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Americans’ views on presidential power shift if their party wins: Survey

A mericans’ views on presidential power shift if their party holds the White House, a stance present on both sides of the aisle, a survey released Friday found.  

About 2 in 10 Americans surveyed in The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Opinion Research poll said it would be “a good thing” if the next commander in chief could alter policy without waiting on the judicial and legislative branches.

But 39 percent of Democratic respondents agreed with the stance if Biden is reelected in November, as did even more Republicans, 57 percent, if former President Trump is back in the Oval Office. 

Just 9 percent of respondents said the country’s checks and balances setup is working extremely well, pollsters noted.

A partisan split was also seen in views on whether an institution has too much power. 

Close to half of GOP respondents said the White House has exorbitant power, while only 16 percent of Democrats, whose party currently holds the Oval Office, agreed, according to the poll.

About 6 in 10 Democrats also said the nation’s highest court, which includes six conservative justices, has excessive power. By comparison, 25 percent of Republicans agreed.

And about 4 in 10 respondents overall said the legislative branch has too much power, with Democrats controlling the Senate while Republicans have the majority in the lower chamber. 

The poll was conducted March 21-25 with 1,282 adults. The margin of error was 3.8 points.

For the latest news, weather, sports, and streaming video, head to The Hill.

Americans think a president's power should be checked, AP-NORC poll finds — unless their side wins

A poll from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Opinion Research finds that while Americans say they respect the Constitution’s checks and balances and don’t want a president to have too much power, that view shifts if the candidate of their pa...

WASHINGTON -- Like many Americans, Richard Bidon says he'd like to see the U.S. government “go back to its original design” — a system of checks and balances developed nearly 240 years ago to prevent any branch, especially the presidency, from becoming too powerful.

But that's mainly when Republicans are in power.

Bidon, an 84-year-old Democrat who lives near Los Angeles, said if President Joe Biden is reelected, he doesn't want him to have to get the approval of a possibly Republican-controlled Congress to enact policies to slow climate change. He wants presidents to have the power to change policy unilaterally — as long as they're from the right party.

“When a Democrat's in, I support” a strong presidency, Bidon said. “When Republicans are in, I don't support it that much. It's sort of a wishy-washy thing."

A new poll from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Opinion Research finds that Bidon's view is common. Though Americans say don't want a president to have too much power, that view shifts if the candidate of their party wins the presidency. It’s a view held by members of both parties, though it's especially common among Republicans.

Overall, only about 2 in 10 Americans say it would be “a good thing” for the next president to be able to change policy without waiting on Congress or the courts. But nearly 6 in 10 Republicans say it would be good for a future President Donald Trump to take unilateral action, while about 4 in 10 Democrats say the same if Biden is reelected.

The sentiment comes amid escalating polarization and is a sign of the public's willingness to push the boundaries of the political framework that has kept the U.S. a stable democracy for more than two centuries. In the poll, only 9% of Americans say the nation's system of checks and balances is working extremely or very well. It also follows promises by Trump to “act as a dictator” on day one of a new administration to secure the border and expand oil and gas drilling.

Bob Connor, a former carpenter now on disability in Versailles, Missouri, wants that type of decisive action on the border. He's given up hope on Congress taking action.

“From what I've seen, the Republicans are trying to get some stuff done, the Democrats are trying to get some other stuff done — they're not mixing in the middle,” said Connor, 56. “We're not getting anywhere.”

He blames the influx of migrants on Biden unilaterally revoking some of Trump's own unilateral border security policies when he took office.

“I'm not a Trump fanatic, but what he's saying has to get done is right,” Connor said.

Joe Titus, a 69-year-old Democrat from Austin, Texas, believes Republicans have destroyed Congress' ability to act in its traditional legislative role and says Biden will have to step into the gap.

“There's this so-called ‘majority’ in Congress, and they're a bunch of whack-jobs,” Titus, a retired Air Force mechanic, said of the GOP-controlled House of Representatives. “It's not the way this thing was set up.”

The current Congress is setting dubious records as the least productive one in the country's history, with fewer than three dozen bills sent to Biden's desk last year. At Trump's urging, House Republicans have stalled aid to Ukraine and a bipartisan immigration bill.

Titus said that in general he opposes expanded presidential power but would support Biden funding more immigration judges and sending additional aid to Ukraine on his own.

