of love. In struggling for human dignity the oppressed people of the world must not allow themselves to become bitter or indulge in hate campaigns. To retaliate with hate and bitterness would do nothing but intensify the hate in the world. Along the way of life, someone must have sense enough and morality enough to cut off the chain of hate. This can be done only by projecting the ethics of love to the center of our lives.

The Meaning of ‘Love’

In speaking of love at this point, we are not referring to some sentimental emotion. It would be nonsense to urge men to love their oppressors in an affectionate sense. “Love” in this connection means understanding good will. There are three words for love in the Greek New Testament. 5  First, there is  eros . In Platonic philosophy  eros  meant the yearning of the soul for the realm of the divine. It has come now to mean a sort of aesthetic or romantic love. Second, there is  philia . It meant intimate affectionateness between friends.  Philia  denotes a sort of reciprocal love: the person loves because he is loved. When we speak of loving those who oppose us we refer to neither  eros  nor  philia ; we speak of a love which is expressed in the Greek word  agape .  Agape  means nothing sentimental or basically affectionate; it means understanding, redeeming good will for all men, an overflowing love which seeks nothing in return. It is the love of God working in the lives of men. When we love on the  agape  level we love men not because we like them, not because their attitudes and ways appeal to us, but because God loves them. Here we rise to the position of loving the person who does the evil deed while hating the deed he does. 6

Finally, the method of nonviolence is based on the conviction that the universe is on the side of justice. It is this deep faith in the future that causes the nonviolent resister to accept suffering without retaliation. He knows that in his struggle for justice he has cosmic companionship. This belief that God is on the side of truth and justice comes down to us from the long tradition of our Christian faith. There is something at the very center of our faith which reminds us that Good Friday may reign for a day, but ultimately it must give way to the triumphant beat of the Easter drums. Evil may so shape events that Caesar will occupy a palace and Christ a cross, but one day that same Christ will rise up and split history into A.D. and B.C., so that even the life of Caesar must be dated by his name. So in Montgomery we can walk and never get weary, because we know that there will be a great camp meeting in the promised land of freedom and justice. 7

This, in brief, is the method of nonviolent resistance. It is a method that challenges all people struggling for justice and freedom. God grant that we wage the struggle with dignity and discipline. May all who suffer oppression in this world reject the self-defeating method of retaliatory violence and choose the method that seeks to redeem. Through using this method wisely and courageously we will emerge from the bleak and desolate midnight of man’s inhumanity to man into the bright daybreak of freedom and justice.

1.  For  Christian Century  articles supportive of the boycott see Harold Fey, “Negro Ministers Arrested,” 7 March 1956, pp. 294-295; “National Council Commends Montgomery Ministers,” 14 March 1956, p. 325; and “Segregation on Intrastate Buses Ruled Illegal,” 28 November 1956, p. 1379.

2.  King’s draft of the article has not been located; the extent of Fey’s editing of it is therefore unknown. The previous September, Bayard Rustin had sent King a memorandum on the Christian duty to oppose segregation and urged him to send “something similar” to  Christian Century  (Rustin to King, 26 September 1956, in  Papers  3:381-382).

3.  In a 26 November 1957 letter to Dolores Gentile of King’s literary agency, Fey agreed to reassign the article’s copyright to allow King use of the material for his book on the bus boycott,  Stride Toward Freedom . Much of the article’s substance, especially King’s discussion of the “Alternative to Violence” appeared in the book (see  Stride , pp. 102-107). Note also the parallels between this article and King’s 27 June 1958 speech, “Nonviolence and Racial Justice,” delivered at the AFSC general conference in Cape May, New Jersey; it was published in the 26 July 1958 issue of  Friends Journal .

4. John 18:11.

5.   While the Greek language has three words for love,  eros  does not appear in the Greek New Testament.

6. Cf. Fosdick,  On Being Fit to Live With: Sermons on Post-war Christianity (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1946), pp. 16-17.

