The Philippine economy under the pandemic: From Asian tiger to sick man again?

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August 2, 2021

In 2019, the Philippines was one of the fastest growing economies in the world. It finally shed its “sick man of Asia” reputation obtained during the economic collapse towards the end of the Ferdinand Marcos regime in the mid-1980s. After decades of painstaking reform — not to mention paying back debts incurred under the dictatorship — the country’s economic renaissance took root in the decade prior to the pandemic. Posting over 6 percent average annual growth between 2010 and 2019 (computed from the Philippine Statistics Authority data on GDP growth rates at constant 2018 prices), the Philippines was touted as the next Asian tiger economy .

That was prior to COVID-19.

The rude awakening from the pandemic was that a services- and remittances-led growth model doesn’t do too well in a global disease outbreak. The Philippines’ economic growth faltered in 2020 — entering negative territory for the first time since 1999 — and the country experienced one of the deepest contractions in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) that year (Figure 1).

Figure 1: GDP growth for selected ASEAN countries

GDP growth for selected ASEAN countries

And while the government forecasts a slight rebound in 2021, some analysts are concerned over an uncertain and weak recovery, due to the country’s protracted lockdown and inability to shift to a more efficient containment strategy. The Philippines has relied instead on draconian mobility restrictions across large sections of the country’s key cities and growth hubs every time a COVID-19 surge threatens to overwhelm the country’s health system.

What went wrong?

How does one of the fastest growing economies in Asia falter? It would be too simplistic to blame this all on the pandemic.

First, the Philippines’ economic model itself appears more vulnerable to disease outbreak. It is built around the mobility of people, yet tourism, services, and remittances-fed growth are all vulnerable to pandemic-induced lockdowns and consumer confidence decline. International travel plunged, tourism came to a grinding halt, and domestic lockdowns and mobility restrictions crippled the retail sector, restaurants, and hospitality industry. Fortunately, the country’s business process outsourcing (BPO) sector is demonstrating some resilience — yet its main markets have been hit heavily by the pandemic, forcing the sector to rapidly upskill and adjust to emerging opportunities under the new normal.

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Second, pandemic handling was also problematic. Lockdown is useful if it buys a country time to strengthen health systems and test-trace-treat systems. These are the building blocks of more efficient containment of the disease. However, if a country fails to strengthen these systems, then it squanders the time that lockdown affords it. This seems to be the case for the Philippines, which made global headlines for implementing one of the world’s longest lockdowns during the pandemic, yet failed to flatten its COVID-19 curve.

At the time of writing, the Philippines is again headed for another hard lockdown and it is still trying to graduate to a more efficient containment strategy amidst rising concerns over the delta variant which has spread across Southeast Asia . It seems stuck with on-again, off-again lockdowns, which are severely damaging to the economy, and will likely create negative expectations for future COVID-19 surges (Figure 2).

Figure 2 clarifies how the Philippine government resorted to stricter lockdowns to temper each surge in COVID-19 in the country so far.

Figure 2: Community quarantine regimes during the COVID-19 pandemic, Philippine National Capital Region (NCR ), March 2020 to June 2021

Community quarantine regimes during the COVID-19 pandemic, Philippine National Capital Region (NCR), March 2020 to June 2021

If the delta variant and other possible variants are near-term threats, then the lack of efficient containment can be expected to force the country back to draconian mobility restrictions as a last resort. Meanwhile, only two months of social transfers ( ayuda ) were provided by the central government during 16 months of lockdown by mid-2021. All this puts more pressure on an already weary population reeling from deep recession, job displacement, and long-term risks on human development . Low social transfers support in the midst of joblessness and rising hunger is also likely to weaken compliance with mobility restriction policies.

Third, the Philippines suffered from delays in its vaccination rollout which was initially hobbled by implementation and supply issues, and later affected by lingering vaccine hesitancy . These are all likely to delay recovery in the Philippines.

By now there are many clear lessons both from the Philippine experience and from emerging international best practices. In order to mount a more successful economic recovery, the Philippines must address the following key policy issues:

  • Build a more efficient containment strategy particularly against the threat of possible new variants principally by strengthening the test-trace-treat system. Based on lessons from other countries, test-trace-treat systems usually also involve comprehensive mass-testing strategies to better inform both the public and private sectors on the true state of infections among the population. In addition, integrated mobility databases (not fragmented city-based ones) also capacitate more effective and timely tracing. This kind of detailed and timely data allows for government and the private sector to better coordinate on nuanced containment strategies that target areas and communities that need help due to outbreak risk. And unlike a generalized lockdown, this targeted and data-informed strategy could allow other parts of the economy to remain more open than otherwise.
  • Strengthen the sufficiency and transparency of direct social protection in order to give immediate relief to poor and low-income households already severely impacted by the mishandling of the pandemic. This requires a rebalancing of the budget in favor of education, health, and social protection spending, in lieu of an over-emphasis on build-build-build infrastructure projects. This is also an opportunity to enhance the social protection system to create a safety net and concurrent database that covers not just the poor but also the vulnerable low- and lower-middle- income population. The chief concern here would be to introduce social protection innovations that prevent middle income Filipinos from sliding into poverty during a pandemic or other crisis.
  • Ramp-up vaccination to cover at least 70 percent of the population as soon as possible, and enlist the further support of the private sector and civil society in order to keep improving vaccine rollout. An effective communications campaign needs to be launched to counteract vaccine hesitancy, building on trustworthy institutions (like academia, the Catholic Church, civil society and certain private sector partners) in order to better protect the population against the threat of delta or another variant affecting the Philippines. It will also help if parts of government could stop the politically-motivated fearmongering on vaccines, as had occurred with the dengue fever vaccine, Dengvaxia, which continues to sow doubts and fears among parts of the population .
  • Create a build-back-better strategy anchored on universal and inclusive healthcare. Among other things, such a strategy should a) acknowledge the critically important role of the private sector and civil society in pandemic response and healthcare sector cooperation, and b) underpin pandemic response around lasting investments in institutions and technology that enhance contact tracing (e-platforms), testing (labs), and universal healthcare with lower out-of-pocket costs and higher inclusivity. The latter requires a more inclusive, well-funded, and better-governed health insurance system.

As much of ASEAN reels from the spread of the delta variant, it is critical that the Philippines takes these steps to help allay concerns over the country’s preparedness to handle new variants emerging, while also recalibrating expectations in favor of resuscitating its economy. Only then can the Philippines avoid becoming the sick man of Asia again, and return to the rapid and steady growth of the pre-pandemic decade.

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Adrien Chorn provided editing assistance on this piece. The author thanks Jurel Yap and Kier J. Ballar for their research assistance. All views expressed herein are the author’s and do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of his institution.

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Philippine economic development, looking backwards and forward: an interpretative essay.

essay about economic in the philippines

Over the past decade, the Philippine development story has attracted international attention as it transformed from being the “Sick Man of Asia” to “Asia’s Rising Tiger”. However, the country’s strong growth momentum was abruptly interrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic, which continues to cast a huge shadow over its development outlook. With the country now at the crossroads, this paper reflects on and draws lessons for economic development and policy by examining the country’s three main economic episodes over the post-independence era: (a) the period of moderately strong growth from 1946 to the late 1970s, (b) the tumultuous crisis years from the late 1970s to the early 1990s, and (c) the period from the early 1990s to the 2019 when it rejoined the dynamic East Asian mainstream. Through comparative analysis, the paper also seeks to understand the country’s development dynamics and political economy. We conclude by highlighting elements of a recovery and reform agenda in the post-pandemic era.

Key Words: Philippines, economic development, economic history, political economy, institutions, COVID-19, ASEAN, comparative analysis

JEL codes: E02, I0, N15, O10, O43, O53, P52

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What does 2023 hold for the Philippines’ economy?

The COVID-19 pandemic and other geopolitical events have caused a global crisis over the past couple of years. Major upheavals of this scale are not unknown—in the 20th century, various significant events shook the world, like both World Wars and the Cold War. Between these periods of disruption, global events played out across three “eras”: the Post-War Boom after the Second World War, the Era of Contention from 1972 to 1974, and the Era of Markets from 1989 to 1992, each of which had distinct characteristics and opportunities.

The effects of the current crisis, both humanitarian and economic, cannot be underestimated. However, as the world continues to emerge from the pandemic, business leaders can take advantage of these upheavals, and shape innovation and growth—as evidenced in previous eras—by anticipating future disruptions and shaping strategies accordingly. This kind of “era thinking” is particularly valuable in the Philippines, where disruptions caused by the conflict in Ukraine and international supply-chain crises have had a clear impact.

