research on motivation suggests the following

Reading Achievement and Motivation in Boys and Girls pp 1–28 Cite as

Motivation: Introduction to the Theory, Concepts, and Research

Paulina Arango 4
First Online: 03 May 2018

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Part of the book series: Literacy Studies ((LITS,volume 15))

Motivation is a psychological construct that refers to the disposition to act and direct behavior according to a goal. Like most of psychological processes, motivation develops throughout the life span and is influenced by both biological and environmental factors. The aim of this chapter is to summarize research on the development of motivation from infancy to adolescence, which can help understand the typical developmental trajectories of this ability and its relation to learning. We will start with a review of some of the most influential theories of motivation and the aspects each of them has emphasized. We will also explore how biology and experience interact in this development, paying special attention to factors such as: school, family, and peers, as well as characteristics of the child including self-esteem, cognitive development, and temperament. Finally, we will discuss the implications of understanding the developmental trajectories and the factors that have an impact on this development, for both teachers and parents.

Achievement
Motivational theories
Influences on motivation

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This is not intended to be an exhaustive review of motivational theories. For a more detailed review see: (Dörnyei and Ushioda 2013 ; Eccles and Wigfield 2002 ; Wentzel and Miele 2009 ; Wigfield et al. 2007 ).

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Arango, P. (2018). Motivation: Introduction to the Theory, Concepts, and Research. In: Orellana García, P., Baldwin Lind, P. (eds) Reading Achievement and Motivation in Boys and Girls. Literacy Studies, vol 15. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75948-7_1

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10.1 Motivation

Learning objectives.

Define intrinsic and extrinsic motivation
Understand that instincts, drive reduction, self-efficacy, and social motives have all been proposed as theories of motivation
Explain the basic concepts associated with Maslow’s hierarchy of needs

Why do we do the things we do? What motivations underlie our behaviors? Motivation describes the wants or needs that direct behavior toward a goal. In addition to biological motives, motivations can be intrinsic (arising from internal factors) or extrinsic (arising from external factors) ( Figure 10.2 ). Intrinsically motivated behaviors are performed because of the sense of personal satisfaction that they bring, while extrinsically motivated behaviors are performed in order to receive something from others.

Think about why you are currently in college. Are you here because you enjoy learning and want to pursue an education to make yourself a more well-rounded individual? If so, then you are intrinsically motivated. However, if you are here because you want to get a college degree to make yourself more marketable for a high-paying career or to satisfy the demands of your parents, then your motivation is more extrinsic in nature.

In reality, our motivations are often a mix of both intrinsic and extrinsic factors, but the nature of the mix of these factors might change over time (often in ways that seem counter-intuitive). There is an old adage: “Choose a job that you love, and you will never have to work a day in your life,” meaning that if you enjoy your occupation, work doesn’t seem like . . . well, work. Some research suggests that this isn’t necessarily the case (Daniel & Esser, 1980; Deci, 1972; Deci, Koestner, & Ryan, 1999). According to this research, receiving some sort of extrinsic reinforcement (i.e., getting paid) for engaging in behaviors that we enjoy leads to those behaviors being thought of as work no longer providing that same enjoyment. As a result, we might spend less time engaging in these reclassified behaviors in the absence of any extrinsic reinforcement. For example, Odessa loves baking, so in her free time, she bakes for fun. Oftentimes, after stocking shelves at her grocery store job, she often whips up pastries in the evenings because she enjoys baking. When a coworker in the store’s bakery department leaves his job, Odessa applies for his position and gets transferred to the bakery department. Although she enjoys what she does in her new job, after a few months, she no longer has much desire to concoct tasty treats in her free time. Baking has become work in a way that changes her motivation to do it ( Figure 10.3 ). What Odessa has experienced is called the overjustification effect—intrinsic motivation is diminished when extrinsic motivation is given. This can lead to extinguishing the intrinsic motivation and creating a dependence on extrinsic rewards for continued performance (Deci et al., 1999).

Other studies suggest that intrinsic motivation may not be so vulnerable to the effects of extrinsic reinforcements, and in fact, reinforcements such as verbal praise might actually increase intrinsic motivation (Arnold, 1976; Cameron & Pierce, 1994). In that case, Odessa’s motivation to bake in her free time might remain high if, for example, customers regularly compliment her baking or cake decorating skills.

These apparent discrepancies in the researchers’ findings may be understood by considering several factors. For one, physical reinforcement (such as money) and verbal reinforcement (such as praise) may affect an individual in very different ways. In fact, tangible rewards (i.e., money) tend to have more negative effects on intrinsic motivation than do intangible rewards (i.e., praise). Furthermore, the expectation of the extrinsic motivator by an individual is crucial: If the person expects to receive an extrinsic reward, then intrinsic motivation for the task tends to be reduced. If, however, there is no such expectation, and the extrinsic motivation is presented as a surprise, then intrinsic motivation for the task tends to persist (Deci et al., 1999).

In educational settings, students are more likely to experience intrinsic motivation to learn when they feel a sense of belonging and respect in the classroom. This internalization can be enhanced if the evaluative aspects of the classroom are de-emphasized and if students feel that they exercise some control over the learning environment. Furthermore, providing students with activities that are challenging, yet doable, along with a rationale for engaging in various learning activities can enhance intrinsic motivation for those tasks (Niemiec & Ryan, 2009). Consider Hakim, a first-year law student with two courses this semester: Family Law and Criminal Law. The Family Law professor has a rather intimidating classroom: He likes to put students on the spot with tough questions, which often leaves students feeling belittled or embarrassed. Grades are based exclusively on quizzes and exams, and the instructor posts results of each test on the classroom door. In contrast, the Criminal Law professor facilitates classroom discussions and respectful debates in small groups. The majority of the course grade is not exam-based, but centers on a student-designed research project on a crime issue of the student’s choice. Research suggests that Hakim will be less intrinsically motivated in his Family Law course, where students are intimidated in the classroom setting, and there is an emphasis on teacher-driven evaluations. Hakim is likely to experience a higher level of intrinsic motivation in his Criminal Law course, where the class setting encourages inclusive collaboration and a respect for ideas, and where students have more influence over their learning activities.

Theories About Motivation

William James (1842–1910) was an important contributor to early research into motivation, and he is often referred to as the father of psychology in the United States. James theorized that behavior was driven by a number of instincts, which aid survival ( Figure 10.4 ). From a biological perspective, an instinct is a species-specific pattern of behavior that is not learned. There was, however, considerable controversy among James and his contemporaries over the exact definition of instinct. James proposed several dozen special human instincts, but many of his contemporaries had their own lists that differed. A mother’s protection of her baby, the urge to lick sugar, and hunting prey were among the human behaviors proposed as true instincts during James’s era. This view—that human behavior is driven by instincts—received a fair amount of criticism because of the undeniable role of learning in shaping all sorts of human behavior. In fact, as early as the 1900s, some instinctive behaviors were experimentally demonstrated to result from associative learning (recall when you learned about Watson’s conditioning of fear response in “Little Albert”) (Faris, 1921).

Another early theory of motivation proposed that the maintenance of homeostasis is particularly important in directing behavior. You may recall from your earlier reading that homeostasis is the tendency to maintain a balance, or optimal level, within a biological system. In a body system, a control center (which is often part of the brain) receives input from receptors (which are often complexes of neurons). The control center directs effectors (which may be other neurons) to correct any imbalance detected by the control center.

According to the drive theory of motivation, deviations from homeostasis create physiological needs. These needs result in psychological drive states that direct behavior to meet the need and, ultimately, bring the system back to homeostasis. For example, if it’s been a while since you ate, your blood sugar levels will drop below normal. This low blood sugar will induce a physiological need and a corresponding drive state (i.e., hunger) that will direct you to seek out and consume food ( Figure 10.5 ). Eating will eliminate the hunger, and, ultimately, your blood sugar levels will return to normal. Interestingly, drive theory also emphasizes the role that habits play in the type of behavioral response in which we engage. A habit is a pattern of behavior in which we regularly engage. Once we have engaged in a behavior that successfully reduces a drive, we are more likely to engage in that behavior whenever faced with that drive in the future (Graham & Weiner, 1996).

Extensions of drive theory take into account levels of arousal as potential motivators. As you recall from your study of learning, these theories assert that there is an optimal level of arousal that we all try to maintain ( Figure 10.6 ). If we are underaroused, we become bored and will seek out some sort of stimulation. On the other hand, if we are overaroused, we will engage in behaviors to reduce our arousal (Berlyne, 1960). Most students have experienced this need to maintain optimal levels of arousal over the course of their academic career. Think about how much stress students experience toward the end of spring semester. They feel overwhelmed with seemingly endless exams, papers, and major assignments that must be completed on time. They probably yearn for the rest and relaxation that awaits them over the extended summer break. However, once they finish the semester, it doesn’t take too long before they begin to feel bored. Generally, by the time the next semester is beginning in the fall, many students are quite happy to return to school. This is an example of how arousal theory works.

So what is the optimal level of arousal? What level leads to the best performance? Research shows that moderate arousal is generally best; when arousal is very high or very low, performance tends to suffer (Yerkes & Dodson, 1908). Think of your arousal level regarding taking an exam for this class. If your level is very low, such as boredom and apathy, your performance will likely suffer. Similarly, a very high level, such as extreme anxiety, can be paralyzing and hinder performance. Consider the example of a softball team facing a tournament. They are favored to win their first game by a large margin, so they go into the game with a lower level of arousal and get beat by a less skilled team.

But optimal arousal level is more complex than a simple answer that the middle level is always best. Researchers Robert Yerkes (pronounced “Yerk-EES”) and John Dodson discovered that the optimal arousal level depends on the complexity and difficulty of the task to be performed ( Figure 10.7 ). This relationship is known as Yerkes-Dodson law , which holds that a simple task is performed best when arousal levels are relatively high and complex tasks are best performed when arousal levels are lower.

Self-efficacy and Social Motives

Self-efficacy is an individual’s belief in her own capability to complete a task, which may include a previous successful completion of the exact task or a similar task. Albert Bandura (1994) theorized that an individual’s sense of self-efficacy plays a pivotal role in motivating behavior. Bandura argues that motivation derives from expectations that we have about the consequences of our behaviors, and ultimately, it is the appreciation of our capacity to engage in a given behavior that will determine what we do and the future goals that we set for ourselves. For example, if you have a sincere belief in your ability to achieve at the highest level, you are more likely to take on challenging tasks and to not let setbacks dissuade you from seeing the task through to the end.

