what does essay in mexican mean

How do you spell the Spanish slang - "essay" - meaning person?

used like, "what did you say essay?"

Hi and welcome to the forum.

It's " ese " and it means something like homeboy.

Ese is also like a thug. I wouldn't use it unless you knew the person really well.

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In the world of language learning, understanding the meaning of words across different languages is a fascinating endeavor. One such word that often captures the attention of language enthusiasts is “essay.” In this guide, we will explore what the word “essay” means in Spanish, its cultural significance, and provide valuable insights for those interested in writing essays in Spanish.

Unveiling the Translation: The Meaning of “Essay” in Spanish

When we try to find the Spanish translation for the English word “essay,” we come across the term “ensayo.” The word “ensayo” carries the essence of an essay, representing a written composition that presents a coherent argument or explores a specific topic. It is a versatile term used in various contexts, such as academic, literary, and even journalistic writing. If you’re interested in diving deeper into Spanish or other languages, online language tutoring services can be a valuable resource. They provide personalized guidance to help you understand the usage in different contexts.

Exploring Cultural Nuances: The Cultural Impact of “Essay” in Spanish

Language is deeply intertwined with culture, and understanding the cultural implications of a word is crucial for effective communication. In the context of Spanish, the word “ensayo” holds significance beyond its literal meaning. It reflects the rich literary traditions and academic rigor associated with the Spanish language.

In Spanish literature, essays play a vital role in expressing thoughts, analyzing complex ideas, and offering critical perspectives. Renowned Spanish and Latin American writers have contributed significantly to the genre, showcasing the power of essays as a means of cultural expression.

Writing Essays in Spanish: Tips and Techniques

If you are interested in writing essays in Spanish, here are some valuable tips and techniques to enhance your skills.

Understand the Structure

Just like in English, Spanish essays follow a specific structure. Start with an introduction that sets the context and thesis statement, followed by body paragraphs that present arguments or discuss different aspects of the topic. Finally, conclude with a concise summary that reinforces your main points.

Embrace Language Nuances

Spanish is known for its richness and expressive nature. Incorporate idiomatic expressions, figurative language, and varied vocabulary to add depth and flair to your essays. This will not only showcase your language proficiency but also engage your readers.

Research and Refer to Established Writers

To improve your Spanish essay writing skills, immerse yourself in the works of established Spanish and Latin American writers. Reading essays by renowned authors such as Octavio Paz, Jorge Luis Borges, or Gabriel García Márquez can provide valuable insights into the art of essay writing in Spanish.

In conclusion, the Spanish translation of the English word “essay” is “ensayo.” However, it is essential to understand that “ensayo” encompasses a broader cultural and literary significance in the Spanish language. It represents a means of expressing thoughts, analyzing ideas, and contributing to the rich tapestry of Spanish literature.

For those venturing into the realm of writing essays in Spanish, embracing the structural conventions, incorporating language nuances, and seeking inspiration from established writers will pave the way for success. So, embark on your Spanish essay writing journey with confidence and let your words resonate within the vibrant world of Spanish language and culture.

Remember, whether you are exploring literary essays, academic papers, or personal reflections, the beauty of essays lies in their ability to capture the essence of thoughts and ideas, transcending linguistic boundaries.

Are there any synonyms for the word ‘essay’ in the Spanish language?

In Spanish, there are a few synonyms that can be used interchangeably with the word “ensayo,” which is the most common translation for “essay.” Some synonyms for “ensayo” include “redacción” (composition), “prosa” (prose), and “artículo” (article). These synonyms may have slight variations in their usage and connotations, but they generally convey the idea of a written composition or discourse.

What are the common contexts where the word ‘essay’ is used in Spanish?

The word “ensayo” finds its usage in various contexts in the Spanish language. Here are some common contexts where the word “ensayo” is commonly used:

• Academic Writing: In the academic sphere, “ensayo” refers to an essay or a written composition assigned as part of coursework or academic assessments. It involves presenting arguments, analyzing topics, and expressing ideas in a structured manner.
• Literary Essays: Spanish literature has a rich tradition of literary essays. Renowned writers use “ensayo” to explore and analyze various literary works, authors, or literary theories. These essays delve into critical interpretations and provide insights into the literary landscape.
• Journalistic Writing: Journalists often employ “ensayo” to write opinion pieces or in-depth analyses on current events, social issues, or cultural phenomena. These essays offer a subjective perspective, providing readers with thoughtful reflections and commentary.
• Personal Reflections: Individuals may also write personal essays or reflections on topics of interest or experiences. These essays allow individuals to share their thoughts, feelings, and insights, offering a glimpse into their personal perspectives.

Are there any cultural implications associated with the Spanish word for ‘essay’?

Yes, there are cultural implications associated with the Spanish word for “essay,” which is “ensayo.” In Spanish-speaking cultures, essays are highly regarded as a form of intellectual expression and critical thinking. They serve as a platform for writers to convey their ideas, opinions, and reflections on a wide range of subjects.

The cultural implications of “ensayo” extend to the realm of literature, where renowned Spanish and Latin American authors have made significant contributions through their essays. These essays often explore cultural identities, social issues, historical events, and philosophical concepts, reflecting the cultural richness and intellectual depth of Spanish-speaking communities.

Moreover, the tradition of essay writing in Spanish fosters a deep appreciation for language, literature, and the exploration of ideas. It encourages individuals to engage in thoughtful analysis, promotes intellectual discourse, and contributes to the cultural and intellectual heritage of Spanish-speaking societies.

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Translation of essay – English-Spanish dictionary

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• I want to finish off this essay before I go to bed .
• His essay was full of spelling errors .
• Have you given that essay in yet ?
• Have you handed in your history essay yet ?
• I'd like to discuss the first point in your essay.

(Translation of essay from the Cambridge English-Spanish Dictionary © Cambridge University Press)

Translation of essay | GLOBAL English–Spanish Dictionary

(Translation of essay from the GLOBAL English-Spanish Dictionary © 2020 K Dictionaries Ltd)

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Translations dictionary

or esse [ es -ey] or [ ey -sey]

What does ese mean?

Ese , amigo , hombre . Or, in English slang, dude ,  bro , homey . Ese is a Mexican-Spanish slang term of address for a fellow man.

Related words

Where does ese come from.

Ese originates in Mexican Spanish. Ese literally means “that” or “that one,” and likely extended to “fellow man” as shortened from expressions like ese vato , “that guy.”

There are some more elaborate (though less probable) theories behind ese . One goes that a notorious Mexican gang, the  Sureños  (“Southerners”), made their way from Mexico City to Southern California in the 1960s.  Ese is the Spanish name for letter S , which is how the gang members referred to each other. Or so the story goes.

Ese is recorded in English for a “fellow Hispanic man” in the 1960s. It became more a general term of address by the 1980s, though  ese remains closely associated (and even stereotyped) with Chicano culture in the US.

Ese is notably found in the Chicano poetry of José Antonio Burciaga and Cheech & Chong comedy routines (Cheech Marin is Mexican-American.)

White confusion over ese was memorably parodied in a 2007 episode of the TV show South Park . On it, the boys think they can get some Mexican men to write their essays , but them men write letters home to their eses .

Examples of ese

Who uses ese?

For Mexican and Mexican-American Spanish speakers,  ese has the force of “dude,” “brother,” or “man,” i.e., a close and trusted friend or compatriot .

I needa kick it wit my ese's its been a minute — al (@a1anxs) February 1, 2019

It’s often used as friendly and familiar term of address…

Always a good time with my ese. 😎 pic.twitter.com/xxM4YroWDV — | Y | G | (@yg_monroe) January 12, 2019

…but it can also be more aggressively and forcefully.

Cypress Hill 2018: Who you tryin' ta mess with, ese? Don't you know I'm seeking professional help for my deep rooted emotional problemsssssss?!? — JAY. (@GoonLeDouche) June 30, 2018

“You’d have to be crazy to swipe left.” Who you tryna get crazy with, ese? Don’t you know I’m loco? Sorry, always wanted to say that. Anyway, swipe left. Might actually be crazy. — Why I Swiped Left (@LeftyMcSwiper) December 17, 2018

Ese is associated with Mexican and Chicano American culture, where it can refer to and be used by both men and women. The term is also specifically associated with Mexican-American gang culture.