Looking ahead into 2023, the economic forecast for the Philippines remains a moving target. After a record 10 percent contraction in 2020, the country may bounce back in 2023 with projected growth of around 5.3 percent, though it will hardly rise above preCOVID-19 levels (exhibit).

Key challenges face the country: significantly high unemployment numbers; a high inflation rate (forecast to reach 5.1 percent in 2023); rising policy rates; import and export bottlenecks; and the declining strength of the Philippine peso against the American dollar. 1 “2023 inflation seen topping official target,” Manila Times , January 13, 2023.

The state of the Philippines’ economy in seven major sectors

This article analyzes seven key sectors that offer a detailed insight into the state of the Philippines’ economy in 2023 and beyond. As the data shows, the outlook is complex—there are serious issues to address, but also reasons for optimism.

Real estate and construction

Several global and macroeconomic shocks will likely impact the Philippines’ post-pandemic economic recovery in the real estate and construction sectors. Policy rates may reach 6.25 percent in the first half of 2023, which would negatively impact home lending rates and increase the strain on a sector that must also address the increased costs of construction and logistics caused by supply-chain issues.

Nonetheless, more optimistic projections include an expansion in real estate investment opportunities and the emergence of green real estate, a promising step toward the Philippines’ goal to reduce carbon emissions by 75 percent by 2030. 1 “Philippines raises carbon emissions target to 75 percent by 2030,” Reuters, April 16, 2021.

Much of the sector is expected to recover to pre-pandemic levels by the end of 2023, and construction by the end of 2024. Much of this growth will likely be driven by residential building construction, predicted to grow by 12 percent. Non-residential construction, by contrast, has yet to recover to pre-pandemic levels.

There will likely be an increased demand for office space, caused by companies introducing return-to-office policies, as well as a resurgence in the need for industrial, retail, and leisure spaces, both of which would boost sector-wide growth.

Another consideration is hybrid working—this is in fact higher in the Philippines than the global norm. 1 Vaughn Alviar, “Hybrid work is the future,” Philippines Daily Inquirer , March 11, 2022. Office spaces may need to be reinvented as companies look to adopt more hybrid ways of working. This could result in vacancy rates persisting, however the growth of coworking facilities and the desire for sustainable buildings will necessitate innovations in construction techniques and leasing agreements, thus encouraging sector-wide growth.

Travel and hospitality

The outlook for the travel and hospitality sector is strong, with a full recovery to pre-pandemic levels expected by 2024. Outbound and inbound travel may be sluggish due to remaining international travel restrictions and further health and safety concerns: 71 percent of Asian countries still impose travel restrictions to varying degrees; Europe is more lenient with 50 percent of countries imposing no restrictions at all.

Despite this, hotel occupancy is expected to rise as more foreign tourists visit the Philippines. China’s removal of quarantine on arrival from January 8, 2023, and Hong Kong’s withdrawal of mandatory quarantine on arrival in September 2022, are both reasons for optimism. If mainland China’s air travel were to recover at the same pace as Hong Kong’s, four million air passengers a month out of China can be expected by the second quarter of 2023, pushing air travel back up to 40 percent of pre-COVID-19 levels.

Several key trends are expected to influence economic recovery in the sector, the impacts of which may be both positive and negative. High inflation, for example, has increased airlines’ operating expenses. The weakening peso, by contrast, could have a positive effect by encouraging locals to travel and spend within the country rather than abroad. In fact, local air travel is already on the rise and is expected to reach preCOVID-19 levels in the second half of 2023. 1 Katlene O. Cacho, “Air travel approaches pre-pandemic levels,” SunStar, December 20, 2022

The growth of “revenge travel” (travelling widely and often to make up for time and opportunities lost during the COVID-19 pandemic and attendant travel restrictions) also contributes to the robust growth of leisure travel, while business travel is recovering more slowly. This is largely due to the inconsistent travel restrictions between countries, and remote working tools that do away with the necessity of meeting in person.

Sustainable tourism and increased awareness of eco-friendly travel options may not negatively affect the number of tourists visiting the Philippines, but they will likely change how visitors and locals arrive in, and travel through, the country. The fact that the hospitality industry has recovered more significantly than airlines shows this. Other contributing factors include the increase in domestic travel and the popularity of the “digital-nomad” lifestyle, which allows travelers to live and work for extended periods in their destinations of choice, rather than flying between destinations frequently.

Financial services

The strength of the Philippines’ financial services sector in 2023 will likely be subject to two key factors: interest rate hikes and rising inflation. Interest rate hikes could have a positive effect by widening the net-interest margin, but macrovolatility could cause a slowdown in new loans. Rising inflation will likely increase the pressure on wages and increase operational costs.

The financial sector is already responding to these challenges. It is prioritizing the interoperability and digitization in top banks, and the country’s central bank, Bangko Sentral ng Philipinas, is expected to increase interest rate hikes to keep up with inflation. 1 Lawrence Agcaoili, “More BSP rate hikes boom as inflation spikes,” Philstar Global, January 6, 2023.

Banks have taken additional steps. These include recovering nonperforming loans, reducing loan loss provisions with an outlook on improved credit status, and the emergence of digital neobanks, which offer higher savings interest rates and faster customer acquisition. Perhaps most crucially, there are growing efforts to make banking more accessible and inclusive. The growth of digital banking is significant: in 2021, 60 percent of Filipinos used digital banking (a sharp increase from 17 percent in 2019), and growth is expected to accelerate in 2023. 2 “2021 financial inclusion survey,” Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, 2021.

Growth in the Philippines’ energy sector contracted to 4.8 percent in 2022 and is expected to rebound to 5.5 percent in 2023. However, the sector needs to ensure that this growth target can be met given looming supply constraints and while accelerating the transition to green energy.

Due to a growing population, an economy coupled with the depletion of domestic gas from the Malampaya gas field, and a heavy reliance on imported fuel, a power supply shortage is expected closer to 2024 to 2025. 1 “Malampaya depletion expected by 1st quarter of 2027,” BusinessWorld, May 19, 2021. This will put sustained upward pressure on prices and an urgency to bring greenfield capacity online.

On the energy transition, major players are addressing the challenge by diversifying energy assets across the board, with investments in cleaner technologies such as solar, hydro, and battery energy storage systems. These efforts are underway in both the private and public sectors. For example, the Philippine government has introduced measures to improve the availability and sustainability of energy. Legislation has been passed to reduce fuel and power costs via subsidies for transport operators, boost investments in indigenous energy resources such as coal, and strengthen electric cooperatives for broader access to electrification. 2 Philippine energy plan 2020–2040, Department of Energy, Republic of the Philippines.

The Philippines may generate enough energy to cover its consumption needs, but the supply-demand balance will remain tight, with clear downside risks. Threats to the energy supply include rising oil and gas prices, supply-chain disruptions, and currency depreciation.

The healthcare sector experienced strong growth during the COVID-19 pandemic: in 2021, healthcare services increased by 14.1 percent and pharmaceutical manufacturing by 12.9 percent. Growth stalled in 2022 (3.9 percent and 8.25 percent for healthcare services and pharmaceuticals respectively), and this trend is expected to continue in 2023. While demand will continue to grow, the sector will have to address three major challenges.

First, rising inflation will impact costs for service providers and manufacturers, though prices will initially lag due to procurement contracts being set in advance. One of the biggest drivers of inflation is an increase in healthcare wages, especially of hospital staff such as nurses, who are in short supply locally and globally. Second, supply-chain disruptions will drive up medicine price variations and production inefficiencies, particularly as the Philippines is a net importer of pharmaceuticals. And third, turnover levels for health workers are expected to remain high, straining the capacity of service providers and potentially resulting in a poor quality of healthcare.

To address these challenges, the sector is renewing the emphasis on universal healthcare and building robust healthcare ecosystems. The Department of Health aims to close the supply-demand gap in healthcare by increasing facilities in areas outside Metro Manila and making medicines more affordable. 1 “Universal health care,” Department of Health, Republic of the Philippines.

In the private sector, key players are investing strategically to cover the healthcare value chain, and making concerted efforts to tap into growing online markets through electronic medical records, all-in-one telemedicine and consultation apps, and other ancillary services.

The Philippines’ healthcare sector is so vast that broad, sector-wide forecasts can sometimes obscure as much as they reveal. The outlook becomes clearer when subsectors are evaluated on their own terms, as they diverge widely in market size, are subject to different trends, and experience different rates of growth. The healthcare providers subsector, for example, boasts a larger market size than the products and payors subsectors combined.