A number of theorists have focused their research on understanding social motives (McAdams & Constantian, 1983; McClelland & Liberman, 1949; Murray et al., 1938). Among the motives they describe are needs for achievement, affiliation, and intimacy. It is the need for achievement that drives accomplishment and performance. The need for affiliation encourages positive interactions with others, and the need for intimacy causes us to seek deep, meaningful relationships. Henry Murray et al. (1938) categorized these needs into domains. For example, the need for achievement and recognition falls under the domain of ambition. Dominance and aggression were recognized as needs under the domain of human power, and play was a recognized need in the domain of interpersonal affection.

Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs

While the theories of motivation described earlier relate to basic biological drives, individual characteristics, or social contexts, Abraham Maslow (1943) proposed a hierarchy of needs that spans the spectrum of motives ranging from the biological to the individual to the social. These needs are often depicted as a pyramid ( Figure 10.8 ).

At the base of the pyramid are all of the physiological needs that are necessary for survival. These are followed by basic needs for security and safety, the need to be loved and to have a sense of belonging, and the need to have self-worth and confidence. The top tier of the pyramid is self-actualization, which is a need that essentially equates to achieving one’s full potential, and it can only be realized when needs lower on the pyramid have been met. To Maslow and humanistic theorists, self-actualization reflects the humanistic emphasis on positive aspects of human nature. Maslow suggested that this is an ongoing, life-long process and that only a small percentage of people actually achieve a self-actualized state (Francis & Kritsonis, 2006; Maslow, 1943).

According to Maslow (1943), one must satisfy lower-level needs before addressing those needs that occur higher in the pyramid. So, for example, if someone is struggling to find enough food to meet his nutritional requirements, it is quite unlikely that he would spend an inordinate amount of time thinking about whether others viewed him as a good person or not. Instead, all of his energies would be geared toward finding something to eat. However, it should be pointed out that Maslow’s theory has been criticized for its subjective nature and its inability to account for phenomena that occur in the real world (Leonard, 1982). Other research has more recently addressed that late in life, Maslow proposed a self-transcendence level above self-actualization—to represent striving for meaning and purpose beyond the concerns of oneself (Koltko-Rivera, 2006). For example, people sometimes make self-sacrifices in order to make a political statement or in an attempt to improve the conditions of others. Mohandas K. Gandhi, a world-renowned advocate for independence through nonviolent protest, on several occasions went on hunger strikes to protest a particular situation. People may starve themselves or otherwise put themselves in danger displaying higher-level motives beyond their own needs.

Link to Learning

Check out this interactive exercise that illustrates some of the important concepts in Maslow’s hierarchy of needs.

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Emotion and Motivation

Learning objectives.

Illustrate intrinsic and extrinsic motivation

Why do we do the things we do? What motivations underlie our behaviors? Motivation describes the wants or needs that direct behavior toward a goal. In addition to biological motives, motivations can be intrinsic (arising from internal factors) or extrinsic (arising from external factors) (Figure 1). Intrinsically motivated behaviors are performed because of the sense of personal satisfaction that they bring, while extrinsically motivated behaviors are performed in order to receive something from others.

An illustration shows a person’s upper torso. Inside the person's head are the words “intrinsic motivation (from within)” and three bullet points: “autonomy,” “mastery,” “purpose.” Outside the person's outline are the words “extrinsic motivation (from outside)” and three bullet points: “compensation,” “punishment,” and “reward.”

Figure 1 . Intrinsic motivation comes from within the individual, while extrinsic motivation comes from outside the individual.

In reality, our motivations are often a mix of both intrinsic and extrinsic factors, but the nature of the mix of these factors might change over time (often in ways that seem counter-intuitive). There is an old adage: “Choose a job that you love, and you will never have to work a day in your life,” meaning that if you enjoy your occupation, work doesn’t seem like . . . well, work. Some research suggests that this isn’t necessarily the case (Daniel & Esser, 1980; Deci, 1972; Deci, Koestner, & Ryan, 1999). According to this research, receiving some sort of extrinsic reinforcement (i.e., getting paid) for engaging in behaviors that we enjoy leads to those behaviors being thought of as work no longer providing that same enjoyment. As a result, we might spend less time engaging in these reclassified behaviors in the absence of any extrinsic reinforcement. For example, Odessa loves baking, so in her free time, she bakes for fun. Oftentimes, after stocking shelves at her grocery store job, she whips up pastries in the evenings because she enjoys baking. When a coworker in the store’s bakery department leaves his job, Odessa applies for his position and gets transferred to the bakery department. Although she enjoys what she does in her new job, after a few months, she no longer has much desire to concoct tasty treats in her free time. Baking has become work in a way that changes her motivation to do it (Figure 2). What Odessa has experienced is called the overjustification effect—intrinsic motivation is diminished when extrinsic motivation is given. This can lead to extinguishing the intrinsic motivation and creating a dependence on extrinsic rewards for continued performance (Deci et al., 1999).

A photograph shows several chefs preparing food together in a kitchen.

Figure 2 . Research suggests that when something we love to do, like icing cakes, becomes our job, our intrinsic and extrinsic motivations to do it may change. (credit: Agustín Ruiz)

In addition, culture may influence motivation. For example, in collectivistic cultures, it is common to do things for your family members because the emphasis is on the group and what is best for the entire group, rather than what is best for any one individual (Nisbett, Peng, Choi, & Norenzayan, 2001). This focus on others provides a broader perspective that takes into account both situational and cultural influences on behavior; thus, a more nuanced explanation of the causes of others’ behavior becomes more likely. (You will learn more about collectivistic and individualistic cultures when you learn about social psychology.)

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Chapter 10: Emotion and Motivation

Introduction.

What makes us behave as we do? What drives us to eat? What drives us toward sex? Is there a biological basis to explain the feelings we experience? How universal are emotions?

In this chapter, we will explore issues relating to both motivation and emotion. We will begin with a discussion of several theories that have been proposed to explain motivation and why we engage in a given behavior. You will learn about the physiological needs that drive some human behaviors, as well as the importance of our social experiences in influencing our actions.

Next, we will consider both eating and having sex as examples of motivated behaviors. What are the physiological mechanisms of hunger and satiety? What understanding do scientists have of why obesity occurs, and what treatments exist for obesity and eating disorders? How has research into human sex and sexuality evolved over the past century? How do psychologists understand and study the human experience of sexual orientation and gender identity? These questions—and more—will be explored.

This chapter will close with a discussion of emotion. You will learn about several theories that have been proposed to explain how emotion occurs, the biological underpinnings of emotion, and the universality of emotions.

Learning Objectives

By the end of this section, you will be able to:

Define intrinsic and extrinsic motivation
Understand that instincts, drive reduction, self-efficacy, and social motives have all been proposed as theories of motivation
Explain the basic concepts associated with Maslow’s hierarchy of needs

Figure 10.2 Intrinsic motivation comes from within the individual, while extrinsic motivation comes from outside the individual.

Figure 10.3 Research suggests that when something we love to do, like icing cakes, becomes our job, our intrinsic and extrinsic motivations to do it may change. (credit: Agustín Ruiz)

THEORIES ABOUT MOTIVATION

A mother’s protection of her baby, the urge to lick sugar, and hunting prey were among the human behaviors proposed as true instincts during James’s era. This view—that human behavior is driven by instincts—received a fair amount of criticism because of the undeniable role of learning in shaping all sorts of human behavior. In fact, as early as the 1900s, some instinctive behaviors were experimentally demonstrated to result from associative learning (recall when you learned about Watson’s conditioning of fear response in “Little Albert”) (Faris, 1921).

Figure 10.4 (a) William James proposed the instinct theory of motivation, asserting that behavior is driven by instincts. (b) In humans, instincts may include behaviors such as an infant’s rooting for a nipple and sucking. (credit b: modification of work by “Mothering Touch”/Flickr)

Figure 10.5 Hunger and subsequent eating are the result of complex physiological processes that maintain homeostasis. (credit “left”: modification of work by “Gracie and Viv”/Flickr; credit “center”: modification of work by Steven Depolo; credit “right”: modification of work by Monica Renata)

Figure 10.6 The concept of optimal arousal in relation to performance on a task is depicted here. Performance is maximized at the optimal level of arousal, and it tapers off during under- and overarousal.

But optimal arousal level is more complex than a simple answer that the middle level is always best. Researchers Robert Yerkes (pronounced “Yerk-EES”) and John Dodson discovered that the optimal

arousal level depends on the complexity and difficulty of the task to be performed ( Figure 10.7 ). This relationship is known as Yerkes-Dodson law , which holds that a simple task is performed best when arousal levels are relatively high and complex tasks are best performed when arousal levels are lower.

Figure 10.7 Task performance is best when arousal levels are in a middle range, with difficult tasks best performed under lower levels of arousal and simple tasks best performed under higher levels of arousal.

Self-efficacy and Social Motives

Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs

Figure 10.8 Maslow’s hierarchy of needs is illustrated here. In some versions of the pyramid, cognitive and aesthetic needs are also included between esteem and self-actualization. Others include another tier at the top of the pyramid for self-transcendence.

At the base of the pyramid are all of the physiological needs that are necessary for survival. These are followed by basic needs for security and safety, the need to be loved and to have a sense of belonging, and the need to have self-worth and confidence. The top tier of the pyramid is self-actualization, which is a need that essentially equates to achieving one’s full potential, and it can only be realized when needs lower on the pyramid have been met. To Maslow and humanistic theorists, self-actualization reflects the humanistic emphasis on positive aspects of human nature. Maslow suggested that this is an ongoing, life- long process and that only a small percentage of people actually achieve a self-actualized state (Francis & Kritsonis, 2006; Maslow, 1943).

According to Maslow (1943), one must satisfy lower-level needs before addressing those needs that occur higher in the pyramid. So, for example, if someone is struggling to find enough food to meet his nutritional requirements, it is quite unlikely that he would spend an inordinate amount of time thinking about whether others viewed him as a good person or not. Instead, all of his energies would be geared toward finding something to eat. However, it should be pointed out that Maslow’s theory has been criticized for its subjective nature and its inability to account for phenomena that occur in the real world (Leonard, 1982). Other research has more recently addressed that late in life, Maslow proposed a self-transcendence level above self-actualization—to represent striving for meaning and purpose beyond the concerns of oneself (Koltko-Rivera, 2006). For example, people sometimes make self-sacrifices in order to make a political statement or in an attempt to improve the conditions of others. Mohandas K. Gandhi, a world- renowned advocate for independence through nonviolent protest, on several occasions went on hunger strikes to protest a particular situation. People may starve themselves or otherwise put themselves in danger displaying higher-level motives beyond their own needs.

Hunger and Eating

Describe how hunger and eating are regulated
Differentiate between levels of overweight and obesity and the associated health consequences
Explain the health consequences resulting from anorexia and bulimia nervosa

Eating is essential for survival, and it is no surprise that a drive like hunger exists to ensure that we seek out sustenance. While this chapter will focus primarily on the physiological mechanisms that regulate hunger and eating, powerful social, cultural, and economic influences also play important roles. This section will explain the regulation of hunger, eating, and body weight, and we will discuss the adverse consequences of disordered eating.