What's up ese? pic.twitter.com/0vAQxZZ6SO — AlesiAkiraKitsune© (@AlesiAkira) January 21, 2019

It is often considered appropriative for people outside those cultures to use ese , especially since some non-Mexican people may use  ese in ways that mock Mexicans and Mexican-American culture.

This is not meant to be a formal definition of ese like most terms we define on Dictionary.com, but is rather an informal word summary that hopefully touches upon the key aspects of the meaning and usage of ese that will help our users expand their word mastery.

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3 Essential Slang Words You Need to Know Before Your Next Trip to Mexico

M exico has its own language not instructed by Spanish schools and phrase books: Mexican slang. It’s an informal language whose meanings shift in a heartbeat from insults to compliments, a language Mexican people manipulate deftly and instinctively in all sorts of contexts. The following three Mexican slang words and phrases will give you a base for you to attempt to understand and blend in with the locals.

Mexican slang word #1: Cabrón

A cabrón can either be a badass or a real jerk, a male you talk about with disgust or fear.

There’s also the feminine version, cabrona. Same standards apply: There are the the revered, awe-inducing cabronas and the detested ones.

Then there’s “qué cabrón,” a phrase used to describe a thing or situation as opposed to a person. This, too, can be positive or negative, but it’s got a particular edge to it. For example:

1. Narcos entered a popular restaurant and collected the cell phones of all the customers, warning them not to make any phone calls or act out of the ordinary. The narcos ate peacefully, returned the cell phones, paid everyone’s bills, and continued on their way. Qué cabrón.

2. You ran out of water, and the government isn’t sending more water to the Centro Histórico for three days. You just had a party and now have a sink full of beer glasses, skillets full of chipotle sausage residue, and greasy plates. Qué cabrón.

Insider tip for Mexican slang mastery: For added flair, add an “ay” before cabrón when used for people, and mix it up with an “está cabrón” instead of “que cabrón” in the case of situations.

Mexican slang word #2: Madre

In the quintessential Mexican read, The Labyrinth of Solitude , Octavio Paz has a great passage about the significance of la madre (“the mother”) in Mexican slang and culture.

The madre is identified with all things negative, the padre with all things positive. This, argues Paz, is a reflection of two historical and cultural factors in Mexico.

The first is the idea of the long-suffering mother, the passive recipient of pain and burden who is, to use another classic Mexican slang term, chingada (meaning “screwed,” for a polite interpretation).

The second is the historical resentment and resignation towards the woman whom Paz claims is the mother of modern Mexico — La Malinche. La Malinche was a Nahuatl woman who aided Cortéz in the colonization of Mexico, translating for him, offering insider information, and giving him a son.

So la madre is not treated kindly by Mexican slang. Whether you feel squeamish about it or not, be prepared to hear at least one of the following Mexican slang phrases on a daily basis:

1. Qué madres: what the hell? As in, the sudden explosion of firecrackers on any random street corner, the drunken antics of your friend after too much mezcal , the thing floating in your soup.

2. Que poca madre tienes: literally, how little mother you have, this Mexican slang phrases when directed at you means that you’re so rude and act so badly that it’s like you had no mother to raise you.

3. Es poca-madre: The hyphen and the use of the verb “ser” makes all the difference — it translates as “amazing.” So if Mexico kills in soccer with a 5-0 victory, it’s definitely poca-madre.

4. Hasta la madre utterly sick of something. Your boyfriend’s behavior could drive you to feeling hasta la madre, and so could consistent rain every afternoon or the incessant barking of the dog next door. You’re at the end of your rope, the breaking point. To translate the phrase directly, you’re almost “to the point of motherhood.”

5. Padre: Means “cool.” Plain and simple. So if you score great concert tickets for you and your friends, it’s padre.

Mexican slang word #3: Huevos

There’s a whole linguistic universe surrounding huevos here, so let’s just stick to the most commonly used.

1. Qué huevón/huevona: “What a lazy egg.”

2. Qué hueva: It translates literally as “what egginess.” Eggs here have the same association with laziness with an additional component of boredom. For example, you could toss out a “que hueva” at the suggestion of watching soccer on TV.

A version of this article was previously published on August 18, 2009, and was updated on February 14, 2022.

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Being Latina and the struggle of the dualities of two worlds

Reflections on why our identities can help create a better world for all of us.

A few days ago, I attended a Zoom presentation organized by ASUN entitled “What does it mean to be Latinx?” Every time I witness the complexity of identities in the Latinx community in the United States, I am amazed. Amazed that we are always perceived as a homogenous group, when in reality, we couldn’t come from more different backgrounds, and we couldn’t have more different and complex identities. Also, the challenges we face are as different as each of our stories. So, in the spirit of Hispanic Heritage Month, please indulge me in letting me tell you my story.

There is a well-known character in Mexican history that invokes both love and condemnation from most Mexicans. Her name was Malintzin but history knows her as La Malinche . Her story is similar to that of U.S.A.’s Pocahontas ; the beautiful indigenous woman who abandons her tribe to help the white man. (The legends omit how she became the property of such White men, but that’s another story). 

La Malinche was a Nahúatl woman who was given to Hernán Cortés as a slave. Due to her upperclass education, she spoke two languages, an ability that made her very useful to Hernán Cortés in communicating with the indigenous people as he went about conquering Mexico. On one hand, she was intelligent and, clearly, resilient. But on the other hand, she helped Cortés begin the Spanish colonization of the Nuevo Mundo. This duality is what gives her such a complex identity. And this duality is one that follows me.

When I was in high school, several of my classmates would sometimes call me Malinchista . As you can imagine, that was NOT a compliment. By definition, a Malinchista is “a person who denies her own cultural heritage by preferring foreign cultural expressions” (I’m not making it up; look it up).

In my early teens, I discovered American football. While switching channels on the television, I stumbled across a game being played in several feet of snow. I had never seen this! The game was being played in Minnesota. That year, the Dallas Cowboys won the Super Bowl, and I became a die-hard fan of Roger Staubach and “America’s Team.” This marked the initiation of my love for all things American. I learned about Formula 1, Sports Illustrated and Tiger Beat. Yes, Tiger Beat introduced me to the American darlings of my generation. My bedroom walls were covered with pictures of American teen idols I had never seen before in my life (in the 1970s, Mexican TV programming didn’t broadcast many American TV shows; I only remember Dallas and The Partridge Family , which of course, I loved).

I also loved English-language songs. I used to spend my money buying cancioneros , books similar in format and quality to comic books, for people who were learning to play the guitar. The cancioneros had the lyrics of the songs along with the music notes. I literally used these cancioneros to practice my English. I would translate each word of the songs, and then I would play the records over and over until I memorized the lyrics and could actually follow the singer pronouncing the words. Do you know how hard it is to sing at full speed: “Now they know how many holes it takes to fill the Albert Hall?”

By the time I was in college, I had already spent time in the city of Dallas (and yes, I made the pilgrimage to Irving, Texas and the Cowboys’ stadium) – and perfected my English. I started studying English when I entered first grade. By middle school, my parents were paying a private tutor. In Mexico, English was accepted as the lingua franca needed to succeed in the world, and my parents were going to make sure I learned it. (My dad had taught himself English, and he shared my enthusiasm for English language magazines, although not for the Dallas Cowboys.) Learning a second language allowed me to learn about, navigate and integrate into a different culture. And, unlike La Malinche , I did this of my own volition.

When I made the decision to come to the United States to study, my father told me, “If you ever decide this is not for you or things don’t work out, come back home.” But I was not turning back. In my mind, America was the best place in the whole world (my small world, at least). I had spent a semester in an exchange program at the University of Oklahoma, and I knew back then I belonged in the United States. One of the things that caught my attention early on was the fact that people could wear their pajamas to class (I know you’ve seen it), and nobody blinked an eye. One could wear her hair in blue spikes or wear slippers to the grocery store, and no one would say a thing. To me, that was amazing! People didn’t bother you, judge you or care what you wore. I felt America was the place where not only public services worked, but where you could be yourself and you could be free to be whomever you wanted to be. There was a sense of freedom that was refreshing.