Despite significant growth in 2022, the Philippines still has some catching up to do. There is no doubt that it faces global macroeconomic headwinds in 2023, however big pockets of opportunity exist within each of its biggest sectors. To grasp these as soon as possible, companies need to rethink how they deliver to customers and operate their businesses. With such strategies in place for possible future disruptions, the Philippines can stand strong and continue to grow its economy in the year ahead.

Jon Canto is a partner in the Manila office, where Kristine Romano is a partner and Danice Parel and Vicah Villanueva are consultants.

The authors wish to thank Aaron Ong, Ryan Delos Reyes, and Jeongmin Seong for their contributions to this article.

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[OPINION] 10 years of writing about Philippine economics

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This is AI generated summarization, which may have errors. For context, always refer to the full article.

[OPINION] 10 years of writing about Philippine economics

ALEJANDRO EDORIA

Today marks my 10 th year contributing economics op-ed pieces for Rappler. How time flies! And what a blast it has been!

My longtime editor, Chay Hofileña, likes to joke about this by saying this is my longest relationship yet. Kidding aside, I’m truly grateful to her for taking a chance on the unsolicited email of a 23-year-old graduate student a decade ago, and liking my style of writing about economic issues.

Since then Ma’am Chay – as well as the other lovely and redoubtable Rappler manangs – showed me the ropes and taught me lots about journalism, which I didn’t really study formally. Now I’d like to think my writing is all the better for it.

To date I’ve written 322 articles for Rappler (including this one), initially appearing in the iSpeak and IMHO sections, then graduating into the Thought Leaders section starting September 10, 2016.

Through my pieces, I’ve captured some pretty big developments and shifts in Philippine economics and politics. Let me share with you 10 pieces that encapsulate that journey.

1. Kasambahay Law: Its unintended consequences (January 31, 2013)

The article that started it all. For one reason or another, I felt strongly about this piece of legislation when it was signed into law by the late former president Benigno Aquino III on January 18, 2013. Applying (rather naively, I admit) basic lessons from microeconomics, I argued that legislating the wages of househelps or kasambahay might lead to some of them becoming unemployed if their employers’ couldn’t afford it.

Unfortunately, years later, the implementation of the Kasambahay Law remains poor . Although there are now help desks in DOLE regional offices catering to househelps specifically, many househelps remain unaware of the benefits they’re entitled to under the law. Many employers are also not complying. Monitoring of househelp remains difficult because of DOLE’s lack of staff, as well as the difficulty of gaining access to many househelps’ areas of work.

Economists’ understanding of the minimum wage has also drastically shifted since then. Whereas before economists were deathly afraid of minimum wage hikes (because they supposedly lead to unemployment), the empirical evidence for that is a lot weaker now. In certain contexts, higher minimum wages may even lead to higher employment.

The lessons: just because a law is approved doesn’t mean it will be implemented, and the feared of unintended consequences will pan out. (Maybe the poor implementation itself is also an unintended consequence?) Also, don’t take textbook economic models and theories too seriously.

2. Marcos years marked ‘golden age’ of PH economy? Look at the data (March 5, 2016)

This piece was inspired by the BusinessWorld piece of my former professor, Dr. Emmanuel de Dios of the UP School of Economics, on the same topic. After reading that, I decided to dig deeper, and that got me obsessed about Martial Law economics. I discovered for myself that there’s a ton of empirical data showing that Martial Law was not the country’s “golden age,” and in this piece I shared some of those data.

At that time, I was elated by the splash this article made. But I overestimated the power of data to change people’s minds about an issue, and underestimated the strength of the Marcoses’ propaganda machine, the social media echo chambers, and the cognitive biases that could lead people to prefer falsehoods to truth.

Since then Martial Law economics has been a key research interest. In February 2023, I will be publishing my first book – False Nostalgia: The Marcos Golden Age Myths and How to Debunk Them – combining 7 years’ worth of research on Martial Law economics. The starting point of that journey was this Rappler piece.

3. Free tuition alone won’t make college any more accessible (March 9, 2017)

Through my pieces, I get to indirectly participate in legislative debates and proposals. One of the memorable pieces of legislation in the past years was the free tuition law, that made college education free in all state universities and colleges, as well as local ones.

Using past research and government data, I showed that the richest fifth of tertiary students are overrepresented vis-à-vis the poorest fifth. So, arguably, the free tuition law stands to give billions worth of subsidies to rich kids who can actually afford to pay for college tuition. What a waste! This subsidy of course posed as a fiscal strain: why should the government subsidize the rich this way?

I remember receiving praise from colleagues saying the original article (there was also a follow-up piece in 2019) was a great use of statistics to argue for sound economics. But I remember receiving a lot of flak as well on Twitter from those from the Left (especially the young ones), saying I should stop spewing such “neoliberal” BS. The attacks were so intense I had to leave Twitter for a few days and let things subside.

As with many legislative proposals, politics and populism trump economics. Former president Rodrigo Duterte signed the free tuition law in August that year.

I realized then that my pieces can be quite triggering for some groups ascribing to certain closely held narratives or ideologies. But so long as I’m using data and evidence to back up my claims, I should be fine.

4. Why is Philippine inflation now the highest in ASEAN? (September 6, 2018)

Discussing macroeconomic statistics and trends is a recurring theme of my Rappler pieces. In fact, macro developments have significantly shifted my teaching and research interests in this direction (vis-à-vis microeconomics).

One of the more memorable trends I wrote about was the spell of high inflation in 2018. That year inflation reached a nine-year high, and was also the highest inflation rate in ASEAN around September and October. I had fun triangulating the reasons for this, with factors ranging from the rice shortage brought about by the Duterte administration, the rising trade deficit, inflation expectations, and the ill timing of the TRAIN law, which raised excise taxes just as world oil prices were rising.

I also rebutted claims by the Duterte economic managers then that rising inflation was “not alarming” and “quite normal in a fast-growing economy.” Such rebuttals have irked the economic managers a number of times, based on reports from my friends in different agencies. Little do those officials know that I receive a lot of positive feedback (even encouragement) as well from many economist colleagues, who are just constrained from speaking out in one way or another.

5. Dengvaxia scare: How rumors caused viral outbreaks (January 16, 2019)

I use my Rappler pieces to show that economics can be related to other fields of study, such as public health.

I particularly liked writing this piece about the ill effects of the Dengvaxia scare perpetrated by certain personalities of the Duterte administration. In a nutshell, disinformation surrounding the new dengue vaccine spilled over to other vaccines, and parents ended up not having their children take basic shots for measles and like diseases. Hence, all sorts of otherwise preventable epidemics spread across the country. The opening sentence captured it rather nicely: “Fake news can kill, and the Dengvaxia scare is a perfect example of it.”

This was a perfect illustration of so-called “negative externalities” in economics. And I remember incorporating this piece in my microeconomics classes back then. Little did we know that the Dengvaxia scare would presage the even greater troubles wrought by the global pandemic just one year later.

6. Dismal PISA rankings: A wake-up call for Filipinos (December 4, 2019)

Education issues have always been close to my heart, and I was particularly devasted by news that we ranked so poorly in the 2018 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA). Specifically, we ranked dead last in reading, and second to last in math and science.

Later, even more bad news came when we also ranked dead last in the 2019 TIMSS (Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study). Meanwhile, the first ever Southeast Asia Primary Learning Metrics in 2019 also showed that 9 in 10 schoolchildren in the Philippines can’t read basic texts.

Long story short, we’re experiencing a full-blown education crisis – undoubtedly worsened by the pandemic, what with the extremely long school closures and the “learning losses” from online classes.

I argued that all these studies ought to be a wake-up call for Filipinos. But the attitude from education officials has been characterized by denialism and gaslighting. The Department of Education, for instance, complained that they were not consulted for a World Bank education report. After that, the World Bank took down their report from their website. I wrote about this in “ 8 facts from WB education report they don’t want you to read .”

7. Why Filipinos need to stay at home until June (or even longer) (March 19, 2020)

By far my most viral piece ever (pun unintended). I wrote about this days after Duterte imposed the first COVID lockdown nationwide. At the time, everyone was at a loss about what’s going on, and nobody knew until when Duterte’s strict lockdowns would last.

I saw some analyses on Facebook by experts in biomedical data and biostatistics, showing the exponential rise of COVID-19 cases that necessitates prolonged lockdowns up to at least June that year. This was quite concerning to a lot of people: many people thought the lockdowns would just last days or a few weeks.