PHYSIOLOGICAL MECHANISMS

There are a number of physiological mechanisms that serve as the basis for hunger. When our stomachs are empty, they contract, causing both hunger pangs and the secretion of chemical messages that travel to the brain to serve as a signal to initiate feeding behavior. When our blood glucose levels drop, the pancreas and liver generate a number of chemical signals that induce hunger (Konturek et al., 2003; Novin, Robinson, Culbreth, & Tordoff, 1985) and thus initiate feeding behavior.

For most people, once they have eaten, they feel satiation , or fullness and satisfaction, and their eating behavior stops. Like the initiation of eating, satiation is also regulated by several physiological mechanisms. As blood glucose levels increase, the pancreas and liver send signals to shut off hunger and eating (Drazen & Woods, 2003; Druce, Small, & Bloom, 2004; Greary, 1990). The food’s passage through the gastrointestinal tract also provides important satiety signals to the brain (Woods, 2004), and fat cells release leptin , a satiety hormone.

The various hunger and satiety signals that are involved in the regulation of eating are integrated in the brain. Research suggests that several areas of the hypothalamus and hindbrain are especially important sites where this integration occurs (Ahima & Antwi, 2008; Woods & D’Alessio, 2008). Ultimately, activity in the brain determines whether or not we engage in feeding behavior ( Figure 10.9 ).

Figure 10.9 Hunger and eating are regulated by a complex interplay of hunger and satiety signals that are integrated in the brain.

METABOLISM AND BODY WEIGHT

Our body weight is affected by a number of factors, including gene-environment interactions, and the number of calories we consume versus the number of calories we burn in daily activity. If our caloric intake exceeds our caloric use, our bodies store excess energy in the form of fat. If we consume fewer calories than we burn off, then stored fat will be converted to energy. Our energy expenditure is obviously affected by our levels of activity, but our body’s metabolic rate also comes into play. A person’s metabolic rate is the amount of energy that is expended in a given period of time, and there is tremendous individual variability in our metabolic rates. People with high rates of metabolism are able to burn off calories more easily than those with lower rates of metabolism.

We all experience fluctuations in our weight from time to time, but generally, most people’s weights fluctuate within a narrow margin, in the absence of extreme changes in diet and/or physical activity. This observation led some to propose a set-point theory of body weight regulation. The set-point theory asserts that each individual has an ideal body weight, or set point, which is resistant to change. This set-point is genetically predetermined and efforts to move our weight significantly from the set-point are resisted by compensatory changes in energy intake and/or expenditure (Speakman et al., 2011).

Some of the predictions generated from this particular theory have not received empirical support. For example, there are no changes in metabolic rate between individuals who had recently lost significant amounts of weight and a control group (Weinsier et al., 2000). In addition, the set-point theory fails to account for the influence of social and environmental factors in the regulation of body weight (Martin- Gronert & Ozanne, 2013; Speakman et al., 2011). Despite these limitations, set-point theory is still often used as a simple, intuitive explanation of how body weight is regulated.

When someone weighs more than what is generally accepted as healthy for a given height, they are considered overweight or obese. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), an adult with a body mass index (BMI) between 25 and 29.9 is considered overweight ( Figure 10.10 ). An adult with a BMI of 30 or higher is considered obese (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2012). People who are so overweight that they are at risk for death are classified as morbidly obese. Morbid obesity is defined as having a BMI over 40. Note that although BMI has been used as a healthy weight indicator by the World Health Organization (WHO), the CDC, and other groups, its value as an assessment tool has been questioned. The BMI is most useful for studying populations, which is the work of these organizations. It is less useful in assessing an individual since height and weight measurements fail to account for important factors like fitness level. An athlete, for example, may have a high BMI because the tool doesn’t distinguish between the body’s percentage of fat and muscle in a person’s weight.

Figure 10.10 This chart shows how adult BMI is calculated. Individuals find their height on the y -axis and their weight on the x -axis to determine their BMI.

Being extremely overweight or obese is a risk factor for several negative health consequences. These include, but are not limited to, an increased risk for cardiovascular disease, stroke, Type 2 diabetes, liver disease, sleep apnea, colon cancer, breast cancer, infertility, and arthritis. Given that it is estimated that in the United States around one-third of the adult population is obese and that nearly two-thirds of adults and one in six children qualify as overweight (CDC, 2012), there is substantial interest in trying to understand how to combat this important public health concern.

What causes someone to be overweight or obese? You have already read that both genes and environment are important factors for determining body weight, and if more calories are consumed than expended, excess energy is stored as fat. However, socioeconomic status and the physical environment must also be considered as contributing factors (CDC, 2012). For example, an individual who lives in an impoverished neighborhood that is overrun with crime may never feel comfortable walking or biking to work or to the local market. This might limit the amount of physical activity in which he engages and result in an increased body weight. Similarly, some people may not be able to afford healthy food options from their market, or these options may be unavailable (especially in urban areas or poorer neighborhoods); therefore, some people rely primarily on available, inexpensive, high fat, and high calorie fast food as their primary source of nutrition.

Generally, overweight and obese individuals are encouraged to try to reduce their weights through a combination of both diet and exercise. While some people are very successful with these approaches, many struggle to lose excess weight. In cases in which a person has had no success with repeated attempts to reduce weight or is at risk for death because of obesity, bariatric surgery may be recommended. Bariatric surgery is a type of surgery specifically aimed at weight reduction, and it involves modifying the gastrointestinal system to reduce the amount of food that can be eaten and/or limiting how much of the digested food can be absorbed ( Figure 10.11 ) (Mayo Clinic, 2013). A recent meta-analysis suggests that bariatric surgery is more effective than non-surgical treatment for obesity in the two-years immediately following the procedure, but to date, no long-term studies yet exist (Gloy et al., 2013).

Figure 10.11 Gastric banding surgery creates a small pouch of stomach, reducing the size of the stomach that can be used for digestion.

EATING DISORDERS

While nearly two out of three US adults struggle with issues related to being overweight, a smaller, but significant, portion of the population has eating disorders that typically result in being normal weight or underweight. Often, these individuals are fearful of gaining weight. Individuals who suffer from bulimia nervosa and anorexia nervosa face many adverse health consequences (Mayo Clinic, 2012a, 2012b).

People suffering from bulimia nervosa engage in binge eating behavior that is followed by an attempt to compensate for the large amount of food consumed. Purging the food by inducing vomiting or through the use of laxatives are two common compensatory behaviors. Some affected individuals engage in excessive amounts of exercise to compensate for their binges. Bulimia is associated with many adverse health consequences that can include kidney failure, heart failure, and tooth decay. In addition, these individuals often suffer from anxiety and depression, and they are at an increased risk for substance abuse (Mayo Clinic, 2012b). The lifetime prevalence rate for bulimia nervosa is estimated at around 1% for women and less than 0.5% for men (Smink, van Hoeken, & Hoek, 2012).

As of the 2013 release of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, fifth edition , Binge eating disorder is a disorder recognized by the American Psychiatric Association (APA). Unlike with bulimia, eating binges are not followed by inappropriate behavior, such as purging, but they are followed by distress, including feelings of guilt and embarrassment. The resulting psychological distress distinguishes binge eating disorder from overeating (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013).

Anorexia nervosa is an eating disorder characterized by the maintenance of a body weight well below average through starvation and/or excessive exercise. Individuals suffering from anorexia nervosa often have a distorted body image , referenced in literature as a type of body dysmorphia, meaning that they view themselves as overweight even though they are not. Like bulimia nervosa, anorexia nervosa is associated with a number of significant negative health outcomes: bone loss, heart failure, kidney failure, amenorrhea (cessation of the menstrual period), reduced function of the gonads, and in extreme cases, death. Furthermore, there is an increased risk for a number of psychological problems, which include anxiety disorders, mood disorders, and substance abuse (Mayo Clinic, 2012a). Estimates of the prevalence of anorexia nervosa vary from study to study but generally range from just under one percent to just over four percent in women. Generally, prevalence rates are considerably lower for men (Smink et al., 2012).

While both anorexia and bulimia nervosa occur in men and women of many different cultures, Caucasian females from Western societies tend to be the most at-risk population. Recent research indicates that females between the ages of 15 and 19 are most at risk, and it has long been suspected that these eating disorders are culturally-bound phenomena that are related to messages of a thin ideal often portrayed in popular media and the fashion world ( Figure 10.13 ) (Smink et al., 2012). While social factors play an important role in the development of eating disorders, there is also evidence that genetic factors may predispose people to these disorders (Collier & Treasure, 2004).

Figure 10.13 Young women in our society are inundated with images of extremely thin models (sometimes accurately depicted and sometimes digitally altered to make them look even thinner). These images may contribute to eating disorders. (credit: Peter Duhon)

Sexual Behavior

Understand basic biological mechanisms regulating sexual behavior and motivation
Appreciate the importance of Alfred Kinsey’s research on human sexuality
Recognize the contributions that William Masters and Virginia Johnson’s research made to our understanding of the sexual response cycle
Define sexual orientation and gender identity

Like food, sex is an important part of our lives. From an evolutionary perspective, the reason is obvious—perpetuation of the species. Sexual behavior in humans, however, involves much more than reproduction. This section provides an overview of research that has been conducted on human sexual behavior and motivation. This section will close with a discussion of issues related to gender and sexual orientation.

PHYSIOLOGICAL MECHANISMS OF SEXUAL BEHAVIOR AND MOTIVATION

Much of what we know about the physiological mechanisms that underlie sexual behavior and motivation comes from animal research. As you’ve learned, the hypothalamus plays an important role in motivated behaviors, and sex is no exception. In fact, lesions to an area of the hypothalamus called the medial preoptic area completely disrupt a male rat’s ability to engage in sexual behavior. Surprisingly, medial preoptic lesions do not change how hard a male rat is willing to work to gain access to a sexually receptive female ( Figure 10.14 ). This suggests that the ability to engage in sexual behavior and the motivation to do so may be mediated by neural systems distinct from one another.

Figure 10.14 A male rat that cannot engage in sexual behavior still seeks receptive females, suggesting that the ability to engage in sexual behavior and the motivation to do so are mediated by different systems in the brain. (credit: Jason Snyder)

Animal research suggests that limbic system structures such as the amygdala and nucleus accumbens are especially important for sexual motivation. Damage to these areas results in a decreased motivation to engage in sexual behavior, while leaving the ability to do so intact ( Figure 10.15 ) (Everett, 1990). Similar dissociations of sexual motivation and sexual ability have also been observed in the female rat (Becker, Rudick, & Jenkins, 2001; Jenkins & Becker, 2001).