7.  In a similar discussion in  Stride Toward Freedom , King included an additional element of nonviolence: “The nonviolent resister is willing to accept violence if necessary, but never to inflict it. He does not seek to dodge jail. . . . Suffering, the nonviolent resister realizes, has tremendous educational and transforming possibilities” (p. 103).

Source:  Christian Century  74 (6 February 1957): 165-167.

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Essay on “Non-Violence ” Complete Essay for Class 10, Class 12 and Graduation and other classes.

Non-Violence

Essay No. 01

POINTS TO DEVELOP

• Many great people have emphasised on the importance of non-violence.
• Various interpretations of the term.
• Non-violence, like other benevolent principles Cannot I be taken to the extreme.
• Gandhi’s Ahinsa.
• Violence has increased in the world today.
• Relevance of non-violence today.

“NON-VIOLENCE IS THE LAW OF SPECIES AS VIOLENCE IS THE LAW OF BRUTE”—

so spoke Mahatma Gandhi, celebrating the need and nature of the principle of non-violence for mankind. All wise men down the ages have preached the doctrine ,of love and non-violence. Zoroaster, Buddha, Mahavira, Christ, Nanak primarily emphasised a moral code that gave due status to non-violence. Non-violence is a philosophy of life, a modus operand which has been accepted as an article of faith in the East as well as the West. But what does the word ‘non-violence’ mean in simple terms? To what extent can and should non-violence be exercised in daily life? And is it not true that the world today is in dire need of nonviolence?

Non-violence has been variously interpreted by different people including philosophers and scholars. Generally, the term means ‘non-injury’ to others. It is a concept based on the fundamental goodness of man. In the fight for what is right and good-freedom, morality, justice and equality, violence must be avoided. All these are to be gained by avoiding use of physical force. One must avoid inflicting pain on others to win one’s goal however true and justifiable it may be. Evil must be resisted in a calm manner and not through violence in thought or action. For almost always violence begets violence-and there will be no end to it. The path of non-violence calls for a great amount of fortitude on the part of the person practicing it to achieve the best of goals. It also calls for courage and a lot of self-sacrifice. Thus non-violence, as Gandhi said, is not the weapon of the coward but of the strong. But to what extreme can the principle of non-violence be extended?

Just like other benevolent principles, non-violence fails to make sense once you take it to an extreme. It is not possible for man to exist at all if he is to ensure that he does not harm or injure a single animal, plant or micro-organism throughout his life. We breathe-and in the mere act of breathing we kill a number of germs and bacteria that cannot be seen by the naked eye. We walk-and the mere act of walking crushes innumerable small, microscopic organisms that abound on the soil. Moreover, injury by itself need not be solely physical in nature; it can be emotional and mental as well. There are no standard and practicable measures by which we can gauge the extent to which an act may cause mental and emotional harm.

Aggression between humans can be repulsed and checked by non-violence. But where the aggressor has no regard for the resulting destruction and bloodshed, total non-violence would only invite aggression. It must be remembered that even Gandhi, the modern profounder of the gospel of ‘non-violence’, allowed the use of violent weapons in the fight for right goals if there was a need.

Mahatma Gandhi is considered the apostle of non-violence. Truly, be expanded the concept so that nonviolence as a principle acquired a totally new meaning and dimension. For him, the path of ahinsa or non-violence was the only way to achieve freedom and truth which was the supreme reality for him. He explained how ahinsa was an active force and not simply a term passive in its meaning. The light through ahinsa was a legitimate struggle that demanded a lot of merit and virtue on the part of its followers. Ahinsa, for Gandhi, was not cowardice. Gandhi encouraged the use of ahinsa so that its practice on an individual level might finally enhance its significance for the nation as a whole-for only individuals constitute a nation! The effectiveness of the message of non-violence preached by Gandhi can be gauged from responses all over the globe-we have self-professed students of the Mahatma in leaders like Aung San Suu Kyi and Nelson Mandela.