However, for a long time I felt like I didn’t belong here, and I didn’t belong in Mexico, either. Navigating two worlds was not precisely difficult  but sometimes unsettling . You spend your time “live switching” from English to Spanish to Spanglish and back again. You mix Cholula with Five Guys hamburgers. You watch American soccer but listen to the Mexican commentators (otherwise it’s like listening to golf announcers). And you truly think Mexican soccer fans are like the old Oakland Raiders fans, only worse. Women in Mexico are as rabid fans as many men, but, at least back in my day (I feel ancient now), you didn’t see many women go to the stadiums. As a woman, I never felt safe. I only went to a match if my male friends went with me. This is one of the most striking differences between the U.S. and Mexico: American soccer fans are so mild-mannered in comparison!

Another striking difference I noticed when I first came to the U.S. was that I was not getting cat calls out when I was out walking in the streets. In Mexico, everywhere I went (since I was a preteen, for goodness’ sake), I would be subjected to cat calls and whistles – and the harassment only got worse the older I got. My experience as a woman was of always being on high alert. But when I came to the U.S., I felt respected. I could exist without being harassed continually. Women here seemed to have a voice and the same opportunities as men to grow and pursue their dreams. I felt free to pursue a career and to not be expected to only dream of marrying and having children. Although, over the years, I’ve come to realize there still is much room for improvement.

Back in the 1500s La Malinche did what she could to survive (did I say historians think she died before she was 30?). History asked her to do a task she didn’t want, and she did her best. I am sure she considered her options and bought time, respect and the right to live in the best way she could. She used her skills to earn a place in history, and although her role continues to be debated, I cannot blame her. Did I turn my back on my country? Or did I look for a better life? My circle of Latina friends in the U.S. is full of intelligent, professional women who left their countries and built a better life ­– a different life – here in the United States. They all miss their families, and they all support their biological families in many ways. What they can do from here, however, is more than they could have done had they stayed in their countries of origin.

Being Latina in America is both an honor and a challenge. We struggle with the dualities of our worlds. We struggle with the adjectives that define us. We are a complex mix of races, traditions and experiences. We care for our people, and we work tirelessly to do what must be done to help each other. The complexity of our identities can help us create a better world for all of us, a world where our differences are not viewed as a threat but as an asset. A world where we all thrive. ¡Sí, se puede!

By: Claudia Ortega-Lukas Graphic Designer & Communications Professional

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For Latinos, a Spanish word loaded with meaning

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When Boyle Heights shop owner Arturo Macias hears fellow Latinos use the Spanish word for “wetback,” he doesn’t necessarily take offense.

Macias, who crossed illegally into the U.S. through Tijuana two decades ago, has heard the term “ mojado ” for much of his life and sees it less as an insult than a description of a common immigrant experience.

“As a country of immigrants,” he says in Spanish, “in one way or another, we’re all mojados .”

Macias is very offended, however, when he hears a non-Latino say “wetback.” That distinction befuddles his 20-year-old daughter Karina.

“It definitely is a term to divide people,” she said. “You can’t use it as a term of endearment at all, whether it’s someone outside of your culture or not.”

An Alaska’s congressman’s reference to “wetbacks” during a radio interview last week stirred an uproar and he was forced to apologize. In Latino communities, the episode highlighted how cultural reactions to the word have changed through generations.

Everyone seems to agree that the English version of the term is highly offensive to Latinos when others use it. But when Latinos use mojado — which literally means “wet” but is also used to describe illegal immigrants in the United States — it’s different.

“My grandfather, for all practical purposes, was a mojado . They call each other mojados ,” veteran Latino activist Arnoldo Torres said. “It’s about understanding the complexity. Of seven, eight, nine, generations of Latinos that have lived in the United States.”

Torres was already dealing with the fallout of the word 30 years ago.

In 1983, Ernest Hollings, a South Carolina senator running for the Democratic presidential nomination, used the English term at a dinner during a campaign stop in Des Moines. Hollings apologized and met with a group of Latino leaders, including Torres, then the executive director of the League of United Latin American Citizens.

“We said, ‘Look, this is why it’s offensive.’ We weren’t looking for some astronomical apology,” Torres said. “Our hope was very simple. If we’re able to educate him, maybe he can tell others.”

Each time the word resurfaces, it carries with it a long history and a nuanced reputation.

The English term, originally coined after Mexicans illegally entered the U.S. by swimming or wading across the Rio Grande, evolved to include a broader group of immigrants who entered into the country on foot or in cars. The Spanish translation espaldas mojadas , is typically shortened to just mojado or mojada , depending on the person’s gender.

In 1954, as the U.S. economy sputtered to find its footing after the Korean War, the government launched the now-infamous Operation Wetback, a deportation drive that sent Mexicans back to Mexico in droves and roused complaints of racial profiling and fractured families.

During that decade, the term was still splashed across the pages of the country’s major newspapers.

In 1952, the New York Times ran a story under the headline: “Hero in Korean War Deported as Wetback; Served in Army 3 Years After Entering U.S.” Three years later, the Associated Press wrote a story about “the ‘wetback invasion’ across the Mexican border.” And Angelenos at the time read headlines like “Wetback, 16, Gets School Diploma in Jail” and “Roundup of Wetbacks in L.A. Still On,” in the Los Angeles Times.

Amin David, a Latino rights activist from Orange County, remembers when Latinos could joke with one another about the term — “One of the jokes that we used to say was that if we crossed the Rio Grande we wouldn’t even get our backs wet because there was no water,” he recalled.

“It moved from a humorous-type label to a very derogatory one,” David said, adding that he noticed the shift begin in the 1960s.

Gustavo Arellano, editor of the OC Weekly and author of the syndicated ¡Ask a Mexican! column, said the term started to drop off in the 1980s and ‘90s. As its usage waned, “illegal alien” gained footing.

“When you want to insult Mexicans, calling them a ‘wetback’ is so 1950s,” Arellano said. “It’s so dated.”

The Alaska congressman who sparked the most recent furor is Republican Don Young. He spoke of “50 to 60 wetbacks” who picked tomatoes at his father’s farm in California.

“I used a term that was commonly used during my days growing up on a farm in Central California,” he said in an apology Friday. “I know that this term is not used in the same way nowadays, and I meant no disrespect.”

For Raul Ruiz, a professor of Chicano Studies at Cal State Northridge, Young’s apology was a bit off. He conceded that the term used to be more common, but doesn’t think it used to be any less offensive.

Ruiz, 70, admits some Latinos use mojados freely. But he says it has a different meaning coming from an Anglo.

“I’m not trying to excuse it, but the word mojado isn’t totally a pejorative in the way Mexicans use it in referring to themselves,” Ruiz said. “It really isn’t as mean-spirited at all.”

Back at Macias’ clothing shop in Boyle Heights, his family continued to discuss the term.

For Karina Macias, a UC Berkeley student who spent a recent afternoon during her spring break helping her parents run the shop, Young’s words are surprising given the growing political clout of Latinos.

“As the Latino population increases, the Latino impact on society increases,” she said. “If there’s a Latino in office, you can’t put ‘wetback’ in the headlines.”

She turned to her mother, who was leaning on the counter near the cash register, and asked her, in Spanish, what she thought about the word “ mojado .”

The raven-haired woman with a sweet smile put her hand on her chest and raised her eyebrows. “Wow,” she said, shocked to hear her daughter use the term. “I think it’s offensive, it has always been offensive.”

Arturo simply smiled and shrugged.

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Mexican Nationalism

Introduction, official histories.