Figure 10.15 The medial preoptic area, an area of the hypothalamus, is involved in the ability to engage in sexual behavior, but it does not affect sexual motivation. In contrast, the amygdala and nucleus accumbens are involved in motivation for sexual behavior, but they do not affect the ability to engage in it.

Although human sexual behavior is much more complex than that seen in rats, some parallels between animals and humans can be drawn from this research. The worldwide popularity of drugs used to treat erectile dysfunction (Conrad, 2005) speaks to the fact that sexual motivation and the ability to engage in sexual behavior can also be dissociated in humans. Moreover, disorders that involve abnormal hypothalamic function are often associated with hypogonadism (reduced function of the gonads) and reduced sexual function (e.g., Prader-Willi syndrome). Given the hypothalamus’s role in endocrine function, it is not surprising that hormones secreted by the endocrine system also play important roles in sexual motivation and behavior. For example, many animals show no sign of sexual motivation in the absence of the appropriate combination of sex hormones from their gonads. While this is not the case for humans, there is considerable evidence that sexual motivation for both men and women varies as a function of circulating testosterone levels (Bhasin, Enzlin, Coviello, & Basson, 2007; Carter, 1992; Sherwin, 1988).

Explain the major theories of emotion
Describe the role that limbic structures play in emotional processing
Understand the ubiquitous nature of producing and recognizing emotional expression

As we move through our daily lives, we experience a variety of emotions. An emotion is a subjective state of being that we often describe as our feelings. The words emotion and mood are sometimes used interchangeably, but psychologists use these words to refer to two different things. Typically, the word emotion indicates a subjective, affective state that is relatively intense and that occurs in response to something we experience ( Figure 10.20 ). Emotions are often thought to be consciously experienced and intentional. Mood, on the other hand, refers to a prolonged, less intense, affective state that does not occur in response to something we experience. Mood states may not be consciously recognized and do not carry the intentionality that is associated with emotion (Beedie, Terry, Lane, & Devonport, 2011). Here we will focus on emotion, and you will learn more about mood in the chapter that covers psychological disorders.

Figure 10.20 Toddlers can cycle through emotions quickly, being (a) extremely happy one moment and (b) extremely sad the next. (credit a: modification of work by Kerry Ceszyk; credit b: modification of work by Kerry Ceszyk)

We can be at the heights of joy or in the depths of despair or. We might feel angry when we are betrayed, fear when we are threatened, and surprised when something unexpected happens. This section will outline some of the most well-known theories explaining our emotional experience and provide insight into the biological bases of emotion. This section closes with a discussion of the ubiquitous nature of facial expressions of emotion and our abilities to recognize those expressions in others.

THEORIES OF EMOTION

Our emotional states are combinations of physiological arousal, psychological appraisal, and subjective experiences. Together, these are known as the components of emotion . These appraisals are informed by our experiences, backgrounds, and cultures. Therefore, different people may have different emotional experiences even when faced with similar circumstances. Over time, several different theories of emotion, shown in Figure 10.21 , have been proposed to explain how the various components of emotion interact with one another.

The James-Lange theory of emotion asserts that emotions arise from physiological arousal. Recall what you have learned about the sympathetic nervous system and our fight or flight response when threatened. If you were to encounter some threat in your environment, like a venomous snake in your backyard, your sympathetic nervous system would initiate significant physiological arousal, which would make your heart race and increase your respiration rate. According to the James-Lange theory of emotion, you would only experience a feeling of fear after this physiological arousal had taken place. Furthermore, different arousal patterns would be associated with different feelings.

Other theorists, however, doubted that the physiological arousal that occurs with different types of emotions is distinct enough to result in the wide variety of emotions that we experience. Thus, the Cannon- Bard theory of emotion was developed. According to this view, physiological arousal and emotional experience occur simultaneously, yet independently (Lang, 1994). So, when you see the venomous snake, you feel fear at exactly the same time that your body mounts its fight or flight response. This emotional reaction would be separate and independent of the physiological arousal, even though they co-occur.

The James-Lange and Cannon-Bard theories have each garnered some empirical support in various research paradigms. For instance, Chwalisz, Diener, and Gallagher (1988) conducted a study of the emotional experiences of people who had spinal cord injuries. They reported that individuals who were incapable of receiving autonomic feedback because of their injuries still experienced emotion; however, there was a tendency for people with less awareness of autonomic arousal to experience less intense emotions. More recently, research investigating the facial feedback hypothesis suggested that suppression of facial expression of emotion lowered the intensity of some emotions experienced by participants (Davis, Senghas, & Ochsner, 2009). In both of these examples, neither theory is fully supported because physiological arousal does not seem to be necessary for the emotional experience, but this arousal does appear to be involved in enhancing the intensity of the emotional experience.

The Schachter-Singer two-factor theory of emotion is another variation on theories of emotions that takes into account both physiological arousal and the emotional experience. According to this theory, emotions are composed of two factors: physiological and cognitive. In other words, physiological arousal is interpreted in context to produce the emotional experience. In revisiting our example involving the venomous snake in your backyard, the two-factor theory maintains that the snake elicits sympathetic nervous system activation that is labeled as fear given the context, and our experience is that of fear.

Figure 10.21 This figure illustrates the major assertions of the James-Lange, Cannon-Bard, and Schachter-Singer two-factor theories of emotion. (credit “snake”: modification of work by “tableatny”/Flickr; credit “face”: modification of work by Cory Zanker)

It is important to point out that Schachter and Singer believed that physiological arousal is very similar across the different types of emotions that we experience, and therefore, the cognitive appraisal of the situation is critical to the actual emotion experienced. In fact, it might be possible to misattribute arousal to an emotional experience if the circumstances were right (Schachter & Singer, 1962).

Strong emotional responses are associated with strong physiological arousal. This has led some to suggest that the signs of physiological arousal, which include increased heart rate, respiration rate, and sweating, might serve as a tool to determine whether someone is telling the truth or not. The assumption is that most of us would show signs of physiological arousal if we were being dishonest with someone. A polygraph , or lie detector test, measures the physiological arousal of an individual responding to a series of questions. Someone trained in reading these tests would look for answers to questions that are associated with increased levels of arousal as potential signs that the respondent may have been dishonest on those answers. While polygraphs are still commonly used, their validity and accuracy are highly questionable because there is no evidence that lying is associated with any particular pattern of physiological arousal (Saxe & Ben-Shakhar, 1999).

The relationship between our experiencing of emotions and our cognitive processing of them, and the order in which these occur, remains a topic of research and debate. Lazarus (1991) developed the cognitive-mediational theory that asserts our emotions are determined by our appraisal of the stimulus. This appraisal mediates between the stimulus and the emotional response, and it is immediate and often unconscious. In contrast to the Schachter-Singer model, the appraisal precedes a cognitive label. You will learn more about Lazarus’s appraisal concept when you study stress, health, and lifestyle.

Two other prominent views arise from the work of Robert Zajonc and Joseph LeDoux. Zajonc asserted that some emotions occur separately from or prior to our cognitive interpretation of them, such as feeling fear in response to an unexpected loud sound (Zajonc, 1998). He also believed in what we might casually refer to as a gut feeling—that we can experience an instantaneous and unexplainable like or dislike for someone or something (Zajonc, 1980). LeDoux also views some emotions as requiring no cognition: some emotions completely bypass contextual interpretation. His research into the neuroscience of emotion has demonstrated the amygdala’s primary role in fear (Cunha, Monfils, & LeDoux, 2010; LeDoux 1996, 2002). A fear stimulus is processed by the brain through one of two paths: from the thalamus (where it is perceived) directly to the amygdala or from the thalamus through the cortex and then to the amygdala. The first path is quick, while the second enables more processing about details of the stimulus. In the following section, we will look more closely at the neuroscience of emotional response.

THE BIOLOGY OF EMOTIONS

Earlier, you learned about the limbic system, which is the area of the brain involved in emotion and memory ( Figure 10.22 ). The limbic system includes the hypothalamus, thalamus, amygdala, and the hippocampus. The hypothalamus plays a role in the activation of the sympathetic nervous system that is a part of any given emotional reaction. The thalamus serves as a sensory relay center whose neurons project to both the amygdala and the higher cortical regions for further processing. The amygdala plays a role in processing emotional information and sending that information on to cortical structures (Fossati, 2012).The hippocampus integrates emotional experience with cognition (Femenía, Gómez-Galán, Lindskog, & Magara, 2012).

Figure 10.22 The limbic system, which includes the hypothalamus, thalamus, amygdala, and the hippocampus, is involved in mediating emotional response and memory.

The amygdala has received a great deal of attention from researchers interested in understanding the biological basis for emotions, especially fear and anxiety (Blackford & Pine, 2012; Goosens & Maren, 2002; Maren, Phan, & Liberzon, 2013). The amygdala is composed of various subnuclei, including the basolateral complex and the central nucleus ( Figure 10.23 ). The basolateral complex has dense connections with a variety of sensory areas of the brain. It is critical for classical conditioning and for attaching emotional value to learning processes and memory. The central nucleus plays a role in attention, and it has connections with the hypothalamus and various brainstem areas to regulate the autonomic nervous and endocrine systems’ activity (Pessoa, 2010).

Figure 10.23 The anatomy of the basolateral complex and central nucleus of the amygdala are illustrated in this diagram.

Animal research has demonstrated that there is increased activation of the amygdala in rat pups that have odor cues paired with electrical shock when their mother is absent. This leads to an aversion to the odor cue that suggests the rats learned to fear the odor cue. Interestingly, when the mother was present, the rats actually showed a preference for the odor cue despite its association with an electrical shock. This preference was associated with no increases in amygdala activation. This suggests a differential effect on the amygdala by the context (the presence or absence of the mother) determined whether the pups learned to fear the odor or to be attracted to it (Moriceau & Sullivan, 2006).

Raineki, Cortés, Belnoue, and Sullivan (2012) demonstrated that, in rats, negative early life experiences could alter the function of the amygdala and result in adolescent patterns of behavior that mimic human mood disorders. In this study, rat pups received either abusive or normal treatment during postnatal days 8–12. There were two forms of abusive treatment. The first form of abusive treatment had an insufficient bedding condition. The mother rat had insufficient bedding material in her cage to build a proper nest that resulted in her spending more time away from her pups trying to construct a nest and less times nursing her pups. The second form of abusive treatment had an associative learning task that involved pairing odors and an electrical stimulus in the absence of the mother, as described above. The control group was in a cage with sufficient bedding and was left undisturbed with their mothers during the same time period. The rat pups that experienced abuse were much more likely to exhibit depressive-like symptoms during adolescence when compared to controls. These depressive-like behaviors were associated with increased activation of the amygdala.