“There's certain things that it seems to me the public wants and the other party is blocking,” Titus said.

The presidency has steadily gained power in recent years as congressional deadlocks have become more common. Increasingly, the nation's chief executive is moving to resolve issues through administrative policy or executive orders. The U.S. Supreme Court is poised to rule later this year on a case that could significantly weaken the ability of federal agencies — and thus a presidential administration — to issue regulations.

Meanwhile, conservatives are planning a takeover of the federal bureaucracy should they win the White House in November, a move that could increase the administration's ability to make sweeping policy changes on its own.

The AP-NORC poll found that voters' views of which institutions have too much power were colored by their own partisanship. Only 16% of Democrats, whose party currently controls the White House, say the presidency has too much power while nearly half of Republicans believe it does. In contrast, about 6 in 10 Democrats say the U.S. Supreme Court, with its 6-3 conservative majority, has too much power.

With Congress evenly divided between the two parties — the GOP has a narrow House majority, Democrats a narrow Senate one — Americans have similar views on its power regardless of party. About 4 in 10 from both major parties say it has too much power.

“I think Congress had too much power when the presidency and Congress were both ruled by Democrats, but now that Republicans are in the majority there's an equal balance,” said John V. Mohr, a 62-year-old housecleaner in Wilmington, North Carolina.

In contrast, he complained that Biden is “sitting there writing executive orders left and right,” including his proclamation marking Transgender Day of Visibility, which fell on Easter Sunday this year.

The abstract idea of a president with nearly unchecked power remains unpopular.

Steven Otney, a retired trucker in Rock Hill, South Carolina, said major policies should be approved by Congress and gain approval from the courts. But he also said it depends on the topic. He wants to see prompt action on certain issues by the next president if he's Trump.

“Some things need to be done immediately, like that border wall being finished,” said Otney, a Republican.

He said it's just common sense.

“If Trump got in there and said ‘I want to bomb Iran,’ no, that's crazy,” Otney said. “Within reason, not stupid stuff either way. Something to help the American people, not hurt us.”

The poll of 1,282 adults was conducted March 21-25, 2024, using a sample drawn from NORC’s probability-based AmeriSpeak Panel, which is designed to be representative of the U.S. population. The margin of sampling error for all respondents is plus or minus 3.8 percentage points.

Riccardi reported from Denver.

The Associated Press receives support from several private foundations to enhance its explanatory coverage of elections and democracy. See more about AP’s democracy initiative here. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

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Trump evokes more anger and fear from Democrats than Biden does from Republicans, AP-NORC poll shows

FILE - This combo image shows Republican presidential candidate former President Donald Trump, left, March 9, 2024 and President Joe Biden, right, Jan. 27, 2024. Many Americans are unenthusiastic about a November rematch of the 2020 presidential election. But presumptive GOP nominee Donald Trump appears to stoke more fear and anger among voters from his opposing party than President Joe Biden does from his. That’s according to a new poll from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research. (AP Photo, File)

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ATLANTA (AP) — Many Americans are unenthusiastic about a November rematch of the 2020 presidential election. But presumptive GOP nominee Donald Trump appears to stoke more anger and fear among Americans from his opposing party than President Joe Biden does from his.

A new poll from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research finds that Democrats are more likely to report feeling “fearful” or “angry” about the prospects of another Trump term than Republicans are about the idea of Biden remaining in the White House.

The emotional reaction Trump inspires may work in his favor too, though, since the poll also found that Republicans are more excited about the prospect of a Trump win than Democrats are about a Biden victory.

Seven in 10 Democrats say the words “angry” or “fearful” would describe their emotions “extremely well” or “very well” upon a Trump victory. A smaller majority of Republicans – 56% – say the same about a Biden triumph. About 6 in 10 Democrats cite both emotions when contemplating a Trump victory. Again, that exceeds the roughly 4 out of 10 Republicans who said they would feel both angry and scared about Biden prevailing.

The findings are notable in an unusual campaign pitting an incumbent president against his predecessor, with both men facing doubters within their own parties and among independents. Consolidating support from Republicans who backed Nikki Haley in the GOP primary could be a challenge for Trump . Biden faces disenchanted progressives to his left and concerns over whether his age, 81, is a liability in the job .