• Eugenic Nationalism
• The Ensayista Tradition
• Critiques of the Ensayista Tradition
• Mexican Nationalism in International Contexts
• Government-Sponsored Mass Media and Popular Culture
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• Popular Nationalisms

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Mexican Nationalism by Anne Rubenstein , Kevin Chrisman LAST MODIFIED: 27 February 2019 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199766581-0208

Mexican nationalist thought, as articulated by Mexico’s most powerful politicians, scholars, and writers, was never intended to describe the nation as it was or as it is. Instead, it has always expressed aspirations: it has contained multiple and often-conflicting visions of the nation as it could be, should be, or might have been. Such nationalist thinking has followed two broad tracks. One is historical. It argues that the Mexican national character— lo mexicano, mexicanidad , the essence of what it is to be Mexican—was formed through the experience of a national history that was a series of painful and unfair losses overcome by heroism and persistence. This historical narrative begins with the conquest, culminates in the loss of almost half the national territory to the United States in 1848, and is brought to a happy conclusion by the Mexican Revolution. The other track that Mexican nationalist thought has followed has to do with race. Intellectuals and politicians have changed their conceptions of the relationship between Mexico’s indigenous people and other Mexicans over the years, with the most radical shift taking place in the transition from the Porfiriato to the Revolutionary government. But across the modern era in Mexico, the presence of indigenous people, the influence of indigenous cultures, and the memory of indigenous civilizations have shaped how Mexicans understand themselves and their nation. Both of these narratives have changed over time, being rewritten and reconstructed to serve the needs of a national state that was almost constantly in the process of remaking itself from independence through the first half of the 20th century. Both of these nationalist narratives, moreover, have been subject to intense scrutiny from revisionist historians, feminists, indigenous people, and other critics since at least the mid-1960s. Neither of these nationalist narratives has ever been fully accepted by the majority of Mexicans: alternative narratives emerged from—among others—peasant and indigenous communities, urban underclasses, and Catholic groups, and these narratives gave strength and shape to multiple forms of political and cultural resistance. Nonetheless, these twin discourses of Mexican nationalism persist in Mexico because they are embedded in so many aspects of daily life: textbooks, public policies, classic films, monuments, maps, and cookbooks.

Few good, general scholarly overviews of Mexican nationalism from the Independence era to the 2010s are available in English, although Brading 1991 and Lomnitz 2001 (the latter cited under Countermythologies ) cover the colonial and early national periods and the post-Revolutionary era, respectively. For the most part, this section contains texts that present or analyze some part of the official history of Mexico, which is one of the two primary underpinnings of Mexican nationalism. This nationalist-historical narrative has been presented in textbooks and political debates, among other sites, and had been an important part of school curriculums from the beginning of public education in Mexico, as shown in Vaughan 1982 and Vaughan 1997 . This highly stylized story begins with the preconquest civilizations of Mesoamerica and normally concludes with the Revolutionary governments. A highly influential synthesis, Cosío Villegas 1976 , began to open the nationalist-historical narrative to some revisionist accounts and took the story through the upheavals of the late 1960s. More recently, textbooks and reference works have ventured as far as 2010, which makes the story even less smooth and seamless, as in Velásquez García, et al. 2010 . However, the more standard account—from the tragedy of the Conquest through the tragedy of the loss of the North, followed by a history centered on the deeds and characters of a small number of political leaders—reemerged in Krauze 1997 . The patriotic historical narrative taught in Mexican schools is also embedded in maps, as seen in Craib 2004 , and in national holidays, as shown in Beezley, et al. 1994 and Esposito 2010 . Sheppard 2016 suggests the uses of this narrative for opponents of the Mexican post-Revolutionary state as well as for its supporters. For the presence of Mexico’s official history in visual art, see the section on Art History . For the philosophical and social-scientific literature, which used this story to underpin essays on the national character, see the sections on the Ensayista Tradition and Critiques of the Ensayista Tradition .

Beezley, William, William E. French, and Cheryl Martin, eds. Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance: Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico . Wilmington, DE: SR Books, 1994.

The articles in this book begin with 16th-century religious festivals and conclude with village brass bands of the 1970s, connecting popular celebrations to the national mythology that grew up around them.

Brading, David. The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State, 1492–1867 . Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991.

Brading argues that Mexicans’ consciousness of themselves as creoles, defined in opposition to peninsulares (Spaniards), developed gradually across the colonial period and determined the form of the Mexican state post-independence.

Cosío Villegas, Daniel, ed. Historia general de México . Mexico City: Colegio de México, 1976.

Although it was never meant as a textbook, this and subsequent editions of the Historia general became the indispensable guide to Mexico’s past for anyone teaching Mexican history. Beginning with cautious departures from the official history, in its final editions (most recently the fourth edition, published in 1998) it had fully incorporated the revisionism offered by social historians.

Craib, Raymond B. Cartographic Mexico: A History of State Fixations and Fugitive Landscapes . Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004.

This cartographic history demonstrates that maps served as important symbols to unify the country around an identifiable picture. They also helped strengthen Mexico’s national identity domestically and internationally.

Esposito, Matthew D. Funerals, Festivals, and Cultural Politics in Porfirian Mexico . Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2010.

This book examines the importance of state-sponsored funerals and festivals during the Porfiriato , and their relation to the construction of historical narrative and national identity. Esposito argues that commemorations and rituals allowed the state to project its power and create a unified nationalism.

Krauze, Enrique. Mexico, Biography of Power: A History of Modern Mexico, 1810–1996 . Translated by Hank Heifitz. New York: HarperCollins, 1997.

Emulating earlier ambitious Mexican intellectuals, Krauze combines a standard account of Mexican history before 1880 with a historical narrative for the Porfiriato and beyond that is, essentially, a series of political biographies of the nation’s rulers. These biographical sketches include some discussion of Krauze’s own relationships with some Mexican presidents.

Sheppard, Randal. A Persistent Revolution: History, Nationalism, and Politics in Mexico since 1968 . Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2016.

Since 1968, both the state and popular movements have evoked historical myths of Mexico’s Revolutionary nationalism as ways to promote or justify their political causes.

Vaughan, Mary Kay. The State, Education, and Social Class in Mexico, 1880–1928 . DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1982.

The Mexican Revolution made education more accessible, Vaughan writes, while continuing the Porfirian practice of using schools to inculcate national pride and loyalty to the state.

Vaughan, Mary Kay. Cultural Politics in Revolution: Teachers, Peasants, and Schools in Mexico, 1930–1940 . Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997.

Post-Revolutionary-constructed state schools in rural Mexican communities provided sites for public dialogue that negotiated power between the local and the national. Rural communities used the schools as spaces to protect their local cultures, while the state used schools to craft a multiethnic populist nationalism based on ideas of development.

Velásquez García, Erik, Enrique Nalda, Pablo Escalante Gonzalbo, et al. Nueva historia general de México . Mexico City: Colegio de México, 2010.

This “New Brief History of Mexico” revises Cosío Villegas’s original Breve historia and was written by a team of distinguished historians (like the original). Expanded to sixteen chapters and 818 pages, it retains the structure of the original, organizing Mexican history around political change and—in the modern period—emphasizing the role of the United States. Unlike the original, it brings the story to the moment of its publication.

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The ways hispanics describe their identity vary across immigrant generations.

The terms Hispanics in the United States use to describe themselves can provide a direct look at how they view their identity and how the strength of immigrant ties influences the ways they see themselves. About half of Hispanic adults say they most often describe themselves by their family’s country of origin or heritage, using terms such as Mexican, Cuban, Puerto Rican or Salvadoran, while another 39% most often describe themselves as “Hispanic” or “Latino,” the pan-ethnic terms used most often to describe this group in the U.S.

Meanwhile, 14% say they most often call themselves American, according to a national Pew Research Center survey of Hispanic adults conducted in December 2019.

The use of these terms varies across immigrant generations and reflects their diverse experiences . More than half (56%) of foreign-born Latinos most often use the name of their origin country to describe themselves, a share that falls to 39% among the U.S.-born adult children of immigrant parents (i.e., the second generation) and 33% among third- or higher-generation Latinos.

For this analysis of what Hispanics think is important to their identity, we surveyed 3,030 U.S. Hispanic adults in December 2019 as part of Pew Research Center’s 2019 National Survey of Latinos. The sample includes 2,094 Hispanic adults who were members of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. It also includes an oversample of 936 respondents from Ipsos’ KnowledgePanel, another online survey panel also recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses.

Recruiting panelists by phone or mail ensures that nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. This gives us confidence that any sample can represent the whole population (see our Methods 101 explainer on random sampling), or in this case the whole U.S. Hispanic population.