Human research also suggests a relationship between the amygdala and psychological disorders of mood or anxiety. Changes in amygdala structure and function have been demonstrated in adolescents who are either at-risk or have been diagnosed with various mood and/or anxiety disorders (Miguel-Hidalgo, 2013; Qin et al., 2013). It has also been suggested that functional differences in the amygdala could serve as a biomarker to differentiate individuals suffering from bipolar disorder from those suffering from major depressive disorder (Fournier, Keener, Almeida, Kronhaus, & Phillips, 2013).

Hippocampus

As mentioned earlier, the hippocampus is also involved in emotional processing. Like the amygdala, research has demonstrated that hippocampal structure and function are linked to a variety of mood and anxiety disorders. Individuals suffering from posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) show marked reductions in the volume of several parts of the hippocampus, which may result from decreased levels of neurogenesis and dendritic branching (the generation of new neurons and the generation of new dendrites in existing neurons, respectively) (Wang et al., 2010). While it is impossible to make a causal claim with correlational research like this, studies have demonstrated behavioral improvements and hippocampal volume increases following either pharmacological or cognitive-behavioral therapy in individuals suffering from PTSD (Bremner & Vermetten, 2004; Levy-Gigi, Szabó, Kelemen, & Kéri, 2013).

LINK TO LEARNINGWatch this video (http://openstaxcollege.org/l/traumaticexp) about research that demonstrates how the volume of the hippocampus can vary as a function oftraumatic experiences.

FACIAL EXPRESSION AND RECOGNITION OF EMOTIONS

Culture can impact the way in which people display emotion. A cultural display rule is one of a collection of culturally specific standards that govern the types and frequencies of displays of emotions that are acceptable (Malatesta & Haviland, 1982). Therefore, people from varying cultural backgrounds can have very different cultural display rules of emotion. For example, research has shown that individuals from the United States express negative emotions like fear, anger, and disgust both alone and in the presence of others, while Japanese individuals only do so while alone (Matsumoto, 1990). Furthermore, individuals from cultures that tend to emphasize social cohesion are more likely to engage in suppression of emotional reaction so they can evaluate which response is most appropriate in a given context (Matsumoto, Yoo, & Nakagawa, 2008).

Other distinct cultural characteristics might be involved in emotionality. For instance, there may be gender differences involved in emotional processing. While research into gender differences in emotional display is equivocal, there is some evidence that men and women may differ in regulation of emotions (McRae, Ochsner, Mauss, Gabrieli, & Gross, 2008).

Despite different emotional display rules, our ability to recognize and produce facial expressions of emotion appears to be universal. In fact, even congenitally blind individuals produce the same facial expression of emotions, despite their never having the opportunity to observe these facial displays of emotion in other people. This would seem to suggest that the pattern of activity in facial muscles involved in generating emotional expressions is universal, and indeed, this idea was suggested in the late 19th century in Charles Darwin’s book The Expression of Emotions in Man and Animals (1872) . In fact, there is substantial evidence for seven universal emotions that are each associated with distinct facial expressions. These include: happiness, surprise, sadness, fright, disgust, contempt, and anger ( Figure 10.24 ) (Ekman & Keltner, 1997).

Figure 10.24 The seven universal facial expressions of emotion are shown. (credit: modification of work by Cory Zanker)

Does smiling make you happy? Or does being happy make you smile? The facial feedback hypothesis asserts that facial expressions are capable of influencing our emotions, meaning that smiling can make you feel happier (Buck, 1980; Soussignan, 2001; Strack, Martin, & Stepper, 1988). Recent research explored how Botox, which paralyzes facial muscles and limits facial expression, might affect emotion. Havas, Glenberg, Gutowski, Lucarelli, and Davidson (2010) discovered that depressed individuals reported less depression after paralysis of their frowning muscles with Botox injections.

Of course, emotion is not only displayed through facial expression. We also use the tone of our voices, various behaviors, and body language to communicate information about our emotional states. Body language is the expression of emotion in terms of body position or movement. Research suggests that we are quite sensitive to the emotional information communicated through body language, even if we’re not consciously aware of it (de Gelder, 2006; Tamietto et al., 2009).

Motivation to engage in a given behavior can come from internal and/or external factors. Multiple

theories have been put forward regarding motivation. More biologically oriented theories deal with the ways that instincts and the need to maintain bodily homeostasis motivate behavior. Bandura postulated that our sense of self-efficacy motivates behaviors, and there are a number of theories that focus on a variety of social motives. Abraham Maslow’s hierarchy of needs is a model that shows the relationship among multiple motives that range from lower-level physiological needs to the very high level of self- actualization.

Hunger and satiety are highly regulated processes that result in a person maintaining a fairly stable weight that is resistant to change. When more calories are consumed than expended, a person will store excess energy as fat. Being significantly overweight adds substantially to a person’s health risks and problems, including cardiovascular disease, type 2 diabetes, certain cancers, and other medical issues. Sociocultural factors that emphasize thinness as a beauty ideal and a genetic predisposition contribute to the development of eating disorders in many young females, though eating disorders span ages and genders.

The hypothalamus and structures of the limbic system are important in sexual behavior and motivation. There is evidence to suggest that our motivation to engage in sexual behavior and our ability to do so are related, but separate, processes.

Emotions are subjective experiences that consist of physiological arousal and cognitive appraisal. Various theories have been put forward to explain our emotional experiences. The James-Lange theory asserts that emotions arise as a function of physiological arousal. The Cannon-Bard theory maintains that emotional experience occurs simultaneous to and independent of physiological arousal. The Schachter-Singer two- factor theory suggests that physiological arousal receives cognitive labels as a function of the relevant context and that these two factors together result in an emotional experience.

The limbic system is the brain’s emotional circuit, which includes the amygdala and the hippocampus. Both of these structures are implicated in playing a role in normal emotional processing as well as in psychological mood and anxiety disorders. Increased amygdala activity is associated with learning to fear, and it is seen in individuals who are at risk for or suffering from mood disorders. The volume of the hippocampus has been shown to be reduced in individuals suffering from posttraumatic stress disorder.

The ability to produce and recognize facial expressions of emotions seems to be universal regardless of cultural background. However, there are cultural display rules which influence how often and under what circumstances various emotions can be expressed. Tone of voice and body language also serve as a means by which we communicate information about our emotional states.

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Promoting positive perceptions of and motivation for research among undergraduate medical students to stimulate future research involvement: a grounded theory study

Belinda w. c. ommering.

1 Center for Innovation in Medical Education, Leiden University Medical Center, Hippocratespad 21, Zone V7-P, PO Box 9600, Leiden, The Netherlands

Marjo Wijnen-Meijer

2 Technical University of Munich, TUM School of Medicine, TUM Medical Education Center, Munich, Germany

Diana H. J. M. Dolmans

3 Department of Educational Development and Research, School of Health Professions Education, Maastricht University, Maastricht, The Netherlands

Friedo W. Dekker

4 Department of Clinical Epidemiology, Leiden University Medical Center, Leiden, The Netherlands

Floris M. van Blankenstein

Associated data.

The data used and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Research is of great value to make advancements within the medical field and, ultimately, offer the best possible patient care. Physician-scientists are key in contributing to the development of medicine, as they can bridge the gap between research and practice. However, medicine currently faces a physician-scientist shortage. A possible solution to cultivate physician-scientists is to engage medical students in research in early phases of medical school. Evidence-based strategies to stimulate positive perceptions of and motivation for research among students could help to enhance research engagement. Consequently, understanding of students’ perceptions of and motivation for research is needed. Therefore, this study aimed to identify conditions under which students develop positive perceptions of and motivation for research by answering the following sub-questions: 1) how do first-year medical students perceive research? and 2) which factors contribute to motivation or demotivation for conducting research?

We conducted a qualitative study with individual interviews using a grounded theory approach, involving 13 purposively sampled first-year medical students at Leiden University Medical Center.

Our results suggest that first-year students are already able to identify many aspects of research. Students elaborated on the relevance of research for professional practice and personal development. Furthermore, our results suggest a relationship between perceptions of and motivation for research. Some perceptions were identical to motivating or demotivating factors to conduct research, like the relevance of research for practice and performing statistics respectively. Other motivating factors were, among others, acknowledgment, autonomy, and inspiring role models. Demotivating factors were, among others, lack of autonomy and relevance, and inadequate collaboration.

Conclusions

Our results contribute to the idea that perceptions of research are related to motivation for research, which offers possibilities for interventions to promote motivation for research by making use of student perceptions of research. Consequently, practical implications to stimulate research engagement in early phases of medical school are provided. Moreover, the results contribute to existing motivational theories like Theory of Planned Behavior and Self-Determination Theory within this specific domain.

Scientific research is of great value to make advancements within the medical field and, ultimately, offer the best possible patient care. In order to practice evidence-based medicine, all physicians should be aware of the newest developments and involve scientific knowledge (e.g. research) in clinical decision making [ 1 – 4 ]. In addition, physicians who actually conduct research (i.e. physician-scientists) are needed as well. Physician-scientists devote a substantial amount of their time to both clinical practice and conducting research, and are thereby key in bridging the gap between science and practice [ 5 – 7 ].

Unfortunately, the medical field is facing a global shortage of physician-scientists. The current physician-scientist workforce is aging and a decrease in interest to pursue a scientific career is visible in the United States, Canada, and Europe. Recent literature stresses the urgent need to counteract this decline in the physician-scientist workforce [ 1 , 8 , 9 ].

Engaging students in research during early phases of medical school could help to acquaint students with research, trigger enthusiasm, and direct more students towards a physician-scientist career [ 1 , 7 , 10 , 11 ].

In order to draw pre-clinical students into research during medical school, knowledge and understanding is needed on how they perceive research and the importance of conducting research for clinical practice. The question arises to what extent these young medical students already comprehend what it is to conduct research and how this relates to clinical practice. Additionally, it is important to know what motivates or demotivates students in their consideration to conduct research [ 12 ].

Studies investigating perceptions of and motivation for research among pre-clinical medical students are scarce. Few studies have focused on perceptions of research and its importance for practice among medical students. For instance, there is evidence that students do not realize the importance of research for clinical practice until the clinical phase of medical training, when they encounter real life problems in patient care [ 13 ]. This is in line with previous findings indicating that undergraduate students have a narrow perspective of research and are not aware of the connection between research and practice [ 14 – 16 ]. Nel and colleagues surveyed medical students at the University of Capetown, and found that 61% of the students had positive attitudes towards research [ 17 ]. However, they did not identify the nature of these attitudes. Some of the prior studies also examined motivation for research and suggested that most medical students are motivated to pursue research, but foresee many difficulties and barriers at the same time [ 15 – 17 ]. In one of our earlier studies, we did find students to be highly motivated for research when entering medical school. These results also indicated that pre-clinical students’ beliefs about the value of research were important to influence research motivation [ 18 ]. In turn, research motivation was related to actual research involvement among undergraduate medical students [ 19 ]. This implies that insights into how beginning medical students perceive research could be of great value in directing more medical students towards a physician-scientist career. However, the few conducted studies in this area did not mainly focus on early stages of medical training.