Excitement about the two candidates will be an important factor in a race where turnout from each side’s base will be key. But dislike can motivate voters as much as enthusiasm.

“If there was a third-party candidate who had a chance in hell I would vote for them,” said Austin Healey, a 26-year-old Democrat. Healey, who describes himself as “very liberal,” said his mixed reviews of Biden take a back seat to his concerns that Trump’s comeback bid “looks like a clear ploy for trying to abolish democracy.”

Though he is “not excited about it,” Healey said, that means a vote for Biden.

Derrick Johnson, a Michigan voter who identifies as a liberal independent, offered plenty of critiques against Biden, as well. But the 46-year-old caregiver and food service worker made his bottom line clear: “Donald Trump is a madman. I’m afraid he’ll have us in World War III. My message is anybody but Trump.”

Democrats’ intense feelings about Trump account for the overall differences in how Americans view the two rivals. Altogether, about 4 in 10 U.S. adults say “fearful” would describe their emotions “extremely” or “very” well if Trump is elected again, while roughly 3 in 10 would fear a second Biden term. About 4 in 10 U.S. adults said they would be angered by Trump winning in November while 28% said the same about Biden.

The poll’s findings on negative emotions could be especially important for Biden given his other weak spots, including that Republicans remain more excited about electing Trump again than Democrats are about reelecting Biden. Slightly more than half of Republicans, 54%, said “excited” describes their feelings about another Trump term “extremely well” or “very well.” For Biden, that number was just 4 in 10 among Democrats.

“We know what we’re getting with Trump,” said Republican John Novak, a 54-year-old maintenance worker who lives in swing-state Wisconsin and counted himself among those GOP loyalists who would be excited by another Trump term.

“I knew who he was when he came down that escalator in 2015, and we were never getting Boy Scout material,” Novak said. “But he put conservatives on the Supreme Court, he was firm on immigration ... and he’s a conservative who handled the economy.”

The latest AP-NORC poll showed Biden with an overall approval rating of 38%. U.S. adults also expressed discontent about his handling of the economy and immigration – and not all of the disapproval is driven by partisan loyalties. About 4 in 10 U.S. adults approve of Biden’s stewardship of the economy, roughly equal to his overall job approval rating.

On specific issues, about 3 in 10 Democrats disapprove of Biden’s handling of the economy; about 4 in 10 disapprove of his approach to immigration or border security.

“The situation at the border really bothers me,” said Johnson, the Michigan liberal. “The border crossings are just getting out of control.”

The president and his campaign advisers tout the Biden administration’s legislative record, especially on infrastructure, an improving economy and new spending intended to combat climate change. But the president and his allies are also unsparing in lambasting Trump as interested only in “revenge and retribution” for his defeat in 2020 and the pending criminal prosecutions and other legal troubles that have followed.

They have seized on Trump’s praise of authoritarians like Russia’s Vladimir Putin and Hungary’s Victor Orban and recirculated the former president’s statement that he would be willing to act like a dictator for a day to close the border and expand drilling for fossil fuel.

Trump has countered with searing attacks on Biden’s mental acuity and physical fitness for the presidency and even mocked Biden’s stutter . But the latest poll results suggest Trump has not yet maximized the potential benefits of those attacks — or perhaps that they simply have a lower yield for him.

Biden sometimes turns his version of the argument into a humorous quip he used often in 2020, when he was vying to unseat Trump: “Don’t compare me to the Almighty, compare me to the alternative.”

Indeed, that is what resonates with reluctant Democrats and some independents.

“I voted for Trump (in 2016) because I wanted somebody to shake up Washington,” said Neil Murray, a 67-year-old retiree in Jonesboro, Arkansas, who identifies as an independent. “He certainly did that, but he couldn’t do anything productive with it.”

Frustrated with Trump’s negative qualities that he overlooked in 2016, Murray voted for Biden in 2020 — but not enthusiastically. He called Biden “disingenuous on some things” and too close to his left flank on economic policy.

But in November, Murray said, he will have no reservations when casting a second vote for the Democrat, because, “Donald Trump is a screaming lunatic.”

Sanders reported from Washington.

The poll of 1,282 adults was conducted March 21-25, 2024, using a sample drawn from NORC’s probability-based AmeriSpeak Panel, which is designed to be representative of the U.S. population. The margin of sampling error for all respondents is plus or minus 3.8 percentage points.