But little did we know that the lockdowns would be a lot longer than that, with some form of mobility restrictions lasting up to 2 years or more, with varying degrees of strictness nationwide (I discovered recently that the lockdowns were very severe in places like Camiguin Island). Also, the lockdowns would turn out to be a political tool of the Duterte administration to subjugate people, especially the poor.

COVID would dominate a lot of my Rappler pieces since then: constituting maybe a fourth of all my pieces, ranging from the economics of lockdowns , the health versus economy trade-off , the inadequate and slow distribution of economic aid , the glacial pace of vaccination , the Duterte government’s wrong budget priorities (I collaborated a lot with my friends Zy-za Suzara and Luis Abad on this topic), and pandemic-related corruption (e.g., Pharmally).

Fast-forward to 2023, our lives are normalizing now. But I’m glad to be able to document the economics of the pandemic through Rappler; later I might just write a book about it.

8. 10 Build, Build, Build projects that started in previous admins (June 23, 2021)

My Rappler columns are often a venue to debunk some of the lies and misconceptions said by government officials. And quite a few people look forward to my pieces when it comes to economic mistruths.

The Duterte administration was particularly fond of boasting about its “flagship” economic project, an infrastructure spending spree called “Build, Build, Build” (BBB). However, upon closer inspection, many of projects under BBB were in fact started by previous administrations. My friend Zy-za Suzara, formerly with the Department of Budget and Management, co-wrote this piece with me on the rampant credit-grabbing of the Duterte administration.

Some other pieces I wrote on economic lies include those about the “ Duterte Legacy ,” the statistics behind the war on drugs , the TRAIN law , and the recurring claim that we would soon be an “ upper-middle income country ” (we’re still not).

9. Malubha ang state of the nation (July 23, 2021)

Up until the middle of 2021, I’ve been writing almost exclusively in English. But months before the pivotal 2022 elections, there was growing concern about the looming possibility of another Marcos presidency. And I figured I needed to write more in Filipino (if not exclusively in Filipino) to try to reach a wider audience with my economics pieces, especially those that would figure in the electoral debates and discussions. I started with this piece, on the last State of the Nation Address of former president Duterte.

Writing in Filipino was quite liberating for me: I could write quicker, and I could use the nuances of everyday language in a way I couldn’t do with English. For instance, I found myself incorporating more jokes and witticisms, as well as pop culture references. Most of all, I discovered that there was indeed a huge reader base of articles in Filipino: interactions and engagement with my pieces blew up.

I wrote in Filipino until end of 2022, and switched back to English just recently. But I may still put in some Filipino pieces here and there.

10. Budol of the century (May 12, 2022)

Even if my column is primarily about economics, I can’t avoid writing about politics from time to time. This piece was written a few days after the 2022 elections, when the partial and unofficial results showed that another yet Marcos would sit in Malacañang.

Apart from showing some of the election results across the regions, I explored possible reasons for the landslide win of the teamup between Bongbong Marcos and Sara Duterte. These include intense regionalism (which pervades much of everyday life, culture, and politics), “networked disinformation,” historical distortions, and the broken educational system. These are pretty much the same issues that led to the landslide win of administration senators in the 2019 midterm elections, which I also wrote about in “ Why is Duterte still so popular ?”

All in all, writing for Rappler in the past decade has been an unalloyed boon for me and my career. My writing has made me grow as a writer and economist, and I’ve also made a ton of new friends along the way. (I’ve irked some people, too, from all sides of the political spectrum. But I guess that’s an occupational hazard, and one more measure of the impact of one’s writing.)

Here’s to another 10 years of writing for Rappler! – Rappler.com

JC Punongbayan, PhD is an assistant professor at the UP School of Economics and the author of the forthcoming book, False Nostalgia: The Marcos Golden Age Myths and How to Debunk Them . JC’s views are independent of his affiliations. Follow him on Twitter ( @jcpunongbayan ) and Usapang Econ Podcast .

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Home — Essay Samples — Sociology — Globalization — The Impact of Globalization on the Philippine Economy

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The Impact of Globalization on The Philippine Economy

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The Influence of Globalization on the Philippine Economy

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Essay on Philippines

Students are often asked to write an essay on Philippines in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

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100 Words Essay on Philippines

Geography of the philippines.

The Philippines is a country in Southeast Asia. It is made up of over 7,000 islands. It is surrounded by the Pacific Ocean, South China Sea, Celebes Sea, and the Philippine Sea. The country’s capital is Manila.

Climate of the Philippines

The Philippines has a tropical climate. It has two seasons: the rainy season from June to November, and the dry season from December to May. The country often experiences typhoons, especially during the rainy season.

People and Culture

The Philippines is known for its rich culture. The people are called Filipinos. They speak Filipino and English. The country is known for its festivals, music, and dance. Filipinos are also known for their hospitality.

Economy of the Philippines

The Philippines’ economy is growing. It is based on agriculture, industry, and services. The country is known for its production of rice, coconuts, and fish. It also has a booming tourism industry.

Wildlife in the Philippines

The Philippines is home to a wide range of wildlife. It has many unique animals like the Philippine eagle, tarsier, and the water buffalo. The country also has beautiful coral reefs that are home to many fish and other sea creatures.

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250 Words Essay on Philippines

Introduction to the philippines.

The Philippines is a beautiful Southeast Asian country. It is an archipelago, which means it’s made up of many islands. In fact, there are more than 7,000 islands in the Philippines! The country is famous for its stunning beaches, vibrant culture, and friendly people.

Geography and Climate

The Philippines is located in the Pacific Ocean, near countries like Vietnam and Indonesia. The country has a tropical climate. This means it is warm all year round. Sometimes, the Philippines experiences typhoons, which are powerful storms.

Culture and People

Filipinos, the people of the Philippines, are known for their warm hospitality. They love to celebrate and have many festivals throughout the year. One of the biggest is Sinulog, a colorful event with music and dance. The main language is Filipino, but English is also widely spoken.

Food and Cuisine

Filipino food is a mix of many influences. Rice is a staple, often served with meat, vegetables, or seafood. A popular dish is adobo, which is meat marinated in vinegar and soy sauce.

Wildlife and Nature

The Philippines is home to many unique plants and animals. You can find tarsiers, small primates with big eyes, and the Philippine eagle, one of the largest eagles in the world. The country also has beautiful coral reefs, perfect for diving and snorkeling.

In conclusion, the Philippines is a fascinating country with a rich culture, diverse wildlife, and stunning landscapes. It’s a place full of adventure and beauty, waiting to be explored.

500 Words Essay on Philippines

The Philippines is a beautiful country in Southeast Asia. It is made up of more than 7,000 islands. These islands are home to many people and different types of plants and animals. The capital city of the Philippines is Manila. The country is known for its beautiful beaches, rich history, and delicious food.

The Philippines is located in the Pacific Ocean, near the equator. This means it has a tropical climate. It is hot and humid all year round. The country is divided into three main parts: Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao. Luzon is the biggest island and it is where Manila, the capital city, is located. The country is surrounded by water and has many mountains, forests, and rivers.

Because the Philippines is in the Pacific Ring of Fire, it has many volcanoes and experiences earthquakes. Despite these natural hazards, the Philippines is rich in natural resources like minerals, forests, and marine life.

The Philippines has a mix of different cultures because of its history. It was a Spanish colony for over 300 years, then it was ruled by the United States. Today, the Philippines is an independent country.

Filipinos are known for their hospitality and friendliness. They love to celebrate and have many festivals throughout the year. The official language is Filipino, but many people also speak English.

Food and Festivals

Filipino food is a mix of different flavors. Rice is a common food, often eaten with meat or fish. Some famous dishes include adobo, sinigang, and lechon.

The Philippines is also known for its colorful festivals. These festivals often include parades, dances, and lots of food. Some popular festivals are Sinulog in Cebu, Ati-Atihan in Aklan, and Pahiyas in Quezon.

The economy of the Philippines is growing. It is based on agriculture, manufacturing, and services. The country is one of the world’s biggest producers of coconuts, rice, and fish. Many Filipinos also work overseas and send money back to their families. This is a big part of the country’s income.

The Philippines is a country full of natural beauty, rich history, and friendly people. Its location and climate make it a unique place to live and visit. Despite the challenges it faces, the Philippines continues to grow and develop. It is a country that is proud of its culture and heritage.

In conclusion, the Philippines is a fascinating country with a lot to offer. Whether you’re interested in its geography, culture, food, or economy, there’s something for everyone to learn and enjoy.