In sum, there seems to be insufficient knowledge about how pre-clinical medical students beginning their medical studies perceive research and how they could be motivated to conduct research. Furthermore, most of the aforementioned studies had a quantitative approach. Since the aim is to engage medical students in research in early phases of medical school, deeper understanding of pre-clinical students’ perceptions and motivation regarding research is valuable, for which a qualitative methodology seems imperative. This could help to identify how positive perceptions of and motivation for research can be promoted early on in medical training. In turn, these insights could help to determine possible interventions and the implementation of evidence-based strategies to enhance interest in research among medical students, thereby cultivating future generations of physician-scientists.

Therefore, this study uses a qualitative grounded theory approach to gather in-depth knowledge on how educators can create conditions under which pre-clinical medical students develop positive perceptions of and motivation for research during early phases of medical school, by answering the following two sub-questions: 1) how do first-year medical students perceive research? And 2) which factors contribute to motivation or demotivation for conducting research?

This study was conducted among one cohort of first-year medical students at Leiden University Medical Center (LUMC). The Netherlands has eight medical schools, which all developed their educational program in line with the Dutch National Blueprint for Medical Education. The schools offer six years of undergraduate and graduate medical education. In the Netherlands, most students start medical school immediately after graduating from secondary school, at the age of 18–19 years [ 20 ]. Consequently, first-year medical students are relatively young and lack any research-related experience [ 21 ]. In this study, students’ only prior experiences with research were a two-week course at the start of their medical training. In this course, students conducted a small research project and were actively involved in gathering and processing data, formulating their own research question, analyzing data and writing a two-page research report [ 22 ].

Research team

The research team comprised of five researchers from different backgrounds. BO is a PhD-candidate in medical education, with a master’s degree in Pedagogical Sciences. FB is senior researcher in medical education. MWM is full professor in medical education. DD is full professor of innovative learning arrangements. FD is full professor in undergraduate research in medical education and clinical epidemiology. BO, MWM, DD and FB have experience with qualitative research approaches and analysis.

We established our research within an interpretivist paradigm, emphasizing the subjective nature in understanding human experiences and creation of reality. According to this paradigm, reality is socially constructed and truth is not grounded within one single objective reality. Rather, there may be multiple ways by different individuals to interpret a single construct or phenomenon [ 23 ]. Within the interpretivist paradigm, there is an emphasis on valuing the unique views of every individual. Consequently, we used a qualitative grounded theory approach as this eminently suits the aim to create deeper understanding of the unique perceptions of each individual in our study, including purposive sampling and constant comparison. Data was iteratively collected and coded, until saturation and consensus among the first and last author (BO & FB) was reached. We used semi-structured individual interviews to identify and elucidate students’ perceptions of and motivation for research.

Participants

All first-year students were informed about the study before the start of a lecture. Students were given the opportunity to apply for participation in this study by signing a registration list, which in total 22 students did. Thereafter, a purposive sampling method (i.e. selective sampling based on the researchers judgment when choosing participants for the study) was applied, aiming to include different types of students in our sample. In our earlier study, all first-year students were surveyed at the beginning of medical school and reported on their research motivation and self-efficacy [ 18 ]. Data of the 22 students who signed the registration list from this questionnaire was used in the sampling procedure, aiming to include diverse types of first-year students scoring differently on intrinsic and extrinsic motivation for research, and research self-efficacy. Furthermore, we aimed to include students who were both interested and not interested in entering an extracurricular research-based Honors program in the second year of education. Lastly, gender and age were included in the selection process.

Between March 2017 and September 2017, BO approached the purposive sampled students by e-mail. Data collection and analysis were performed in an iterative manner, eventually resulting in a total of 13 first-year medical students who were invited and all agreed to participate in our study. This study included 10 female (76.9%) and 3 male (23.1%) students, which is representative for the male/female distribution in the whole cohort (i.e. the total number of first-year students starting medical training in 2016). Students were 18 to 20 years, with a mean age of 19.3 years.

Data collection

BO and FB developed an interview guide ( Appendix 1 ), which was checked on followability by discussing it within the research team. BO conducted all interviews, which were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim line by line. Additionally, a summary was made of the content of the interview, which was then sent to the participant for member checking (i.e. participant check on accuracy). All participants agreed on the content. When participants’ quotes were used to illustrate results, participants were again approached to ask for their permission. Every participant agreed on the use of their quotes.

Data analysis

Data analysis was performed alongside data collection in an iterative manner. All interviews were independently coded by BO and FB using a grounded approach. BO and FB discussed their initial findings in the process of analysis, to reach consensus, and built a codebook (i.e. overview of all themes; Appendix 2 ). Three types of coding as described by Strauss & Corbin were used: open, axial, and selective [ 24 ].

Fragments or sentences of the transcript were coded with an ‘in vivo approach’ (i.e. open coding), followed by interpretative analysis to create overarching categories (i.e. axial coding). Lastly the overarching categories were checked, subsequently followed by the creation of higher-order themes (i.e. selective coding). After the stage of analysis was completed and a codebook with higher-order themes was created, MWM checked followability of the steps that were made in this process. In addition to the completed analysis, BO, FB and MWM independently coded two interviews with the new codebook to test its reliability. All interpretations were then discussed within the entire research team. Data analysis was supported by Atlas-ti 8.0 software (Atlas.ti, GmbH, Berlin, Germany).

Ethical approval

Students gave verbal consent on the audio-recording before the interview and signed an informed consent form after the interview. In compensation for their time, students received a gift certificate of €7.50 to spend in the lunchroom of the LUMC. This study was approved by the Educational Institutional Review Board of the LUMC (IRB reference number: OEC/OG/20180508/2).

We conducted 13 interviews, of which the length varied between 25 and 42 min. Inductive thematic saturation (i.e. no new themes emerged) and theoretical saturation of the themes (i.e. no additional data to develop a theme was found, as the researcher sees similar instances over and over again) [ 25 ] was reached after 11 interviews, after which we conducted two last interviews to check saturation. Because of the rich data, not all subthemes are discussed in detail. An overview of all themes can be seen in Appendix 2 .

How do first-year medical students perceive research?

Five higher-order themes emerged: research processes, research goals, research characteristics, research topics, and research requirements.

Students mainly focused on several parts of the research process , mentioning creating research questions, choosing a method, gathering data, processing data, creating results, drawing conclusions, and reporting outcomes. On the one hand, some students had the perception that research consisted of single, specific parts, reflecting a relatively narrow definition of research.

[Research is] the whole day in the lab or doing your best to persuade people to participate in your research. – S1

On the other hand, in some cases students did connect multiple phases of conducting research, creating a bigger picture of what the process of research entails.

[Research] exists out of, for a large part, pre-work; thinking about what you want to study, how you are going to do that, methods, participants or something like that. And if you have devised the entire research, then you will carry it out, for instance by interviewing like this I think, it depends on the kind of research you’re performing, if you will do tests or something like this, and then thereafter it exists out of processing all your data, of course, drawing conclusions from it, and writing an article about it. – S12

However, students tended to focus on more than only these concrete aspects of doing research. They also mentioned research goals , reflecting on the importance of research for society and healthcare in general. For instance, the valuable role research plays in creating new knowledge or refining existing knowledge, and thereby the improvement of understanding in general.

Some fundamental studies are done for understanding, a sort of, contribution to the general understanding of how something works. – S1

Furthermore, students had more specific goals of research in mind as well, emphasizing the medical context. In particular, students elaborated on developing and improving medicines or illness treatments, but also on improving the organization within the whole hospital. Moreover, students also discussed the role research could play in improving education, which in turn helps to educate and deliver better physicians.

I think that with research, on the one hand, we can gather more knowledge on the emergence of diseases and the human body, but on the other hand we can treat these diseases better or even find a cure. But I also think that, within medical healthcare, there also exists research into, for instance, collaboration between people and the best way to shape a hospital, or the best way to work within teams. – S7

Perceptions of research were also illustrated in different characteristics students assign to research. Students tended to concentrate on negative aspects, like the hard and intensive character of research. The idea that conducting research is hard is mostly related to the lack of or difficulty in finding results.

I think you need to have perseverance [to conduct research], because nine out of ten times you will get a result you actually did not want to have. – S13

Moreover, research is seen as an intensive and complex activity in which different tasks need to be combined, the researcher has many different appointments and several obligations like following rules and administrative work.

You need to be able to make appointments, very many appointments, and you need to make sure to work on your own research, you must write a text, all that taken together, you need to arrange that in a good way to prevent double appointments and to prevent that, because of all the appointments, you can’t write. So, yeah… it seems like a busy thing to me. – S4

Students also commented on research topics, namely healthcare, prevention and organization.

You have health-promoting, which predominantly focuses on prevention areas of research, but you also have research into different diseases and mechanisms. But I think that you can also study the way an organisation works and how they collaborate within medical contexts. – S3

The last higher-order theme that emerged, is one that is not directly linked to research itself. The first-year medical students also described research requirements , illustrating conditions that researchers must meet in order to actually perform their research. Students emphasized the importance of collaboration, finance, and ethical approval.

A researcher is not only doing the research itself, but also busy with financing, arranging to be able to work with other people. I think that next to the research itself, research entails more, a researcher does more than just the research on its own. – S7

Which factors contribute to motivation for conducting research?

Students reported motivators for research from the perspective of personal benefit. For instance, they would be motivated to do research because it would contribute to their personal development . Students mentioned a lack of academic training and challenge in the curriculum, and the need to delve into certain topics instead of just learning facts and receiving knowledge in the broadest sense. Students saw research as a possibility to delve into a topic and learn academic skills at the same time.

I think it [research] is very interesting and I see this as a part of my academic training, which is missing in general medical training in my opinion. – S3

Subsequently, students also mentioned that they would be motivated to do research to comply with their personal needs like their curiosity , need for challenge , and need for variety .

I just want to have some extra challenge, because medical training on itself is just learning, learning, learning. And if you have something next to that more directly linked to practice and you see where you can end up, that motivates me. – S13

Moreover, students felt the need to contribute to knowledge and patient care . They mentioned that it would be motivating for them to conduct research if their research actually meant something for science or healthcare. Students described the process of creating or revising knowledge as motivating, but they mostly elaborated on what research could mean for patients. They related research to, for instance, helping more patients, and finding cures for diseases. These outcomes of research were highly motivating for students.