To further ensure that this survey reflects a balanced cross-section of the nation’s Hispanic adults, the data is weighted to match the U.S. Hispanic adult population by gender, nativity, Hispanic origin group, education and other categories. Read more about the ATP’s methodology .

For the purposes of this report, references to foreign-born Hispanics include those born in Puerto Rico. Individuals born in Puerto Rico are U.S. citizens by birth. The survey was conducted in both English and Spanish.

Here are the questions used for this report, along with responses, and its methodology .

Meanwhile, the share who say they most often use the term “American” to describe themselves rises from 4% among immigrant Latinos to 22% among the second generation and 33% among third- or higher-generation Latinos. (Only 3% of Hispanic adults use the recent gender-neutral pan-ethnic term Latinx to describe themselves. In general, the more traditional terms Hispanic or Latino are preferred to Latinx to refer to the ethnic group.)

The U.S. Hispanic population reached 60.6 million in 2019. About one-third (36%) of Hispanics are immigrants, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of U.S. Census Bureau data. Another third of Hispanics are second generation (34%) – they are U.S. born with at least one immigrant parent. The remaining 30% of Hispanics belong to the third or higher generations, that is, they are U.S. born to U.S.-born parents.

The December 2019 survey also finds U.S. Hispanics are divided on how much of a common identity they share with other Americans, though views vary widely by immigrant generation. About half (53%) consider themselves to be a typical American, while 44% say they are very different from a typical American. By contrast, only 37% of immigrant Hispanics consider themselves a typical American. This share rises to 67% among second-generation Hispanics and to 79% among third-or-higher-generation Hispanics – views that partially reflect their birth in the U.S. and their experiences as lifelong residents of this country.

Speaking Spanish seen as a key part of Hispanic identity

What it means to be Hispanic can vary across the group. Hispanics most often say speaking Spanish is an essential part of what being Hispanic means to them, with 45% saying so. Other top elements considered to be part of Hispanic identity include having both parents of Hispanic ancestry (32%) and socializing with other Hispanics (29%). Meanwhile, about a quarter say having a Spanish last name (26%) or participating in or attending Hispanic cultural celebrations (24%) are an essential part of Hispanic identity. Lower shares say being Catholic (16%) is an essential part of Hispanic identity. (A declining share of U.S. Hispanic adults say they are Catholic .) Just 9% say wearing attire that represents their Hispanic origin is essential to Hispanic identity.

The importance of most of these elements to Hispanic identity decreases across generations. For example, 54% of foreign-born Hispanics say speaking Spanish is an essential part of what being Hispanic means to them, compared with 44% of second-generation Hispanics and 20% of third- or higher-generation Hispanics.

Most Latinos feel at least somewhat connected to a broader Hispanic community in the U.S.

For U.S. Latinos, the question of identity is complex due to the group’s diverse cultural traditions and countries of origin. Asked to choose between two statements, Latinos say their group has many different cultures rather than one common culture by more than three-to-one (77% vs. 21%). There are virtually no differences on this question by immigrant generation among Latinos.

Few Hispanics report a strong sense of connectedness with other Hispanics, with only 18% saying what happens to other Hispanics in the U.S. impacts them a lot and another 40% saying it impacts them some. Immigrant Hispanics (62%) are as likely as those in the second generation (60%) to express a sense of linked fate with other Hispanics. This share decreases to 44% among the third or higher generation.

Note: Here are the questions used for this report, along with responses, and its methodology .

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Majority of latinos say skin color impacts opportunity in america and shapes daily life, rising share of lawmakers – but few republicans – are using the term latinx on social media, about one-in-four u.s. hispanics have heard of latinx, but just 3% use it, most popular.

About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts .

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“what does being hispanic mean to you”.

Members of the Hispanic Business Student Association share personal thoughts on their heritage and how it informs who they are and how they lead.

October 01, 2020

The Hispanic Business Student Association is a community of students interested in the cultural and professional issues that affect the Latino community. | Illustrations by Laura Pichardo

“For me, being Hispanic means standing on our ancestors’ shoulders to transform spaces not created for us and witnessing my parents’ sacrifices in pursuit of a better life — all while indulging in Mariachi music,” says Valeria Martinez, MBA ’21.

Hispanic Heritage Month begins each year on September 15 — the anniversary of independence for Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. Mexico and Chile celebrate their independence days on September 16 and September 18. To mark this year’s celebration, members of Stanford GSB’s Hispanic Business Student Association answer the question, “What does being Hispanic mean to you?”

— Jenny Luna

For media inquiries, visit the Newsroom .

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Watch CBS News

What time the 2024 solar eclipse starts, reaches peak totality and ends today

By Sarah Maddox

Updated on: April 8, 2024 / 2:03 PM EDT / CBS News

The 2024 solar eclipse will be visible across North America today. As the moon's position between the Earth and sun casts a shadow on North America, that shadow, or umbra, will travel along the surface from west to east at more than 1,500 miles per hour along the path of totality . 

That means the eclipse will start, peak and end at different times — as will the moments of total darkness along the path of totality — and the best time to view the eclipse depends on where you are located. Some places along the path will have more totality time than others.

In Texas, the south-central region had clouds in the forecast , but it was better to the northeast, according to the National Weather Service. The best eclipse viewing weather was expected in New Hampshire, Vermont and Maine, as well as in Canada's New Brunswick and Newfoundland.

What time does the 2024 total solar eclipse start?

The total solar eclipse will emerge over the South Pacific Ocean before the shadow falls across North America, beginning in parts of Mexico. The path of totality , where onlookers can witness the moon fully blocking the sun (through eclipse viewing glasses for safety ), is expected to first make landfall near the city of Mazatlán around 9:51 a.m. MT. 

The total solar eclipse will cross over the U.S.-Mexico border into Texas, where it will emerge over Eagle Pass at 12:10 p.m. CT and then peak at about 1:27 p.m. CT.

In Dallas, NASA data shows the partial eclipse will first become visible at 12:23 p.m. CT and peak at 1:40 p.m. CT. The next states in the path of totality are Oklahoma and Arkansas, where the eclipse begins in Little Rock at 12:33 p.m. CT. 

Cleveland will see the beginning of the eclipse at 1:59 p.m. ET. Darkness will start spreading over the sky in Buffalo, New York, at 2:04 p.m. ET. Then, the eclipse will reach northwestern Vermont, including Burlington, at 2:14 p.m. ET. Parts of New Hampshire and Maine will also follow in the path of totality before the eclipse first reaches the Canadian mainland  at 3:13 p.m. ET.

Although the experience won't be exactly the same, viewers in all the contiguous U.S. states outside the path of totality will still be able to see a partial eclipse. Some places will see most of the sun blocked by the moon, including Washington, D.C., where the partial eclipse will start at 2:04 p.m. ET and peak at about 3:20 p.m. ET.

In Chicago, viewers can start viewing the partial eclipse at 12:51 p.m. CT, with the peak arriving at 2:07 p.m. CT.  In Detroit, viewers will be able to enjoy a near-total eclipse beginning at 1:58 p.m. ET and peaking at 3:14 p.m. ET.

New York City will also see a substantial partial eclipse, beginning at 2:10 p.m. ET and peaking around 3:25 p.m. ET.

In Boston it will begin at 2:16 p.m. ET and peak at about 3:29 p.m. ET.

The below table by NASA shows when the eclipse will start, peak and end in 13 cities along the eclipse's path.

What time will the solar eclipse reach peak totality?

Millions more people will have the chance to witness the total solar eclipse this year than during the last total solar eclipse , which was visible from the U.S. in 2017. 

The eclipse's peak will mean something different for cities within the path of totality and for those outside. Within the path of totality, darkness will fall for a few minutes. The longest will last more than 4 minutes, but most places will see between 3.5 and 4 minutes of totality. In cities experiencing a partial eclipse, a percentage of the sun will be obscured for more than two hours.

Mazatlán is set to experience totality at 11:07 am PT. Dallas will be able to see the moon fully cover the sun at 1:40 p.m. CT. Little Rock will start to see the full eclipse at 1:51 p.m. CT, Cleveland at 3:13 p.m. ET and Buffalo at 3:18 p.m. ET. Totality will reach Burlington at 3:26 p.m. ET before moving into the remaining states and reaching Canada around 4:25 p.m.