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Harvard International Review

Overseas Filipino Workers: The Modern-Day Heroes of the Philippines

Bayani is the Tagalog term for “hero.” In the Philippines, a bayani is someone who is courageous, humble, and selfless. They pursue causes that are greater than themselves, such as those impacting a community, a nation, or the environment. Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) is a term referring to Filipino migrant workers, individuals who have left their homes to work abroad and provide comfortable lives for their families. Referring to these workers, former President Corazon Aquino coined the phrase ‘Bagong-Bayani’ in 1988. OFWs are the country’s modern-day heroes because they not only boost the Philippines’ economy through remittances but are figures of resilience. OFWs endure homesickness, personal sacrifices, and horrible working conditions in order to support their families back home.

By the Numbers

The Philippine Statistic Authority estimates that about 1.83 million OFWs worked abroad from April to September 2021. The same data reveal that about “four in every ten” OFWs work low-status or ‘ elementary ’ jobs, such as street vendors, construction and factory workers, cleaners, domestic helpers, and agriculture laborers. A majority of OFWs work in Asia, specifically Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Hong Kong, Kuwait, Singapore, and Qatar.

Because of their major contribution to the growth and development of the Philippine economy, OFWs are revered as the nation's economic heroes. According to data released by the Central Bank of the Philippines, remittances from OFWs reached a record high in December of last year: from the previous all-time high of US$34.88 billion, it rose by 3.6 percent to a record high US$36.14 billion in 2022.

“OFW remittances, at new record highs on a monthly basis, are a bright spot for the Philippine economy in terms of spurring consumer spending, which accounts for at least 75 percent of the economy, and in turn, support faster economic growth,” Rizal Commercial Banking Corp. Chief economist Michael Ricafort said .

Furthermore, most OFWs are Filipina women. The numbers clearly show that women dominate the workforce, accounting for approximately 60 percent of OFWs. According to data from the Overseas Workers Welfare Administration, at least 18,002, or 75.05 percent of the 23,986 cases of abuse and other incidents involving workers in the Gulf Cooperation Council that were reported last year included female OFWs. On the other hand, male OFWs were involved in only 5,984 cases, or 24.95 percent of all cases.

These women are disproportionately more likely to suffer from terrible working conditions, as they are often subjected to abuse, excessive work, little pay, rape, or worse, being killed by their foreign employers. The International Labour Office published a working paper titled Philippines: Good Practices for the Protection of Filipino Women Migrant Workers in Vulnerable Jobs explaining that “Gender-based discrimination intersects with discrimination based on other forms of  ‘otherness’ – such as non-national status, race, ethnicity, religion, economic status – placing women migrants in situations of double, triple or even fourfold discrimination, disadvantage or vulnerability to exploitation and abuse.”

In 2020, there were 23,714 documented cases of contract violations involving the maltreatment of OFWs, according to data provided by the Philippine Overseas Labor Offices, and approximately 5,000 of these cases were reported from Middle Eastern countries. According to the Philippine Information Agency, Filipina women who work in the Middle East are subjected to the “ kafala ” system, which ties foreign workers to their employers. Under this framework, employers could easily lock domestic workers inside their houses and seize their phones, passports, and visas until the expiration of their contracts.

The Human Rights Watch (HRW) published a comprehensive report titled “ ‘I Already Bought You’ Abuse and Exploitation of Female Migrant Domestic Workers in the United Arab Emirates,” which explains real-world examples of how the UAE’s kafala system of visa sponsorship binds migrant employees to their employers and how the exclusion of domestic workers from labor law protections exposes them to abuse.

The report included interviews with 99 female domestic workers in the UAE between November and December 2013. 22 of the 99 domestic helpers questioned by HRW claimed to have experienced physical abuse at the hands of their sponsors.

“They slap me in the face and kick me. They have a stick for you. If I make a small mistake they would hit parts of my body—back legs, back, and head. Sir would slap or punch me in the face. If they come back from the mall and I am not finished they would beat me,” Shelly A., a 30-year-old Filipina worker said. “They would say, ‘If you had done work then we won’t hit you.’ ”

Injustices in Kuwait

Currently, there are over 268,000 OFWs who live and work in Kuwait with 88 percent of them working as domestic helpers and 73 percent of them being female. According to the Philippine Department of Migrant Workers (DMW), there were over 24,000 cases of abuse and violation against OFWs in 2022—a significant rise from 6,500 in 2016.

It is a significant sacrifice to work abroad. Being physically and emotionally thousands of miles away from one’s family for an indefinite period is challenging, isolating, and suffocating. Rowena, a 54-year-old Filipina worker in Bahrain found herself feeling “trapped” due to canceled flights to the Philippines because of the COVID-19 pandemic as well as being underpaid by her employer. “I don’t want to make trouble. I want to go home,” Rowena said .

Beyond this, many OFWs also work abroad without knowledge of the future or the dangers they may encounter in a foreign country. Even worse, a harsh truth of working abroad is that a number of OFWs return home as dead bodies.

In January of 2023, Jullebee Ranara , a Filipina domestic helper living in Kuwait, confided in her family over the phone that she was terrified of her employer's 17-year-old son. The 35-year-old appeared to have vanished by the next day, which prompted her friends in the Gulf state to share their worries about her disappearance on social media.

Less than 24 hours later, on Jan. 21, 2023, her body was found dead, with burnt remains and a smashed skull found beside a desert near Al-Salmi Road.

Ranara was discovered to be pregnant after an autopsy, and DNA samples taken from the unborn child were confirmed to match the accused, who is the 17-year-old son of Ranara’s boss. After being apprehended, the 17-year-old perpetrator confessed to his crime.

Since 2018, there have been at least four murders of OFWs in Kuwait that have garnered national attention, including the case of 29-year-old Joanna Demafelis , whose body was kept secret in a freezer in an abandoned apartment for nearly two years. Her employers, a Syrian and a Lebanese couple, received death sentences for the murder of the victim.

In 2019, 47-year-old Constancia Lago Dayag was discovered dead after being sexually abused and beaten to death by her boss. The same year, 26-year-old Jeanelyn Villavende passed away from serious injuries inflicted by her boss, who was ultimately given a death sentence for the murder.

“These are only the high-profile ones,” Migrante International chairperson Joanna Concepcion told VICE World News. “There are other cases that are not visible. The public is not made aware of the real gravity of the rampant abuses faced by Filipino domestic helpers in Kuwait.”

Actions taken by the Philippine Government

A week after the discovery of Jullebee’s body, her remains were returned to her grieving family in Las Piñas, Philippines. Without delay, Philippine President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. attended Jullebee’s wake and promised to provide the deceased’s family with all aid possible.

“I just wanted to offer my sympathies to the family and to assure them that all the assistance that they might need for the family and for whatever else, that is my promise to them,” Marcos Jr. remarked . “Their child made that sacrifice to work abroad because she has dreams for her family here.”

Recently, the DMW issued a deployment ban on new and aspiring OFWs in Kuwait, following the increasing reports of work mistreatment, including the horrific murder of Ranara.

“In order to strengthen the protection of the rights of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) in Kuwait, particularly workers who are most vulnerable to abuse and exploitation, action on the applications of first-time agency-hire domestic workers bound for Kuwait is temporarily deferred effective immediately,” the DMWs said in a statement on Feb. 8, 2023.

Senator and Committee on Migrant Workers Chairperson Raffy Tulfo proposed a total deployment ban in Kuwait. “We can enter into bilateral agreements but our terms should be clear and unequivocal. If there are violators to such agreements, we have to prioritize the welfare of our overseas Filipino workers and act at the soonest possible time. Make these violators accountable and liable without concession and pursuant to our laws and international conventions,” Tulfo said in a senate inquiry.

The DMW was also tasked with working with the Department of Foreign Affairs to communicate to the Kuwaiti government the "sentiments and concerns" of the Filipino people regarding all recurrent incidents of physical and financial abuse, failure to pay monetary benefits, as well as murder committed against OFWs after the deployment ban went into effect.

The deployment ban was not well received by migrant advocacy groups, who claimed it would not provide a permanent solution to the issues surrounding labor migration. They claimed that placing bans for an extended period of time would encourage OFWs to turn to illicit means and consequently put themselves at risk for human trafficking in their desperation to find jobs abroad.

“What about the already-deployed Filipinos? Are there any steps being taken to protect them and make sure they do not suffer the same fate as Julleebee and the others?” Concepcion said to Maritime Fairtrade News. “These problems cannot be resolved with a deployment ban. The Philippine government has imposed bans many times before, but lifted them soon after when the particular cases of abuse or murder had been resolved by the courts and the perpetrators punished by death penalty or long-term imprisonment. When the deployment restarts, the abuses also start all over again.”