In these modern times, it is violence that has emerged as one of the most common causes of human suffering. The pursuit of material benefits has resulted in growing conflicts between individuals, groups and nations New forms of violence have thus emerged. Highly sophisticated and lethal chemical and nuclear weapons have opened up ways .to inflict a maximum of destruction and damage. In truth, one ought to blame the modern ways of living for the violent tendencies that have taken strong roots in man. There is less of patience, perseverance, true courage, dedication and absolutely no sense of values at all. Man today is lost; and wandering souls can be easily misled in the name of anything. Violence has grown to such an extent today that it has almost acquired some kind of legitimacy. One fears that the growing violent attitude will ultimately wipe out mankind as a whole!

The world is desperately in need of non-violence as a way of life, to spread the gospel of love, brotherhood and peace. Man must awaken and realise that the world of violence in which he is living can blow up on his face at any time. Before time runs out, man must realise the folly of indulging in violence and give it up. Only the path of non-violence can truly provide mankind release from all ills and bring about harmony in the world. Only non- violence can restore sanity around us.

Essay No. 02

Non-violence  as  a  doctrine  has  been  preached  by  all  wise  men from  time  immemorial.  The  saints  and  sages  all  over  the  world have  preached  the gospel  of  love  and  understanding.  All differences  among  people  can  be  solved  through  love  without resorting  to  violent  means.  Mahatma  Gandhi,  the  greatest champion  of  non-violence,  defined  it  as  Ahimsa,  that  is  showing goodwill  and  love  to  an  antagonist  while  protesting  in  spirit against  his  unjust  act.  It  is  fundamentally  based  on  the spirituality  of  man.  It is synonymous  with  moral  courage.  It is not  mere  passive  courage,  but  is  the  driving  force  of  a  spirit which  seeks  redress  of  moral  grievances.  In  today’s  world,  non-violence  has  to  be  practised  if  mankind,  is  to  survive.  Non-violence  can-prove  a  panacea  for  all  the  ill  of  the  present-day world.

All  wise  men  down  the  ages  have  preached  the  doctrine  of  non-violence and  love.  The  chief  principles  -enshrined  in  the  teachings  of  Buddha Mahavira,  Christ,  Nanak,  Zoroaster  primarily  Jay  emphasis  on  a  moral code  in  which  there  is  no  place  for  violence  to  others  for  ones,  personal gains.  Non-violence is  a  philosophy  of  life.  It has  been  accepted  in  the East  as  well  as  in  the  West  as  an  article  of  faith.

Mahatma  Gandhi  was  the  greatest  apostle of  peace,  and  non-violence  in this  century.  He  defined  his  principle  as  Ahimsa,  that  is  showing  goodwill and  love  to  an  antagonists  while  protesting  .in  spirit  against  injustice  and violence.  It  was  in  South  .Africa that  he  for  the  first  time  experimented with  this  technique  of  peaceful  protest.  He  was  pained  to  see  the  second class  treatment  meted  .out  to  Indians  by  the  British.  There  was  a  terrible colour  prejudice  which  made  the  life  of  the  Indians  miserable.  He  was deeply  hurt  to  see  the  sorry  plight  of  Indians  and  their  working  and  living conditions.  He  became  preoccupied  with  the  question  of  how  to  change these  conditions.  He decided  to  adopt.  the  path  of  peaceful  agitation  and persuaded  Indians  to  join  him  in  his  struggle  for  the restoration  of  their rights.  His  success  in  his  crusade  only  strengthened  his  belief  in  non-violence.

The  first  article  of  non-violence  is  avoidance  of  physical  force  and  pain on  others.  The  other  aspect  lays  emphasis  on  the  moral  courage  and  attitude towards  life  of  an  individual.  It implies that  everyone,  who  is  a  seeker  of truth  must  be  ready  to  undergo  any  trial  of  hardship  in  pursuit  of  his inquiry.  In  this  sense,  non-violence  implies  that  man  must  face  or  resist the  evil  in  his  adversaries  in  a  calm  manner  and  not  resort  to  violence  in thought  or  action  at  any  time.  It  requires  rigorous  training  both  of  mind and  body.  Obviously,  non-violence  is  based  on  the  fundamental  goodness of  man  .and  is  deeply  grounded  in  the  belief  that  given  suitable  opportunity the  conscience  of  man  which  is  basically  good  is  likely  to  prevail  over evil.