Especially when I hear that some things are still unknown, where no solutions are available, for instance multiple sclerosis (MS). My aunt has MS, and to see her like that every day, not being able to walk… and that there is no solution for that. In my opinion, there needs to come a cure for that. – S4

Students also mentioned that different parts of conducting research seemed fun, which in turn motivated them to conduct research. They said they especially liked seeing and creating results. Moreover, content was important and the writing process was very appealing to them. The social aspects of research, like collaboration , were motivating as well.

Especially the collaboration with others appeals to me, I like to collaborate with others. And the results at the end, that you made something beautiful together what turns out to be a big part of your career. – S4

Furthermore, reading or hearing about research related work of others and their enthusiasm is inspiring for students (i.e. inspiring role models ) and contributes to their motivation for research.

I had a chemistry teacher and he investigated a very specific topic, a specific protein. And he was so, well a specialist I suppose, very enriched, that he could transfer that in a beautiful way. And actually, I was kind of, very, impressed with that […]. I can get inspired by that. – S10

Students also described the importance of research bringing them external rewards, such as acknowledgments . Students wanted to be able to show that they actually did research and mentioned publications as a possible reward of, and thereby motivating factor for, research. Furthermore students wanted opportunities to build a network and to distinguish themselves from others, and were motivated for research because it could help them in their future career steps, like securing a competitive residency spot.

I think that it depends on what kind of specialism I want to get in. And what is expected of you with regard to research. I have to be honest, it is not a really romantic reason, but yes… – S1

Which factors contribute to demotivation for conducting research?

Students especially focused on the content of research itself and different demotivating parts of conducting research. For instance, research topic could play a large part in demotivating students to conduct research.

With regard to content, it could demotivate me very much I think. Imagine that this is a topic I am not very curious about, I think when I delve into it, really in detail, that I lose all my curiosity. – S1

Furthermore, in a broader sense, students found the difficulties of doing research demotivating. Students especially mentioned processing of data and statistics as uninteresting. These activities within research could really hold students back in their possible choice to conduct research.

All that gathering of data, SPSS. It has become something I fear […]. I think it is terrifying that I don’t know where to begin. – S12

It would also be demotivating for students when their contribution to both research and society is small, for instance when their research is not used in practice. Furthermore, students acknowledged that disappointing results are plausible, but at the same time they strongly felt like this would demotivate them for conducting research.

Moreover, students described a lack of autonomy as demotivating. Especially when students have no choice in what kind of research they perform and when students have to comply to a variety of rules, they did not want to conduct research.

When research would be imposed, than I really would not, like here is a topic, go do your research. That would be very demotivating. – S8

At the same time, a lack of support could be demotivating as well. Students did not want to have the feeling they are doing research alone. It seems like a balance between autonomy and support suits students best. Subsequently, students mentioned an inadequate atmosphere or collaboration within the research group to be very discouraging as well.

When I would be part of a research group with a very bad atmosphere, or when people are not willing to answer a question or help you, that seems very demotivating to me. And that has nothing to do with the research itself, but really the collaboration […]. So I think, mainly, when having the feeling you are alone, without the possibility to call for help, that seems very difficult to me. – S7

We qualitatively explored first-year students’ perceptions of research. Furthermore, we determined motivating and demotivating factors for conducting research. The pre-clinical students differed greatly in their perceptions of and motivation for research, which resulted in rich data with many different aspects. Within this data, some tensions emerged. On the one hand, students were able to describe important steps within the research process. On the other hand, students did tend to emphasize that certain parts of the research process, such as gathering of data and statistical analyses, were not appealing to them. Moreover, students perceived research as useful for clinical practice and personal development. However, students seemed to have negative perceptions in terms of what conducting research actually entails, and emphasized its difficulties and negative aspects.

In-depth analysis elucidated a variety of higher-order themes related to perceptions of research. In contrast to our results, a previous study of third-year medical students’ perceptions concluded that students had a narrow definition of research in the beginning of their third year [ 14 ]. Our results illustrate that first-year undergraduate students can already have broad perceptions of research. A possible explanation for this could be that an authentic learning situation at the beginning of medical training in which pre-clinical students conduct a small research project contributes to students’ knowledge of what research entails and its possibilities for clinical practice [ 22 ]. This is in line with the study by Imafuku and colleagues, showing that students’ initial narrow definition of research was somewhat broadened after their first research experiences [ 14 ].

Going beyond our research questions, our results suggest a relation between perceptions of and motivation for research (Fig. 1 ). This is, among others, illustrated by students’ elaboration on various research goals, mainly focusing on its direct association with clinical practice and patient care. For instance, students viewed research as a way to make progress, develop medicine, create better physicians, and improve patient experiences. This direct association with practice contributed to students’ assumption that research is useful, emerging as a sub-theme of research characteristics. Additionally, these kind of topics were also identified by students as motivating, resulting in the theme ‘contributing to knowledge or patient care’ ( Appendix 2 ). This implies that the social value of research is also something that could motivate students to subsequently conduct research. Therefore, medical schools may create conditions to raise awareness of the usefulness of research for clinical practice early in the curriculum. This could help pre-clinical students to develop positive perceptions of and motivation for research in early stages of medical education.

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Main themes regarding student perceptions of research and its relations with motivating and demotivating aspects of conducting research

Nonetheless, there also seems to be a relation between perceptions and demotivation to conduct research. For instance, students tended to think that the biggest part of conducting research entails processing data and performing statistical analyses. Moreover, processing data and statistics also emerged as two subthemes of demotivating factors. This contributed to their idea that research is performed within a unilateral work environment ( Appendix 2 ).

Previous studies showed that student perceptions of research are open to change [ 14 , 26 ]. By targeting and adjusting unrealistic perceptions, such as the notion that research is merely statistics, motivation for research can be influenced. By acquainting pre-clinical students with the broader nature of conducting research, their perceptions can be altered. For example, students explicitly mentioned that writing is a fun aspect of research that contributed to their motivation. Therefore, educators could explicitly mention that this is part of the research process as well and that writing relies on creating results, for which statistical analysis could be necessary. Furthermore, statistics is unknown for many students and may seem frightening. Students are more inclined to pursue an activity when they feel confident about their capability in that domain (i.e. self-efficacy), and mastery of an activity leads to higher self-efficacy beliefs [ 27 ]. Students in pre-clinical phases of medical training lack experience with statistical analyses. Making statistics less ambiguous could also be a solution to motivate more students for conducting research. By letting students apply statistics directly to authentic research questions, even in their first undergraduate year, they can experience the relevance of statistics for creating results and finding answers to important questions. Through repeated practice with statistics, they can master it and self-efficacy beliefs may be enhanced.

Despite the grounded theory approach, parallels between the outcomes of our study and existing theories were visible. When students mentioned perceptions of research that also emerged as motivating or demotivating factors, they already gave an evaluation, connecting a favorable or unfavorable qualification to their perception. This is, for example, illustrated in perceptions of research as primarily being statistics, which students saw as a negative aspect. This seems to be in line with and substantiated by the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB). TPB states that attitudes are a prerequisite for motivation, which in turn is related to certain behaviors. According to TPB, attitudes are perceptions of a certain behavior including the evaluation of the behavior (i.e. favorable versus unfavorable) [ 28 ]. This lends support to the idea that perceptions linked to motivation within our data are equal to ‘attitudes’ mentioned as an antecedent for motivation in TPB. Consequently, this also provides evidence for the idea that if perceptions of research are changed, motivation can be influenced as well. In turn, this offers opportunities to develop interventions and implement evidence-based strategies aiming to target student perceptions to motivate more students for research in early stages of medical school.

Our findings regarding autonomy, support, and development that are a necessity for student motivation are in accordance with and substantiated by the Self-Determination Theory (SDT). SDT states that motivation is influenced by three basic psychological needs: autonomy, relatedness, and competence [ 29 ]. These basic psychological needs are in line with the themes that emerged from our data. However, our data imply that influencing motivation entails more than only autonomy, relatedness, and competence (Fig. 2 ). A sense of relevance, e.g. being able to contribute to patient care, seems to have a major influence on motivation as well. Moreover, need for challenge and curiosity were also named as motivational factors. In addition, inspiring role models could be prerequisites for motivation as students emphasized they were inspired and became motivated by the work of others. Not only by reading scientific articles, but also by hearing about research related work from enthusiastic researchers. This provides insights in practical implications, as many educators conduct research as well and can communicate their own work in an enthusiastic way towards students during lectures or seminars. Providing students with opportunities to read articles and get acquainted with work of others seems to be a good possibility to contribute to their motivation as well.

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Prerequisites of motivation according to TPB and SDT, added by prerequisites as identified in our study

When looking at our data, neither TPB nor SDT seem to comprehend all prerequisites for motivation. Hence, our study could contribute to the expansion of existing motivational theories like TPB and SDT, as illustrated in Fig. Fig.2 2 .

Practical implications

In order to answer the fundamental question how conditions can be created under which students develop positive perceptions of and motivation for research in early stages of medical school, the emerged themes within the motivating and demotivating factors play a crucial role. Next to embedding research related courses in the curriculum and using educators as inspiring role models, our study provides other practical implications as well. Based on our results, it seems beneficial to create conditions in which students experience autonomy and the ability to work independently. In order to motivate students to conduct research, this seems to be key. Therefore, providing students with research experiences should be designed in such a way that students feel they are in control of their own research projects. Practically, this could be done by giving students multiple options regarding, for instance, the topic of their research. Furthermore, students could be stimulated to take a leading role in the implementation of their research. This not only contributes to feelings of autonomy, but is also related to the effective educational approach of ‘learning by doing’ as has been advocated by many throughout the years [ 30 – 35 ]. This is also reflected in our results, as our pre-clinical students mentioned that they would be motivated for research if they get the opportunity to actually perform research themselves. This stresses the need for more active learning approaches, providing students with research experiences in authentic learning situations in order to motivate more students for research.

Students were also in need of collaboration and wanted the possibility to rely on more experienced researchers. An inadequate atmosphere and lack of support are demotivating factors for students. This indicates the need for a balance between autonomy and support. In practice, this could mean that conditions need to be created in which students are able to become leaders of their research project, while a more experienced researcher closely monitors their development and provides support when needed. Furthermore, students indicated they were motivated when there were possibilities to develop competencies and receive acknowledgment or rewards. It would be beneficial to offer students the chance to work on their learning goals and mastery of research activities. Moreover, stimulating them to present their work in the form of publications or presentations at scientific meetings could enhance motivation for research and confidence [ 36 ]. In this way, students feel acknowledged for their work and are able to build a network. This should be embedded within education and explicitly communicated to students.