Outside the path of totality, 87.4% of the sun will be eclipsed in Washington, D.C. at 3:20 p.m. ET, and Chicago will have maximum coverage of 93.9% at 2:07 p.m. CT. New York City is much closer to the path of totality this year than it was in 2017; it will see 89.6% coverage at 3:25 p.m. EDT. 

Detroit is another city that will encounter a near-total eclipse, with 99.2% maximum coverage at 3:14 p.m. ET. Boston will see 92.4% coverage at 3:29 p.m. ET.

What time will the solar eclipse end?

The eclipse will leave continental North America from Newfoundland, Canada, at 5:16 p.m. NT, according to NASA.

At the beginning of the path of totality in Mazatlán, the eclipse will be over by 12:32 p.m. PT, and it will leave Dallas at 3:02 p.m. CT. The eclipse will end in Little Rock at 3:11 p.m. CT, Cleveland at 4:29 p.m. CDT and Buffalo at 4:32 p.m. ET. Burlington won't be far behind, with the eclipse concluding at 4:37 p.m. ET.

Meanwhile, the viewing will end in Chicago at 3:21 p.m. CT, Washington, D.C. at 4:32 p.m. ET, and New York City at 4:36 p.m. ET. 

In Detroit, the partial eclipse will disappear at 4:27 p.m. ET, and in Boston, it will be over at 4:39 p.m. ET.

How long will the eclipse last in total?

The total solar eclipse will begin in Mexico at 11:07 a.m. PT and leave continental North America at 5:16 p.m. NT. From the time the partial eclipse first appears on Earth to its final glimpses before disappearing thousands of miles away, the celestial show will dazzle viewers for about 5 hours, according to timeanddate.com . 

The length of the total solar eclipse at points along the path depends on the viewing location. The longest will be 4 minutes and 28 seconds, northwest of Torreón, Mexico. Near the center of the path, totality takes place for the longest periods of time, according to NASA.

Spectators will observe totality for much longer today than during the 2017 eclipse , when the longest stretch of totality was 2 minutes and 32 seconds.

The moon's shadow seen on Earth today, called the umbra, travels at more than 1,500 miles per hour, according to NASA. It would move even more quickly if the Earth rotated in the opposite direction.

What is the longest a solar eclipse has ever lasted?

The longest known totality was 7 minutes and 28 seconds in 743 B.C. However, NASA says this record will be broken in 2186 with a 7 minute, 29 second total solar eclipse. The next total solar eclipse visible from parts of the U.S. won't happen until Aug. 23, 2044.

Sarah Maddox has been with CBS News since 2019. She works as an associate producer for CBS News Live.

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When is the next total solar eclipse in the U.S. after today?

Is it safe to take pictures of the solar eclipse with your phone?

When was the last total solar eclipse in the U.S.? Revisiting 2017

They Called Them Greasers: Anglo Attitudes toward Mexicans in Texas, 1821-1900

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Mario T. Garcia; They Called Them Greasers: Anglo Attitudes toward Mexicans in Texas, 1821-1900. Hispanic American Historical Review 1 May 1984; 64 (2): 405–406. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00182168-64.2.405

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Students of Latin America need not go beyond the history of Texas to understand the biased views toward Latin Americans that many North Americans in the United States hold. Anglos, of course, first meaningfully encountered Latin Americans—in this case, Mexicans—in Texas during the early nineteenth century. A newly independent but weak Mexico gambled on protecting its territorial integrity by converting Anglo settlers in Texas into loyal Mexican citizens. The gamble failed. Ungrateful for their land grants and disdainful of Mexican rule, Anglos— the Texans—plotted secession and eventual annexation to the United States. Annexed in 1845 and integrated during the war against Mexico (1846-48), Texas became the first step in the spread of Yankee influence throughout Latin America by the following century. Ideological hegemony, stressing Anglo racial and cultural superiority, accompanied political and economic conquest in Texas.

Arnoldo De León’s study makes an important contribution to United States-Latin American intellectual history by documenting the birth and growth of racial thought toward Mexicans in Texas during the nineteenth century. He revises earlier works by Texas historians such as Webb and Barker, who paid little attention to Mexican contributions and who, unfortunately, passed on traditional stereotypes of Mexicans. Researching the same documents used by traditional historians to create a story—the author would call it a myth—of brave and democratic Anglo pioneers, De León examines Anglo views and actions toward Mexicans and paints a less appealing picture of racist leaders and settlers.

Anglos, for example, discriminated against the Mexican mestizo appearance. They considered Mexicans to be “half-negro” and “half-Indian.” They called the Mexicans “greasers.” As one defined it: “A ‘greaser’ was a Mexican—originating in the filthy, greasy appearance of the natives” (p. 16). Anglos further viewed Mexicans as indolent, nonprogressive and, on the whole, culturally inferior. In addition, Mexicans allegedly possessed loose moral values. Mexican women, it was believed, were sexually promiscuous. Anglos regarded Mexicans to be un-American. They could not be trusted to be loyal citizens. To protect themselves against Mexican “subversion,” Anglos practiced what De León ironically refers to as “frontier democracy.” They employed violence toward Mexicans, including murders, mutilations, and lynchings. In all, racist thought and practices became institutionalized and part of Texas culture. Hence, the continued discrimination and second-class status still faced by many Mexican Americans today in Texas has deep roots.

De León’s scholarly and nonpolemical examination of race ideology in Texas history would have been better served, however, if more attention had been placed on the material base that fertilized that ideology. De León refers to the role of ideology in subordinating Mexicans as cheap labor, but does not explore this relationship in any detail. Consequently, one might incorrectly infer that racial discrimination originated primarily in the particular psychology of Anglos, rather than being part of a new socioeconomic system introduced by them into Texas. De León argues, for example, that racial views were not static and changed in different periods. He notes that the “immorality” of Mexicans became deemphasized following the Civil War because of various social changes. Yet De León fails to discuss adequately what these changes meant in social and economic terms. An interpretation better balanced between socioeconomic influences and psychological ones would have been more revealing.

Moreover, De León’s revisionist concentration on Anglo views and practices unfortunately leaves Mexicans inarticulate. Yet, while bearing the brunt of Anglo racial thought, Mexicans also contributed to the intellectual tradition of Texas by counterposing their own views on race, culture, and americanization expressed in folklore, letters, and newspapers. A contrast here would have been refreshing.

Despite certain limitations in scope and brevity, this is an important book that should be read not only by students of Chicano and southwestern history, but by Latin Americanists as well. For if the “greaser” originated in Texas, Anglo-Americans have carried his image in their relations with other Latin Americans. In the biased views of many Anglos, the “greaser” exists from the Río Grande to the Río de la Plata.

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How does new solar eclipse map affect Arizona's view

O n Monday, the moon will briefly pass between the Earth and the sun creating a solar eclipse . For a couple of hours, Arizona residents will be able to watch a rare meteorological event that astronomers have been tracking for months.

People in parts of Mexico, Canada and the United States will get to see a total solar eclipse. However, due to the Earth's rotation and the relative positions of observers, the timing of the eclipse will differ significantly from one location to another. In Arizona, people will be able to witness a partial solar eclipse in the morning.

If you have been tracking the eclipse as well, you may have seen alternate paths of totality all over the internet. It can get confusing following so many different paths, but this new map will provide solar eclipse enthusiasts with a precise prediction of the path of totality.

Start the day smarter. Get all the news you need in your inbox each morning.

Here is everything you need to know about the newest map tracing the path of eclipse totality and how it will affect Arizona's ability to view it.

Who created this new eclipse map?

Besselian Elements is a blog dedicated to solar eclipses. They describe themselves as "a team of dedicated amateur astronomers, passionate about solar eclipses" on their website.

John Irwin, a member of the Besselian Elements team, is the primary creator of a new map tracking the path of totality. This map has been cited in articles by numerous news outlets including Forbes .

What makes this map different?