Much Needed Reform

OFWs often serve as the backbone of their families back home. Based on the results of a survey published by the Social Weather Stations , they found that 7 percent of Filipino households have an OFW who helps support the family. In addition, seventy-five percent of households frequently receive money from their OFW family members.

It would be difficult and inconsiderate to discourage or ban OFWs from going abroad for work. To promote a better quality of life for OFWs, the Philippine government must enact concrete policies aimed at protecting the welfare of Filipino workers. Advocacy groups, such as Migrante International are urging for reforms, including the abolition of the kafala system, which has resulted in complete employer control over domestic workers and OFWs.

For Concepcion, the country’s over-reliance on OFWs remittances is equivalent to the perpetuation of the violation and murder of Filipino workers. She believes that a viable solution to this issue involves ending the government’s labor export program and creating decent jobs domestically through meaningful land reform and national industrialization.

“The government’s determination to continue its labor export policy is totally misguided. What it should do is implement immediate measures to protect our domestic workers and OFWs abroad and long-term measures to generate decent jobs in the Philippines,” Concepcion said . “We need to end the government’s Labor Export Program and instead ensure that more jobs are created at home. Filipinos won’t have to leave the country and their families to risk their lives abroad if they have gainful and secure employment here.”

It is clear that OFWs live up to the definition of a bayani and are now considered heroes of the Philippines. However, under the shiny title of ‘bagong bayani’ lies a dark and unfortunate reality. Numerous Filipino workers suffer from various injustices including being overworked, underpaid, abused, raped, and even worse, murdered. The only way OFWs can truly be safeguarded is if the Philippine government enforces concrete and actionable policies. With this, OFWs could avoid the potential death sentence of working abroad and have the chance to be treated as they deserve to be: as modern-day heroes.

Laurinne Jamie Eugenio

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Fact Sheet: Celebrating the Strength of the U.S.-Philippines Alliance

Today, President Joseph R. Biden welcomed President Ferdinand R. Marcos, Jr. of the Philippines back to the White House. The two Presidents marked the unprecedented strength of the Alliance between the United States and the Philippines and underscored the historic achievements in bilateral relations since they last met at the White House in May 2023.  President Biden and President Marcos intend to continue the momentous investments into the special friendship between our two nations.            PROMOTING INCLUSIVE ECONOMIC GROWTH   The United States and the Philippines are working together to promote inclusive economic growth in both our countries, including through the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) launched in 2022. The two leaders celebrate significant achievements in our economic partnership:   

  • Investing in High-Quality Infrastructure:  Today, Japan, the Philippines, and the United States announced the first Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGI) corridor in the Indo-Pacific—the Luzon Economic Corridor—which will support connectivity between Subic Bay, Clark, Manila, and Batangas in the Philippines. Through this corridor, part of the PGI-IPEF Investment Accelerator, Japan, the Philippines, and the United States commit to accelerating coordinated investments in high-impact infrastructure projects, including rail; ports modernization; clean energy and semiconductor supply chains and deployments; agribusiness; and civilian port upgrades at Subic Bay.
  • Over the last year, the U.S. Trade and Development Agency (USTDA) announced new activities that will leverage over $500 million from the public and private sector to develop high-quality infrastructure in the Philippines. These activities support renewable energy, smart grids, vessel traffic management system upgrades, customs and supply chain modernization, healthcare solutions, and aviation infrastructure. To further these and future efforts, USTDA opened a new office at the U.S. Embassy in Manila in early 2024.
  • The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) is committed to mobilizing private sector investment in the Philippines, especially in priority sectors like infrastructure, critical minerals, and renewable energy. DFC is proud to announce a new $20 million loan to promote affordable housing throughout the country, bringing DFC’s total commitments in the Philippines to $80 million. DFC also intends to open a regional office in the Philippines to facilitate further investment across the country.
  • Presidential Trade and Investment Mission: Following through on the commitment made when the two leaders met in May 2023, U.S. Secretary of Commerce Raimondo led a Presidential Trade and Investment Mission (PTIM) to Manila in March 2024. The delegation of 22 U.S. companies and organizations highlighted more than $1 billion in combined investments that promote the Philippines’ innovation economy, clean energy transition, and supply chain resilience.
  • Indo-Pacific Business Forum: The United States and the Philippines will co-host the Indo-Pacific Business Forum (IPBF) in Manila on May 21, 2024. The IPBF is the U.S. government’s premier business event in the Indo-Pacific region and will include over 500 senior business executives and government officials from across the region, supporting infrastructure in the region’s emerging economies and highlighting the economic ties that have contributed to prosperity and interconnectedness in the Indo-Pacific.
  • Semiconductors Cooperation: In November 2023, the United States began a new partnership with the Philippines to explore opportunities to grow and diversify the global semiconductor ecosystem under the International Technology Security and Innovation (ITSI) Fund, created by the CHIPS Act of 2022. The United States has since partnered with the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development to conduct a comprehensive assessment of the Philippines’ existing semiconductor ecosystem, as well as with Arizona State University to bolster workforce capacity and create a pipeline of new talent for the semiconductor sector in the Philippines.
  • Critical Minerals: USTDA is supporting a grant to Eramen Minerals Inc. to develop an ore-to-nickel and cobalt processing plant for the production of critical minerals that are key elements in the supply chain for batteries and energy storage systems.  The State Department, under its Energy and Mineral Governance Program, provides technical assistance on nickel sector policy considerations, copper commercialization, fiscal regime development, and environmental and data management of the Philippine critical minerals sector. In addition, $5 million in USAID programming is helping to improve the Philippine business environment and governance standards to facilitate investments in minerals processing and other downstream industries.
  • Support from U.S. Industry:   Private sector investment is a key element to promote economic development and growth in the Philippines. Our two countries are enhancing economic and commercial ties and welcome recent private sector investments in the Philippines to include:
  • Meta’s announcement of its investment in the Pacific Light Cable Network international submarine cable system intends to support the Philippine government’s new National Fiber Backbone Phase 1. This project would connect the United States with locations on the Philippine island of Luzon, the most populous island and home to Manila. The National Fiber Backbone Phase 1 is estimated to be launched on April 19, 2024 and is planned to be one of the longest direct cable systems in the world, strengthening the digital connection between the United States and the Philippines.
  • United Parcel Service (UPS) , a PTIM participant, announced in March that it had agreed with the Luzon International Premiere Airport Development Corporation to expand its operations at Clark International Airport in the Philippines. The move is expected to strengthen UPS’ portfolio of integrated express, supply chain, and healthcare logistics services, enhancing time in transit and improving service reliability. Construction of the new Clark hub is expected to begin in February 2025, and it is expected to be operational in late 2026. 
  • GreenFire Energy, Inc., a geothermal energy systems developer and PTIM participant, is implementing a letter of intent signed in February 2024 to supply Philippine steel company SteelAsia with geothermal power from GreenFire’s projects in the Philippines.
  • Astranis , which builds telecommunications satellites, plans to launch a communications satellite in summer 2024. The company’s Philippines-based partner, Orbits Corp, plans to use the satellite to bring digital connectivity to rural and remote sites across the Philippines. Astranis is building, testing, and readying the satellite—named Agila, for the Philippine national bird—for its summer launch on a SpaceX Falcon 9 rocket.