In  his  Experiments  With  Truth,  Mahatma  Gandhi  was  convinced  that  non-violence  was  not  the  religion  of  the  coward  but  of  the  strong  and  morally determined.  He  certainly  did  not  advocate,  as  is  often  misunderstood  by his  critics,  cowardly  self-surrender.  On  the  contrary  he  advised  people  to resist  evil  with  determination  in  self-defence.  He  once  said,  non-violence does  not  imply  running  away  from  danger,  leaving  near  and  dear  ones  unprotected.  In  fact,  given  a  choice  between  cowardice  and  violence,  he chose  Violence  any  way.  It  is  only  the  truly  brave  who  can  defy  the  others without  inflicting  injury  on  them.  A  non-violent  person  gives  patient  hearing to  his  opponent;  reasons  with  him  respectfully  and  if  need  be,  expresses his  opinion  on  the  subject  and  firmly  refuses  to compromise  on  his principles.  He  adopts  the  technique  of  non-violence  and  non-cooperation to  fight  injustice  of  any  kind.

Today,  when  the  world  is  almost  on  the  verge  of  a  nuclear  holocaust,  non-violence  as  a  means  of  solving differences  among  civilized  people  is extremely  relevant.  Pandit  Nehru,  one  of greatest  disciples  of  Gandhi, had  admitted  that  he  was  convinced  about  the  futility  of  violence  in  the aftermath  of  war  and  partition  of  the  country  on  the  eve  of  independence. The  human  agony  and  suffering  that  the  world  had  been  Witness  to  after the  partition  of  India  seem  Meaningless  today.  The  communal  passions which  Were  aroused  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  still  have  not  been  resolved. They  continue  to  raise  their  ugly  heads  and  lead  to  countess  deaths  without resolving  the  issues  at  all.  Violence, therefore,  cannot  yield  any  positive result.  It  never  has Sooner  the  mankind  realises  it,  better  it  is  for  its  own preservation.

Super  powers  boast  possessing  weapons  which  can  destroy  the  entire continents  at  one  stroke.  One  constantly  lives  under  the  feat.  of  .a  third world  war  .breaking  out,  which  many  strike  the  death  toll  for  the  entire human  race.  The  amount  of  money  that.  is  spent  on  developing  military Weapons  and  acquiring  most,  sophisticated  aunts  by  almost all  the  countries all  over  the  world  is  simply  outrageous.  If  only  one  were  to  consider  the use  this  colossal  wealth  of  the  world  could  be  put  to  for  the  benefit  of the  mankind!  It  is  never  too late to learn  from  the  lessons  of  history. Aggression  and  violence  have  never  brought  about  any  permanent  solution to  issues.  They only end  up  in  causing  misery  and suffering.  So far violence has been  the  history  of  man.  It cannot be  allowed  to  continue.  The  vain, power-hungry  people  Who  indulge  in  wars  simply  for  the  satisfaction  of their  ambitions  and  greed  must  be  curbed.

The  world  is  desperately  in  need  of  a  Messiah  of  peace,  who  can  once again  preach  the  gospel  of  love,  understanding  and  universal  brotherhood. Man  must  awaken  from  his slumbet and  take  stock  of  the  explosive situation  he  is  living  in.  Before  the  time  runs  out,  man  must  come  to  his senses  and  realise  the  folly  of  indulging  in  wars  and  violence.  Ultimately, non-violence  alone  can  provide freedom  from  all  the  ills  of  the  society and  bring  about  harmony  in  the  life  of  the  people.  It  is  the  only  means  of restoring  sanity  in  the  world.

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