Irwin created this map while taking into account "adjustments that account for the topographic elevation, both around the limb of the Moon and on the surface of the Earth." This causes the map to provide a narrower path of the eclipse over the United States.

What does this mean for Arizonans?

Because this map provides a narrower path of the eclipse, it really affects the towns and cities that are on the trail's border. Arizona is thousands of miles away from the path of totality so residents here will not have to worry about this new map changing their plans.

Where are the best places in Arizona to watch the eclipse?

According to this new map, the path of totality will continue to miss the entire state, but this does not mean you will miss the meteorological phenomenon entirely.

Use this map, based on your ZIP code, to find the best places to watch the eclipse .

Republic reporter Tiffany Acosta contributed to this report.

Support local journalism and subscribe to  azcentral.com .

This article originally appeared on Arizona Republic: How does new solar eclipse map affect Arizona's view

20 Mexican Slang Terms That Are Funny as Hell

Published on 4/8/2022 at 12:00 PM

Mexicans are known for our food, music, incredible beaches, rich traditions, and beautiful history. But when it comes to our culture, one of the things I love the most is our colorful colloquialisms. It doesn't take much time around Mexican-Americans to notice that there is a whole different set of terminology on top of the already beautiful and rich traditions that make up Mexican cultura . Like most Latin American countries, a lot of our terms and slang come from observing nature and Indigenous languages. And similar to Dominican and Puerto Rican slang , Mexicans love to play on words.

We say things like "buena onda," which means "good deep" but also describes someone easygoing and cool. We say things are "gacho" when they're bad and "chafa" when something is of bad quality. Not to mention, there are way too many terms that have to do with farts and sex organs. Here are 20 Mexican slang words that you may have heard and should definitely know.

Mexican Slang Word: Mames

What it means: "Mamar" means "to suck." "No mames" is generally a response, like "stop messing around," "stop messing with me," and "quit bullsh*tting."

In a sentence: "My friend told me she's dating J Lo. I told her, '¡No mames!'"

Mexican Slang Word: Pedo

What it means: Pedo translates to "what fart." It's a way of saying "no way," "what's up?" or "what's the problem?" You can also jazz it up by saying "puro pedo," or "pure farts." It means "you're full of sh*t" or "you're lying."

In a sentence: "Why are you giving me attitude? Que pedo?"

Mexican Slang Word: Cabron

What it means: Technically a cabron is a male goat. It can also mean "assh*le" and "dumb*ss." But when Mexicans say that a situation is a male goat, they typically mean that it's difficult or "that sucks."

In a sentence: "Comadre my sister is getting evicted."

"No pos wow, esta cabron."

Mexican Slang Word: Ahuevo

What it means: "Huevo" means "egg" or "testicle" depending on the context. You're basically saying "egg/balls" as a way of saying "hell yeah," "of course," or "for sure." It can also be used as a way of expressing you're being forced to do something.

In a sentence: "The medicine was gross but I had to take it. ¡Ahuevo!"

Mexican Slang Word: Órale

What It means: "Órale" is a way of expressing many emotions. It can be celebratory. It can indicate surprise or discomfort. It can be used as encouragement or as in "hurry up." It can also be used to agree with someone.

In a sentence: "¡Órale mija! I've been waiting for 15 minutes."

Mexican Slang Word: Pendejo/a

What it means: Stupid person.

In a sentence: "¡Eso es lo que te pasa por pendeja!"

Mexican Slang Word: Güey

What it means: "Güey" literally means "ox" or "slow and stupid." But it's basically Mexico's version of "dude."

In a sentence: "Ese güey me cae gordo."

Mexican Slang Word: Morra/o

What It means: "Morro/a" can mean "buddy" or "dude," or it may refer to a small child.

In a sentence: "Me gusta la camisa que trae esa morra."

Mexican Slang Word: Cruda/o

What it means: "Crudo/a" means "raw." It also means "hungover."

In a sentence: "I only had three drinks last night. ¡Me siento bien cruda!"

Mexican Slang Word: Aguas

What it means: It literally translates to "waters" but is often used to mean "watch out" or "be careful."

In a sentence: "¡Aguas! Don't fall down."

Mexican Slang Word: Chiflado/a

What it means: "Chiflar" means "to whistle." A chiflado is someone who is always calling attention to themselves by showing off, bragging, or being conceited.

In a sentence: "No quiero salir con Rudy, es bien chiflado el güey."

Mexican Slang Word: Fresa

What it means: Strawberry, but also a rich, spoiled girl/child.

In a sentence: "¿Qué quiere la niña fresa?"

Mexican Slang Word: Neta

What it means: "Seriously," "real talk," or "the truth is."

In a sentence: "La neta, I don't like exercising. Let's go eat!"

Mexican Slang Word: Padre

What it means: It means father but also means cool.

In a sentence: "Gas esta carsimo, que padre que vivo cerca del centro commercial."

Mexican Slang Word: Chorro

What it means: "Chorro" refers to a jet of water. It can mean "a lot," "a ton," or "a bunch."

In a sentence: "Ese morro me gusta un chorro."

Mexican Slang Word: Pinche

What it means: It can mean "damned," "sh*tty," or "f*cking."

In a sentence: "¡No encuentro mis pinches llaves!"

Mexican Slang Word: Chula/o

What it means: Cute, pretty, or attractive.

In a sentence: "Te ves bien chula."

Mexican Slang Word: Chamba

What it means: Job or work.

In a sentence: "Ya me voy a poner a chambear."

Mexican Slang Word: Gacho

What it means: "Gacho" can mean "awful," "bad," "ugly," or "mean," depending on the context.

In a sentence: "¡No seas gacho!"

Mexican Slang Word: Me Vale Verga

What it means: "Verga" refers to the male genitalia. "Me vale" means "it's worth to me." "It's worth d*ck" is a way of saying "I don't care" or "I don't give a damn."

In a sentence: "Me vale verga si no quieres salir. ¡Nos llama la calle!"

Your last-minute guide to Monday's total solar eclipse

A total solar eclipse will cross North America on Monday , offering millions a rare opportunity to see afternoon skies temporarily darken as the moon blocks the face of the sun.

Tune into NBC News NOW as Lester Holt hosts a two-hour special at 2 p.m. ET Monday from Indianapolis Motor Speedway.

The eclipse's path fortuitously cuts across Mexico, 15 U.S. states and a small part of eastern Canada. In all other states in the continental U.S., viewers will be treated to a partial solar eclipse, with the moon appearing to take a bite out of the sun and obscuring part of its light.

Here’s everything you need to know about the rare celestial event.

What is a solar eclipse?

Solar eclipses occur when the sun, moon and Earth align. The moon passes between Earth and sun, temporarily blocking the sun’s light and casting a shadow on Earth.

A total solar eclipse is when the moon fully obscures the sun, whereas a partial solar eclipse means it blocks just a portion of the sun’s face.

Solar eclipses occur only with the new moon. Because the moon’s orbit around Earth is tilted, the three bodies don’t always line up in a way that creates an eclipse.

“Imagine if the moon’s orbit were in the plane of Earth’s orbit around the sun — if that were the case, then every new moon, you’d have a total solar eclipse and every full moon, you’d have a lunar eclipse,” Neil DeGrasse Tyson, director of the Hayden Planetarium at the American Museum of Natural History, told NBC News. “So, because things don’t always align, it lends to the rarity of the event and the specialness of the event.”

Where and when will the eclipse be visible?

This year’s eclipse will follow a slightly wider path over more populated areas of the continental U.S. than other total solar eclipses have in the recent past.

NASA estimates that 31.6 million people live within what’s known as the path of totality, where the total solar eclipse will be visible. An additional 150 million people live within 200 miles of the path, according to the agency.

The path travels through Texas, Oklahoma, Arkansas, Missouri, Illinois, Kentucky, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, Vermont, New Hampshire and Maine. Tiny parts of Michigan and Tennessee will also be able to witness totality if conditions are clear.

After the eclipse crosses into Canada, it will pass over southern Ontario, Quebec, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island and Cape Breton, at the eastern end of Nova Scotia.

Those outside the path of totality can still take part in the astronomical event by viewing a partial solar eclipse — visible throughout all 48 states of the contiguous U.S. — or a NASA livestream.