INVESTING IN CLEAN ENERGY AND EMERGING TECHNOLOGIES The United States and the Philippines recognize the need to deepen technology cooperation, advance the clean energy transition, address and mitigate the effects of the climate crisis, and meet the emerging opportunities of the 21 st century. The two leaders welcome recent milestones in advancing our clean energy and technology partnership:

  • Supporting Secure and Reliable Networks:   The United States, subject to Congressional notification, and Japan, with support from Japanese industry, intend to provide at least $8 million for Open Radio Access Network (RAN) field trials and the Asia Open RAN Academy based in Manila, to enable future commercial deployment and an open, interoperable, secure, reliable, and trusted information communications technology ecosystem in the Philippines. This builds on prior U.S. and Japanese investment of over $9 million for these projects in the Philippines.
  • Civil-Nuclear Cooperation: In November 2023, our two countries signed a “123” civil-nuclear cooperation agreement, which, once in force, will facilitate U.S.-Philippine civil-nuclear energy cooperation and support climate and clean energy transition goals while securing the Philippine’s energy future. In addition, to support the Philippines civil nuclear sector, the Philippine Department of Energy intends to sign a memorandum of understanding with the Philippine-American Educational Foundation to promote capacity building and workforce development through scholarships and academic exchanges through the Fulbright Program. Under the Foundational Infrastructure for Responsible Use of Small Modular Reactor Technology (FIRST) program, the United States and Japan plan to co-host a nuclear energy study tour in Japan for nuclear experts and policy decision-makers from the Philippines and other FIRST partner countries.
  • Increasing Renewable Energy Capacity: As part of the Philippines’ efforts to address its energy needs, USAID and the Philippines have partnered and launched the Green Energy Auction Program (GEAP). The first and second round of auctions held under GEAP resulted in 5,300 megawatts of renewable energy projects that will be developed between 2024 to 2026, increasing the Philippines’ renewable energy capacity by 65 percent. USAID and the U.S. Department of Energy are also working with the Philippines to develop the next phase of competitive renewable energy zones by supporting transmission planning to unlock the Philippines’ tremendous offshore wind potential. In addition, USTDA supported renewable energy activities across the Philippines, including two grants for the Philippines Energy Development Corporation to develop geothermal energy, a grant to Aboitiz Renewables focused on offshore wind power, a grant to the Rural Electrification Finance Corporation for utility-scale solar power plants with energy storage systems, and funding for an upcoming trade mission to the United States focused on advanced grid technologies.
  • Cyber-Digital Cooperation:  The Philippines joined the International Counter Ransomware Initiative (CRI), the largest cyber partnership in the world, in April 2024. The CRI builds collective resilience and helps design policy approaches to combat ransomware. The United States and the Philippines plan to hold their first bilateral Cyber-Digital Dialogue in July 2024 in Washington. This dialogue focuses on helping strengthen the Philippines’ resilience against cyber intrusions from state-backed and criminal organizations and advance an open, interoperable, secure, reliable, and trusted information communications technology ecosystem in the Philippines. Supporting this work, USTDA is providing a grant to NOW Telecom Company, Inc., for a feasibility study to help develop a secure nationwide 5G network in the Philippines utilizing equipment from trusted vendors. Also, USAID has established eight community digital networks to expand internet access to remote locations in the Philippines, bringing 1,470 households online for the first time.
  • U.S.-Philippines Space Dialogue:   The United States and the Philippines plan to hold our first bilateral space dialogue in May 2024 to advance cooperation on using space-based technology for disaster management, mapping of resources, pollution monitoring, the use of space for maritime domain awareness, and other areas.

EXPANDING DEFENSE AND SECURITY COOPERATION U.S.-Philippine defense and security ties serve as the cornerstone of our alliance. As the United States and the Philippines work to ensure a free and open Indo-Pacific region, the two leaders herald advancements in our cooperation:

  • EDCA Sites Advancing Mutual Security and Local Investments: Since signing the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) in 2014, the Department of Defense has allocated $109 million toward infrastructure projects at EDCA sites, including more than $59 million for airfield improvement at Basa Air Base, which will increase interoperability with the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and enable Basa to serve as a logistics hub for humanitarian assistance, disaster relief, and other crisis response. The President’s Budget Request for Fiscal Year 2025 includes an additional $128 million for infrastructure projects.  USAID will launch a new initiative in the next year to preposition humanitarian relief commodities at an EDCA site for Philippine civilian disaster response authorities to help provide urgent assistance to the Filipino people if needed in times of crisis. Prepositioning of commodities, combined with strengthened Philippines’ humanitarian assistance and disaster response capacity, including for EDCA-hosting communities, will contribute to greater crisis resilience and more effective crisis response. In partnership with DoD, USAID will also increase civilian-military disaster response trainings to enhance fluency with response systems between Philippine and U.S. civilian and military agencies and international humanitarian organizations. In addition, USAID has several ongoing projects in and around communities hosting EDCA sites, as it does throughout the Philippines, in the areas of health, education, economic growth, and environment.
  • Bolstering Maritime Cooperative Activities: Over the past year, the United States and the Philippines increased their cooperation in the South China Sea to historic levels, including a complex multilateral maritime cooperative activity between Australia, Japan, the Philippines, and the United States.  Additionally, U.S. and Philippine forces conducted their first-ever combined intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance mission over the South China Sea.  Our joint efforts demonstrate resolve, strengthen bilateral security ties, and expand multilateral cooperation and training among likeminded partners.
  • Implementing Trilateral Coast Guard Exercises: The Philippine Coast Guard hosted coordinated port visits by USCG Cutter Stratton and Japan Coast Guard vessel Akitsushima in Manila in June 2023. Following the port visit and underway preparations, the visiting ships joined Philippine Coast Guard vessels for the first-ever trilateral at-sea coast guard exercise. As part of this first-ever exercise, our three countries held interoperability drills in communications and search and rescue activities. In the coming year, the United States looks forward to welcoming Philippine and Japan Coast Guard members onto a U.S. Coast Guard vessel during a patrol in the Indo-Pacific and our coast guards also plan to conduct an at-sea trilateral exercise and other maritime activities in the Indo-Pacific to improve interoperability and advance maritime security and safety.
  • Enhancing Coast Guard Cooperation and Training: The U.S. Department of State, Department of Defense, and Coast Guard inaugurated a technical training center for the Philippine Coast Guard Fleet in September 2023. The center has hosted approximately 200 students for various vessel-related training courses since its opening and builds Philippine capacity and capabilities in operating and maintaining its rapidly expanding inventory of vessels deployed throughout the country and in the South China Sea.

INVESTING IN PEOPLE-TO-PEOPLE TIES Our two countries benefit from unique, shared bonds of friendship and community, to include the millions of Filipino-Americans who enrich communities across the United States and serve as the bedrock of our relationship. The two leaders are proud of recent achievements in our people-to-people ties:   

  • Investing in the Next Generation of Philippines Leaders: State Department educational and cultural exchange programs provide learning and networking opportunities to emerging Filipino leaders. The Philippines’ Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative Network (YSEALI PH) has grown to over 31,000 members, spanning a broad range of Philippine geographic regions and professional areas. This includes increasing numbers of YSEALI affiliated local government leaders, with 80 YSEALI alumni currently serving in local governments nationwide. The YSEALI Academic Fellowship will have 38 participants from the Philippines in 2024, and the Southeast Asia Youth Leadership Program (SEAYLP) will include six participants from the Philippines. Our 9,000 exchange alumni include high-level Philippine leaders, including Vice President Sara Duterte, two sitting senators, and leaders of numerous prominent Philippine institutions from academic institutions to startups.
  • Higher-Education Partnerships: USAID launched UPSKILL, a five-year activity in February 2024, intended to strengthen higher education institutions in the Philippines, and make them key drivers of growth by improving their innovation, workforce development, and community extension work. UPSKILL creates partnerships between Philippine universities and U.S. universities such as Arizona State University, North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University, and Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
  • Friends, Partners, Allies Reporting Tour: The United States plans to host an exchange program of ten Filipino journalists for a reporting tour in May 2024. The delegation will visit Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, and Honolulu to deepen their knowledge of people-to-people ties, economic partnerships, and security cooperation.
  • Fulbright-Philippine Space Agency Scholarship Program: In support of the Fulbright Philippines program, the Philippine Space Agency provided funding for scholarship and training programs in the fields of space science, technology, engineering, and mathematics in addition to related fields such as space law and policy, business, economics, international relations and diplomacy, and communications. These initial resources are intended to support approximately eight students and scholars to pursue study and research in these fields at educational institutions in the United States.

ADVANCING RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AND LABOR RIGHTS The United States and the Philippines are committed to our shared values of freedom, democracy, and respect for human rights, labor rights, and the rule of law. These values form the foundation of our bilateral relationship.

  • U.S.-Philippines Democracy Dialogue: Following through on our commitment from 2023, the United States and the Philippines intend to convene a bilateral Democracy Dialogue in 2024. The Dialogue provides a platform for the United States and the Philippines to institutionalize discussions on human rights and democracy issues, as well as identify initiatives that can be pursued jointly to complement national efforts on the promotion and protection of human rights.
  • U.S.-Philippines Labor Working Group: Under the U.S.-Philippines Trade and Investment Framework Agreement, the United States and the Philippines created a Labor Working Group to accelerate implementation of internationally recognized labor rights and facilitate dialogue among the Philippine and U.S. governments and labor unions. The Labor Working Group had its first meeting in December 2023 and plans to hold its next meeting in Manila in May 2024.
  • U.S. Support for the BARMM Peace Process: In March 2024, the U.S. Department of State and the Government of the Philippines launched the Peace Accords Matrix Mindanao program which emphasizes the importance of respecting human rights and seeks to protect the rights of those living in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) by fully implementing the 2014 Peace Agreement. Implemented by the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies with the Joint Normalization Committee and the Presidential Advisor on Peace Reconciliation and Unity, the Peace Accords Matrix program will train civil society to monitor and accelerate implementation of the Peace Agreement before the first-ever elections for the BARMM Parliament and the “Exit Agreement,” both scheduled for 2025.