Limitations and strengths

This study was conducted in one medical school, which may have implications for generalizability to other contexts. However, to the best of our knowledge, our study is the first to address perceptions of and motivation for research among medical students in early phases of medical training. We used qualitative methodology with an open and grounded approach, which is why we believe we elucidated actual student perceptions without steering towards certain outcomes. Furthermore, we applied thorough purposive sampling by using data of the same cohort of students in an earlier administered questionnaire in order to select a representative and diverse sample. We believe that these measures contributed to the great amount and variety of data in our study. Our findings provide new insights in the way beginning medical students perceive research, as well as factors promoting their motivation to conduct research. The findings contribute to both theory and practice, and may provide guidance for future quantitative research in which the generated hypotheses can be tested. Moreover, our results are in line with multiple existing theories. Therefore, we expect that our results may be applicable to other situations (e.g. educational programs within other countries, (post)graduate medical students) and may apprise education and studies in other contexts.

Future research

It would be beneficial to study perceptions of and motivation for research in different educational programs and contexts in order to provide even more insights into how students’ positive perceptions and motivation for research could be promoted. Also, it would be an interesting future research avenue to conduct this study among medical students in other countries. Furthermore, it would be interesting to investigate the development of medical students’ perceptions of and motivation for research during medical training, in which they gradually engage in clinical practice. Our data suggested a relation between perceptions of and motivation for research, future research could be undertaken to investigate this hypothesis.

Our study demonstrated that first-year students have broad perceptions and definitions of research. Additionally, a broad range of motivating and demotivating factors to conduct research were identified. Our results contribute to the idea that perceptions of research are related to motivation for research, which offers possibilities for interventions and promoting motivation for research through student perceptions. Furthermore, we identified relevance, curiosity, need for challenge, and inspiring role models as prerequisites for motivation in addition to perceptions as stated by TPB and autonomy, relatedness, and competence as stated by SDT. Consequently our study may contribute to expanding existing motivational theories like TPB and SDT. Moreover, conditions were identified under which pre-clinical students develop positive perceptions of and motivation for research during early phases of medical school in order to engage more students in research and make the first step to cultivate future physician-scientists.

Acknowledgments

We wish to thank Désirée Longayroux for her advice and John O’Sullivan for his critical appraisal of the manuscript. Furthermore, we wish to thank the student assistants for transcribing the interviews.

Abbreviations

Interview guide.

Interview guide exists out of 3 topics: background, perceptions of research, and motivation for research. These three subjects will be discussed within the interview. The topics are comprised of numbered questions, which will be asked to start the interview and discussion with the individual students. The sub-questions will only be used when a student does not seem to understand the questions or does not know what to answer (which almost never occurred during the actual interviews).

What is your educational background?
Why did you chose Medicine?
Do you have previous experiences with research? If yes, could you elaborate?

Sub-question:

What are the activities of a researcher
What are the abilities you should have to perform research
What can you do with research?
For whom is research important?
Should physicians use research in clinical practice?
Should physicians conduct research?

What motivates you to conduct research?

What demotivates you to conduct research?

If unknown:

Ask what could motivate or demotivate to conduct research hypothetically

Elaborating on the counterpart of the first question

Overview of all emerged themes and sub-themes

Authors’ contributions

All authors contributed to the design of the study. BO conducted the individual interviews. BO, MWM, and FB were involved in the process of independently coding of the interviews. Additionally, DD and FWD helped to interpret the data. BO wrote the manuscript. All authors contributed to the revision of the manuscript and approved the final version for publication.

Not applicable.

Availability of data and materials

Ethics approval and consent to participate.

This study was approved by the Educational Institutional Review Board of the LUMC (IRB reference number: OEC/OG/20180508/2). Students gave verbal consent on the audio-recording before the interview and signed an informed consent form after the interview.

Consent for publication

Competing interests.

The second author, prof.dr. Marjo Wijnen-Meijer, is an associate editor for this journal.

Publisher’s Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

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MOTIVATING (Chapter 7)
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To Really Motivate Employees
Curiosity Drives Progress: Research Motivation

COMMENTS

Theories of motivation: A comprehensive analysis of human behavior drivers
14. Social cognitive theory (SCT) of motivation. Social cognitive theory (SCT) of motivation is a psychological theory that suggests that behavior is influenced by the interaction between personal, behavioral, and environmental factors. SCT theory of motivation was developed by Albert Bandura in the 1980s.
The Behavioral Neuroscience of Motivation: An Overview of Concepts
1 Why Motivation Is Important to Understand. Understanding what drives motivated behavior in humans is a truly fascinating endeavor. But as important as our curiosity for knowing what drives us as individuals, and what supports individual differences in levels of motivation among our friends and colleagues, is the critical question; why do motivational processes get disrupted when the clinical ...
On what motivates us: a detailed review of intrinsic
Behavioral research primarily supports the view that intrinsic and extrinsic motivation are partially distinct, interacting processes. For example, if the motivation for intrinsic and extrinsic goals were independent constructs, they might demonstrate an additive or subtractive effect on each other (Woodworth, 1921 ).
Motivation to learn: an overview of contemporary theories
In expectancy‐value theory, motivation is a function of the expectation of success and perceived value. Attribution theory focuses on the causal attributions learners create to explain the results of an activity, and classifies these in terms of their locus, stability and controllability. Social‐ cognitive theory emphasises self‐efficacy ...
Motivation: Introduction to the Theory, Concepts, and Research
Abstract. Motivation is a psychological construct that refers to the disposition to act and direct behavior according to a goal. Like most of psychological processes, motivation develops throughout the life span and is influenced by both biological and environmental factors. The aim of this chapter is to summarize research on the development of ...
Theories About Motivation
Describe basic theories of motivation, including concepts such as instincts, drive reduction, and self-efficacy. William James (1842-1910) was an important contributor to early research into motivation, and he is often referred to as the father of psychology in the United States. James theorized that behavior was driven by a number of ...
14.4 Recent Research on Motivation Theories
Recent research highlights the positive effects of performance feedback and goal commitment in the goal-setting process. Monetary incentives enhance motivation when they are tied to goal achievement, by increasing the level of goal commitment. There are negative sides to goal theory as well. If goals conflict, employees may sacrifice ...
Common and distinctive approaches to motivation in different
The arousal theory of motivation suggests that people execute a specific behavior in order to maintain an "optimum ... The following section comparatively presents different economic approaches to motivation and discusses their ability to explain real-life behavior. ... The main task in motivation research is to make sense of the current ...
MOB Chapter 5
Maslow's hierarchy of needs theory of motivation a. suggests once basic needs are satisfied, higher order needs become motivators. b. enjoys strong research support. c. is a systematic approach managers can utilize to explain the similar needs employees have at any given time and the similar reactions of employees to similar treatment. d.
Motivation Research
Motivation research is a term used to refer to a selection of qualitative research methods designed to probe consumers' minds to discover the deep, often subconscious or latent reasons and goals underlying everyday consumption and purchasing behaviors. Motivation research was the premier consumer research method used in the 1950s, leading to ...
10.1 Motivation
The majority of the course grade is not exam-based, but centers on a student-designed research project on a crime issue of the student's choice. Research suggests that Hakim will be less intrinsically motivated in his Family Law course, where students are intimidated in the classroom setting, and there is an emphasis on teacher-driven ...
The Emerging Neuroscience of Intrinsic Motivation: A New Frontier in
Intrinsic motivation refers to the spontaneous tendency "to seek out novelty and challenges, to extend and exercise one's capacity, to explore, and to learn" (Ryan and Deci, 2000, p.70).When intrinsically motivated, people engage in an activity because they find it interesting and inherently satisfying. By contrast, when extrinsically motivated, people engage in an activity to obtain ...
Motivation
Motivation describes the wants or needs that direct behavior toward a goal. In addition to biological motives, ... Some research suggests that this isn't necessarily the case (Daniel & Esser, 1980; Deci, 1972; Deci, Koestner, & Ryan, 1999). According to this research, receiving some sort of extrinsic reinforcement (i.e., getting paid) for ...
Chapter 10: Emotion and Motivation
Animal research suggests that limbic system structures such as the amygdala and nucleus accumbens are especially important for sexual motivation. Damage to these areas results in a decreased motivation to engage in sexual behavior, while leaving the ability to do so intact ( Figure 10.15 ) (Everett, 1990).
ba 302 ch.5 quiz Flashcards
Research on motivation in different cultures indicates that Question 2 options: high power distance cultures value having a voice in the justice process. in industrialized nations, satisfaction with esteem needs was a more powerful motivator than satisfaction of physiological or security needs. equity is not culture specific; all cultures utilize this method to achieve fairness.
Motivation
Motivation is the driving force that elicits a certain behaviour from an organism in order to satisfy the drive or seek a particular goal. ... following a one-time intervention with liraglutide ...
Studying Motivation in ADHD: The Role of Internal Motives and the
Introduction. Motivation is a concept that is used to explain behavior, and it generally refers to that what moves us to act, what causes goal-directed behavior (Deci & Ryan, 2000, 2002; Reeve, 2014; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000).More specifically, motivation has been defined as internal motives that give behavior direction (i.e., behavior is aimed at an outcome or a goal), energy (i.e., behavior ...
Intrinsic and Extrinsic Factors as Motivation Roles in Scientific
According to Lam (2011), the research motivation is complicated and only partially because of the monetary motivation for researchers/lecturers to pursue research activities. The scientific incentive scheme is multifaceted and includes three groups of rewards: honors, rewards or financial benefits, and solving complex problems and challenges ...
Organizational Behavior Ch. 5 and Ch. 6 Flashcards
Study with Quizlet and memorize flashcards containing terms like Analyzing Zappos success using Herzberg's two-factor theory of motivation would suggest that addressing a. hygiene factors, like being among the best paid employees in the retail industry, are the only reason for the firm's success. b. content factors, like the collaborative atmosphere each employee creates are the only reason ...
Work Motivation: The Roles of Individual Needs and Social Conditions
Prosocial motivation suggests that individuals have the desire to expend efforts in safeguarding and promoting others' well-being [58,59]. It is proposed that prosocial motivation strengthens endurance, performance, and productivity, as well as generates creativity that encourages individuals to develop valuable and novel ideas [ 21 , 60 ].
Chapter 7 Quiz Flashcards
A growing body of research suggests that in order to achieve lasting behavior change, people need not only motivation but also which of the following? New skills and supports Which of the following emphasizes the need to address not just the behavior of individual health care providers but also the effects of the systems and environments in ...
Research on motivation suggests the following a
75% (4) View full document. Research on motivation suggests the following: a. Ethical behavior is learned behavior. b. Satisfaction with social needs is a powerful motivator in industrialized countries. c.
Promoting positive perceptions of and motivation for research among
Going beyond our research questions, our results suggest a relation between perceptions of and motivation for research (Fig. 1). This is, among others, illustrated by students' elaboration on various research goals, mainly focusing on its direct association with clinical practice and patient care.