The timing, including how long totality lasts, depends on the location, but some spots will see the moon fully cover the sun for up to 4 minutes and 28 seconds.

Below is a list of timings for some cities along the path of totality, as  provided by NASA . A number of other resources, including NationalEclipse.com  and  TimeandDate.com , can also help people plan.

• Dallas: Partial eclipse begins at 12:23 p.m. CT and totality at 1:40 p.m.
• Little Rock, Arkansas: Partial eclipse begins at 12:33 p.m. CT and totality at 1:51 p.m.
• Cleveland: Partial eclipse begins at 1:59 p.m. ET and totality at 3:13 p.m.
• Buffalo, New York: Partial eclipse begins at 2:04 p.m. ET and totality at 3:18 p.m.
• Lancaster, New Hampshire: Partial eclipse begins at 2:16 p.m. ET and totality at 3:27 p.m.

How to safely view a solar eclipse

It is never safe to gaze directly at the sun, even when it is partly or mostly covered by the moon. Special eclipse glasses or  pinhole projectors  are required to safely view solar eclipses and prevent eye damage. Failing to take the proper precautions can result in severe eye injury,  according to NASA .

Eclipse glasses are thousands of times darker than normal sunglasses and specially made to enable wearers to look at the sun during these kinds of celestial events.

Sky-watchers should also never view any part of the sun through binoculars, telescopes or camera lenses unless they have specific solar filters attached. Eclipse glasses should not be used with these devices, as they will not provide adequate protection.

However, during the few minutes of totality, when the moon is fully blocking the sun, it is safe to look with the naked eye.

Beware of fake eclipse glasses. On legitimate pairs, the lenses should have a silver appearance on the front and be black on the inside. The manufacturer’s name and address should be clearly labeled, and they should not be torn or punctured. Check, as well, for the ISO logo and the code “IS 12312-2” printed on the inside.

If you don’t have eclipse glasses, you can make a homemade pinhole projector, which lets sunlight in through a small hole, focuses it and projects it onto a piece of paper, wall or other surface to create an image of the sun that is safe to look at. 

All you need is two pieces of white cardboard or plain white paper, aluminum foil and a pin or thumbtack. Cut a 1- to 2-inch square or rectangle out of the center of a piece of white paper or cardboard. Tape aluminum foil over that cut-out shape, then use a pin or thumbtack to poke a tiny hole in the foil.

During the eclipse, place a second piece of white paper or cardboard on the ground as a screen and hold the projector with the foil facing up and your back to the sun. Adjusting how far you hold the projector from the second piece of paper will alter the size of the image on the makeshift screen.

What to look for while viewing the total solar eclipse

For people along the path of totality, there are some fun milestones to keep track of as the total solar eclipse unfolds.

As the eclipse progresses and the sun gets thinner in the sky, it will start to get eerily dark, according to Tyson.

When the last beams of sunlight are about to become obscured, look out for the “diamond ring effect”: The sun’s atmosphere will appear as an illuminated halo, and the last light still visible will look like the diamond of a giant ring.

As the sunlight decreases even further, an effect known as Baily’s beads will be created by the moon’s rugged terrain. Tiny “beads” of light will be visible for only a few seconds around the dark moon, as the last bits of sunlight peer through the moon’s mountains and valleys.

When the moon is fully blocking the sun, it is safe to remove eclipse glasses and look at the total solar eclipse with the naked eye.

Some lucky sky-watchers may even catch a glimpse of a comet .

Comet 12P/Pons-Brooks — nicknamed the “ devil comet ” because an eruption last year left it with two distinct trails of gas and ice in the shape of devil horns — is currently visible from the Northern Hemisphere as it swings through the inner solar system.

The comet can be seen in the early evenings by gazing toward the west-northwest horizon. During the eclipse, when skies darken during totality, it may be possible to see the comet near Jupiter, but its visibility will depend on whether it’s in the middle of an outburst and thus brighter than normal.

Most likely, all eyes will be on the alignment of the moon and sun.

“Most people won’t even notice,” Tyson said. “But if you know to look, it’s there.”

When is the next solar eclipse?

The next total solar eclipse will be in 2026, but it will mostly pass over the Arctic Ocean, with some visibility in Greenland, Iceland, Portugal and northern Spain. In 2027, a total solar eclipse will be visible in Spain and a swath of northern Africa.

The next total solar eclipse visible from North America will be in 2033, but only over Alaska. Then in 2044, a total solar eclipse will cross Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, parts of Canada and Greenland.

The next total solar eclipse to cross the continental U.S. coast-to-coast in will occur in 2045. The path of totality for that eclipse will cut through California, Nevada, Utah, Colorado, New Mexico, Oklahoma, Kansas, Texas, Arkansas, Missouri, Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia and Florida.

Denise Chow is a reporter for NBC News Science focused on general science and climate change.

Lucas Thompson is a content producer for the NBC News Climate Unit.

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What are the US-Mexico border camps and why are children held there?

A judge ruled on Wednesday that children at the border should be ‘expeditiously’ provided safe housing – here’s what to know

Children languishing in open-air camps along the US-Mexico border should be “expeditiously” provided with safe and sanitary housing, a federal district court judge ruled on Wednesday night.

Advocates have been raising the alarm for months that migrants, including unaccompanied children, are suffering from hunger, dehydration, untreated injuries and illness in outdoor holding areas on the California-Mexico border that lack shelter, food and sanitation. People have reported having to wait hours or days at these camps before they can be seen at immigration processing centres.

The legal challenge on behalf of children focused on two camps in San Diego, California – but the judge’s order could have far-reaching implications in an increasingly dire health crisis at the border.

What are these camps and why were they established?

Asylum seekers who enter the US outside official ports of entry are expected to present themselves to border patrol agents before they can be processed at immigration centres, where they are given medical screenings and background checks before beginning the legal process to claim asylum.

Because processing centres have been overwhelmed, agents have been sending people – including unaccompanied children – to wait at makeshift camps consisting of tents and improvised lean-tos made of tarp, rocks and scavenged wood. Several such camps have arisen along the border between California and Mexico, including one in between two border fences in San Diego and another in a remote mountainous region east of San Diego.

In San Diego’s high desert, where overnight temperatures dropped to below 30F, people had few ways to keep warm or shelter from harsh winds. Advocacy groups said children have taken shelter inside portable toilets, and burn garbage to stay warm.

Volunteers and aid workers, who are permitted at the sites at the discretion of border patrol agents, report treating children with open wounds and bone fractures, diarrhoea and vomiting, fevers and seizures. Emergency medical providers told the Guardian they have also witnessed elderly and pregnant people suffering from pains and medical complications.

Hunger and dehydration have also been major issues. Lawyers said the children at these camps had been given just one granola bar a day for sustenance.

How do families and children end up at these camps?

The US has also seen an increase in young families as well as unaccompanied children who make long, dangerous journeys to seek asylum at the border. Many are fleeing oppression, violence, poverty or climate disasters.

Normally, children travelling alone must be turned over to the US health and human services department within 72 hours, housed and cared for until they can be placed with a family member or sponsor in the US, or until they reach legal age. But at the border in California, some children have had to wait at camps for hours, or even days, until their cases are processed.

The government has argued that children who have not yet been processed at immigration centres are not under US custody, and therefore it had no obligation to provide them with care. In the court case, which focused specifically on the children, Judge Dolly M Gee of the US district court of central California disputed such assertions, writing: “Juveniles, unlike adults, are always in some form of custody.”

Many of the children had been directed to the sites by border patrol agents. Migrants told NPR that agents instructed them to stay at the camps, and advised that anyone who left would be deported.

What does the ruling mean for children in migrant border camps?

In a ruling on Wednesday , Gee largely sided with advocates representing migrant children in a class-action lawsuit.

Gee ruled that the children at the border camps in California were in fact in legal custody of the Department of Homeland Security and were entitled to certain rights and protections. She ordered the agency to quickly process the children’s immigration claims and place them in “safe and sanitary” facilities.

The ruling will probably push US Customs and Border Protection to dedicate more resources to processing centres that have been overwhelmed by an influx of people.

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