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Marcos Jr treads fine line with China as Philippines deepens US, Japan ties

Philiippines president highlights benefits to the Philippines economy of promised $100bn of investments.

essay about economic in the philippines

Manila, Philippines – Against a backdrop of rising tension in the South China Sea between Beijing and Manila, the leaders of Japan, the Philippines and the United States have forged an unprecedented level of cooperation to counter China.

But while US President Joe Biden and Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida have stressed the security aspects of their cooperation, Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr has highlighted its potential economic rewards, touting the partnership with promised investments of some $100bn as a friendship with benefits.

Keep reading

Japan, philippines, us rebuke china over ‘dangerous’ south china sea moves, summit with us, japan aimed at economy, south china sea cooperation: marcos, indigenous people in philippines’s north ‘ready to fight’ as tensions rise, philippines beefs up defences on its northernmost edge amid china tensions.

At the televised opening of the summit on April 11, Biden told the other two leaders: “I want to be clear. The United States’ defence commitments to Japan and the Philippines are ironclad. Any attack on Philippine aircraft, vessels or armed forces in the South China Sea will invoke our Mutual Defence Treaty.”

Only afterwards did Biden discuss how the US government would help the Philippines develop key economic areas such as its semiconductor supply chain, and telecommunications and critical infrastructure including ports, railways and agriculture.

In Manila, though, the Presidential Communications Office downplayed the security aspect of the concluded summit, which had expressed “serious concerns  about the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) dangerous and aggressive behaviour in the South China Sea”.

Instead, its news releases dwelt on US and Japan’s expressions of a “strong commitment of support for the economic prosperity of the Philippines”.

Financial analysts told Al Jazeera that while Washington has intertwined its promised economic development with Manila’s security commitments, Manila had chosen to highlight the economic gains to mask a sobering reality – that the country could be dragged into a military conflict with China.

“Marcos needs to sell [this] to Filipinos,” financial analyst Jonathan Ravelas told Al Jazeera on Friday.

“This is bitter medicine but I’m sugarcoating it, so it’s easily digestible,” Ravelas explained of the president’s approach.

Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr attends a trilateral summit with U.S. President Joe Biden and Japan Prime Minister Fumio Kishida. He is sitting at a table between two of his officials. They are smiling.

Besides, if he focused on the security angle, “he might p*** off China,” added the managing director of e-Management for business and marketing services and retired chief market strategist of the Philippines’ largest bank, BDO.

Semiconductor push

Ravelas argues that Marcos Jr, like previous presidents, is keen to turn the country into a manufacturing and logistics hub. “We are geographically located to be part of the supply chain in ASEAN,” being within only three hours by air from regional countries Thailand, Singapore and Malaysia, he noted.

The summit announced the formation of the first-ever Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment corridor in the Asia Pacific, called the Luzon Economic Corridor. It will connect Manila to three sprawling areas in the country’s biggest island, Luzon, which can host manufacturers and other large business ventures: the US’s former Subic naval base, the former Clark airbase and Batangas province.

Ravelas noted that US semiconductor manufacturers were looking to diversify their locations and the young workforce made the Philippines a viable alternative.

The US, noted political economist Sonny Africa, has a military agenda and an economic agenda. “In both, the Philippines apparently plays an important part,” Africa, executive director of the socioeconomic think tank, Ibon Foundation, told Al Jazeera.

“Presumably, the alliance will be played up to have both security benefits and economic benefits. While it’s somewhat clear that the country plays a role in security-related moves against China, we feel the alliance is also serious in exploring the Philippines’ role in, for instance, being a location for segments of the semiconductor production, but also as a source of nickel which is essential for so much renewable energy technology. This is the direction of the US to attain domestic energy security,” he said.

On the home front, “the economic  benefits will be played up to sweeten deepening Philippine entanglement in the US’s militarist agenda, especially versus China,” he said.

Still, he recognised that the economic aspects of the agreement were not merely “token sugarcoating” but also part of Washington’s “core agenda”.

“[The] US is genuinely out to build semiconductor production chains that are less China and Taiwan-centric and hence, less vulnerable and more resilient (to) conflict-related or other disruptions,” he said. “Similarly, the Philippines has among (the) world’s biggest reserves of nickel which is a critical element in batteries and other renewable technologies.”

Both countries are betting heavily on the Philippines to protect their business interests, amid rising regional tensions over the disputed South China Sea, a key international shipping route.

“Keeping the freedom of navigation will continue to allow the ease of trade not just in our region but globally,” said Ron Acoba, the chief investment strategist and co-founder of Trading Edge, a third-party research provider for local banks and brokerage firms.

The Philippines sits in a strategic position in the South China Sea which “functions as the throat of the Western Pacific and Indian oceans,” according to the Institute for Maritime and Ocean Affairs, a private research think tank in Manila.

China claims sovereignty over nearly all of the South China Sea through which “more than half of the world’s annual merchant fleet tonnage passes through these choke points, and a third of all maritime traffic worldwide,” according to the the institute.

It calculates about two-thirds of South Korea’s energy supplies, nearly 60 percent of Japan’s and Taiwan’s energy supplies, and 80 percent of China’s crude oil imports travel through the waters that are also claimed in part by the Philippines, Brunei, Malaysia and Vietnam.

China’s claim to the sea, based on the nine-dash line that was rejected by an international court in 2016, extends over large swaths of the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone (EEZ), including fishing grounds and potentially vast reserves of oil and gas deposits.

China has blocked all attempts by Manila to exploit the reserves. Under international law, an EEZ extends for 200 nautical miles (370km) beyond a country’s territorial sea and affords them jurisdictional rights over all natural resources.

“Politically speaking, it is correct to highlight the economic significance of the trilateral summit among the US, Japan and the Philippines,” Acoba said.

“But if you ask me, the main agenda really is to send a ‘message’’ to China, that the country is keen in upholding our rights.  And that contrary to the prior administration, we are going in the direction of not just upholding but even enforcing our rights.”

Changing dynamic

For Harry Roque, the former spokesman for Marcos Jr’s predecessor Rodrigo Duterte, the pivot back to the US is a big mistake.

He blamed the about-turn for a drop in investments from China.

China’s foreign investments of nearly $20bn rose 37 percent in Asia in 2023 – with half of it going to Southeast Asia – but a report last month in the Japanese media outlet Nikkei said that the Philippines saw no new investment or construction projects at all from China.

The decline came even though Marcos Jr had visited Beijing in January 2023 and the presidential palace claimed he had secured “investment pledges” of $22.8bn.

“Of course, each president to his own,” Roque told Al Jazeera. “If the president wants this kind of policy, this is the kind of relations we have with China. But overall the policy of President Duterte was, let’s move forward on matters that we could on trade and investment and set aside matters that we could not resolve in this lifetime.

“No Chinese (businessman) will invest now because I know for a fact that many Chinese who intend to invest have put it aside already because they fear that their investments might be confiscated given the hostile environment,” he said.

“So no one from China will touch the Philippines as far as capital is concerned,” he said.

The USS Mobile littoral combat ship during maritime exercises by Australia, the US, Japan and the Philippines off the Filipino coast.

After the Washington, DC summit, Marcos Jr said he was confident that the deals with the US and Japan would not undermine Chinese investment.

The three leaders had earlier expressed “serious concerns about the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) dangerous and aggressive behavior in the South China Sea”, and Marcos Jr stressed the trilateral relationships would “change the dynamic” in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea.

Still, he sought to reassure Beijing, saying the action was “not against any country”.

After a series of confrontations with the Chinese coastguard , mostly around the disputed Second Thomas Shoal, it seems most Filipinos agree that it is time for the Philippines to assert its maritime rights with the help of the US and Japan.

The shoal, where the Philippines grounded the naval ship Sierra Madre in 1999, lies about 200km (124 miles) from the Philippine island of Palawan and more than 1,000km (620 miles) from China’s nearest major landmass, Hainan island.

Private pollster Pulse Asia revealed that in a December 2023 survey of 1,200 respondents,  79 percent wanted Marcos to work with the US to deter Chinese aggression in the South China Sea.

Only 10 percent wanted his government to work with China to resolve the tension.

Philippines eyes $100 billion in deals from summit with U.S., Japan

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