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Regions & Countries

Methodology.

The data in this report comes from a self-administered web survey of K-12 public school teachers in the United States. It was conducted online in English from Oct. 17 to Nov. 14, 2023. Out of 6,357 teachers who were sampled, 191 were screened out as no longer eligible. A total of 2,531 completed the survey, for a completion rate of 41.0%. The margin of sampling error for the full sample of 2,531 teachers is plus or minus 2.4 percentage points. The survey was administered by RAND on its American Teacher Panel, a nationally representative panel of public K-12 teachers.

The American Teacher Panel is recruited through probability-based methods from a commercially available list of U.S. public school teachers. The sampling frame for recruiting teachers to the panel was acquired from MDR Education. It is intended to be as comprehensive as possible, yet likely underrepresents new teachers, or experienced teachers new to a school or district. The American Teacher Panel began in 2014 and currently includes more than 25,000 teachers. Teachers recruited to the American Teacher Panel have agreed to participate in online surveys several times per school year and receive incentives for completing surveys.

Teachers selected to join the American Teacher Panel are first sent an invitation packet via FedEx that includes a prepaid $10 gift card as an incentive. Reminder emails are sent to nonrespondents whose contact information includes an email address. The American Teacher Panel has an overall empanelment rate of 30%. Read additional details about the American Teacher Panel’s design and methodology .

Sample design

The target population for this survey was K-12 public school teachers in the United States. A total of 6,357 teachers were invited to participate in this survey. This includes an initial sample of 5,000 teachers and a supplementary sample of 1,361 teachers that was later drawn to achieve the targeted sample size of 2,500 completed interviews. Because teachers are invited to join the American Teacher Panel at varying rates, each teacher’s probability of selection for this survey was inversely proportional to their estimated probability of membership in the American Teacher Panel. This is done so that each teacher has approximately equal probabilities of having both joined the American Teacher Panel and been selected for this survey.

Data collection protocol

The field period for this survey was Oct. 17-Nov. 14, 2023. After an initial invitation email, nonresponding teachers in the initial sample received up to three reminder emails. Nonrespondents in the supplemental sample received up to two reminder emails.

The data was weighted in a multistep process that accounts for multiple stages of sampling and nonresponse that occur at different points in the survey process. Every American Teacher Panel member begins with a design weight that accounts for their initial probability of selection for their recruitment survey. That weight is further calibrated so that the composition of the entire panel aligns with that of the national population of public school teachers based on data from the National Center for Education Statistics on a combination of school and teacher characteristics.

Weighting parameters for the following school-level characteristics are based on the 2021-2022 Common Core of Data (CCD):

• School level
• School percent free and reduced-price lunch
• School percent minority
• School size
• School locale

Weighting parameters for the following teacher-level characteristics are based on the 2020-2021 National Teacher and Principal Survey (NTPS):

• Teacher gender
• Teacher race
• Teacher experience

Among respondents, this weight is first adjusted to account for each teacher’s probability of selection for this wave. A second adjustment is then applied to account for each respondent’s probability of completing the survey after having been selected. This probability is estimated based on teacher and school characteristics using a model. In a third step, the nonresponse-adjusted weights are once again calibrated so that the composition of the sample aligns with that of the target population based on the weighting parameters listed above. Finally, the weights were trimmed at the 95th percentile to reduce the loss in precision stemming from variance in the weights.

The following table shows the unweighted sample sizes and the error attributable to sampling that would be expected at the 95% level of confidence for different groups in the survey.

Sample sizes and sampling errors for other subgroups are available upon request. In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into their findings.

School characteristics

The American Teacher Panel includes NCES school ID codes which allowed us to match the teachers surveyed to their school characteristics provided by NCES’s Common Core of Data. Data on the following school characteristics are based on those reported by the NCES: school level (elementary, middle or high), school size, location, poverty level (based on percentage students eligible for free and reduced-price lunch) and student demographics.

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Report Materials

Table of contents, ‘back to school’ means anytime from late july to after labor day, depending on where in the u.s. you live, among many u.s. children, reading for fun has become less common, federal data shows, most european students learn english in school, for u.s. teens today, summer means more schooling and less leisure time than in the past, about one-in-six u.s. teachers work second jobs – and not just in the summer, most popular.

About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts .