essay on insecurity and corruption in nigeria

Causes and Implications of Worsening Insecurity in Nigeria: Developing a Cure Through the Law

• First Online: 01 January 2023

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• Nicholas O. Agbo 5  

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Nigeria is presently enmeshed in a rising insecurity of unimaginable dimension. On April 26, 2021 Boko Haram killed 30 Nigerian soldiers in Sokoto. Several terror groups ranging from Boko Haram, Fulani herdsmen, bandits, jihadist, kidnappers, etc., now waste human life more easier than one can waste a mere animal. The entire Nigerian citizenry now literally sleep with two eyes open, emasculated by the fear of these terror groups and the pains and destruction they are capable of unleashing on innocent law-abiding citizens. In the wake of all these, the economy has receded deep into the wood as the national legal tender continues its astronomical downward plunge. This paper seeks to interrogate the sources, and implication of the rising state of insecurity in the nation with a view to finding possible solutions through law. The key recommendations of the paper will be an immediate return to true federalism, strict adherence to the rule of law, vigorous enforcement of the financial crimes laws as well as enacting more efficacious one such as the Unexplained Wealth Orders as a tool for reviving the dead war against corruption, immediate enactment of a law to establish State Police, codification of moral values and ethics and embarking upon moral rearmament of the citizenry, redressing of obvious past and present wrongs and placement of merit over mediocrity.

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Agbo, N.O. (2023). Causes and Implications of Worsening Insecurity in Nigeria: Developing a Cure Through the Law. In: Duruigbo, E., Chibueze, R., Gozie Ogbodo, S. (eds) International Law and Development in the Global South . Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13741-9_3

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Title: The Failure of Governance in Nigeria: An Epistocratic Challenge

The failure of governance in Nigeria manifests in the declining capacity of political leaders to recognize systemic risks such as election fraud, terrorist attacks, herder-farmer conflict, armed banditry, and police brutality and put in place the necessary measures to navigate these challenges. In contrast with the current system in which leadership is attained through bribery, intimidation, and violence, Nigeria needs an epistocratic system of governance that is founded on the pedigree of its political leaders and the education of its voters.

At the end of the Cold War, African civil society movements striving for more democratic governance began to challenge authoritarian regimes on the continent. Declining living conditions within African countries and the failure of authoritarian African leaders to deliver the promises of economic prosperity they made to encourage the acceptance of development aid fueled the push for change. International donors’ insistence on democratic reform as a precondition for aid gave impetus for Nigerian civil society to push for domestic accountability. Thus, domestic pressure for political pluralism and external pressure for representative governance have both played a role in the calls for democratic reform in Nigeria.  

But despite some successes, corruption and socioeconomic disparities within Nigerian democracy continue to run rampant. Since 1999, the democratic space has been dominated by political elites who consistently violate fundamental principles associated with a liberal democratic system, such as competitive elections, the rule of law, political freedom, and respect for human rights. The outcome of the 2019 presidential election further eroded public trust in the ability of the independent electoral commission to organize competitive elections unfettered by the authoritarian influences of the ruling class. This challenge is an indicator of the systemic failure in Nigeria’s governance system. A continuation of the current system will only accelerate the erosion of public trust and democratic institutions. In contrast with the current system in which votes are attained through empty promises, bribery, voter intimidation, and violence, Nigeria needs a governance system that will enhance the education of its voters and the capability of its leaders.

Statistically speaking, Nigeria has consistently ranked low in the World Governance Index in areas such as government effectiveness, political stability and the presence of violence and terrorism, rule of law, and control of corruption. Nigeria is perceived in the 2020 Transparency International Corruption Perception Index as a highly corrupt country with a score of 25/100 while its corruption ranking increased from 146 in 2019 to 149 in 2020 out of 180 countries surveyed. While President Muhammadu Buhari won the 2015 election on his promise to fight insecurity and corruption, his promises went unfulfilled; Boko Haram continues to unleash unspeakable violence on civilians while the fight against corruption is counterproductive.  

At the core of Nigeria’s systemic failure is the crisis of governance, which manifests in the declining capacity of the state to cope with a range of internal political and social upheavals. There is an expectation for political leaders to recognize systemic risks such as terrorist attacks, herder-farmer conflict, and police brutality and put in place the necessary infrastructure to gather relevant data for problem solving. But the insufficiency of political savvy required to navigate the challenges that Nigeria faces has unleashed unrest across the nation and exacerbated existing tensions. The #ENDSARS Protests against police brutality in 2020 is one of the manifestations of bad governance. 

The spiral of violence in northern Nigeria in which armed bandits engage in deadly planned attacks on communities, leading to widespread population displacement, has become another grave security challenge that has sharpened regional polarization. Because some public servants are usually unaware of the insecurities faced by ordinary Nigerians, they lack the frame of reference to make laws that address the priorities of citizens. The crisis of governance is accentuated by a democratic culture that accords less importance to the knowledge and competence that political leaders can bring to public office. These systemic challenges have bred an atmosphere of cynicism and mistrust between citizens and political leaders at all levels of government.  

Political elites in Nigeria also exploit poverty and illiteracy to mobilize voters with food items such as rice, seasoning, and money. The rice is usually packaged strategically with the image of political candidates and the parties they represent. The assumption is that people are more likely to vote for a politician who influences them with food than one who only brings messages of hope. The practice of using food to mobilize voters is commonly described as “ stomach infrastructure ” politics. The term “stomach infrastructure” arose from the 2015 election in Ekiti state when gubernatorial candidate Ayodele Fayosi mobilized voters with food items and defeated his opponent Kayode Fayemi. It is undeniable that Nigerian political culture rewards incompetent leaders over reform-minded leaders who demonstrate the intellectualism and problem-solving capabilities needed to adequately address systemic issues of poverty and inequality. 

Jason Brennan   describes the practice of incentivizing people to be irrational and ignorant with their votes as the unintended consequence of democracy. Brennan believes specific expertise is required to tackle socio-economic issues, so political power should be apportioned based on expert knowledge. As Brennan suggests, Nigeria lacks a system of governance in which leadership is based on capability. Rather, the political system in Nigeria is dominated by individuals who gain power through nepotism rather than competence, influence voters with food rather than vision, and consolidate power through intimidation or by incentivizing constituents with material gifts which they frame as “empowerment” to keep them subservient and loyal political followers. By implication, the failure of governance in Nigeria is arguably the result of incompetent leadership.

Nigeria needs a new model of governance in which political leadership is based on the knowledge and competence of both political leaders and the electorate. One solution is to establish what Brennan refers to as epistocracy , which is a system of governance in which the votes of politically informed citizens should count more than the less informed. For  J ustin Klocksiem , epistocracy represents a political system in which political power rests exclusively on highly educated citizens. This idea drew its philosophical influence from  John Stuart Mill , who believed that the eligibility to vote should be accorded to individuals who satisfy certain educational criteria. The notion that educational attainment should be the prerequisite for the electorate to choose their leaders as proposed by Brennan, Klocksiem, and Mill is an important proposition that should be taken seriously. 

However, one cannot ignore that such thinking originates from societies where civic education is high and the electorate can make informed choices about leadership. In Nigeria, the majority of citizens are uneducated on political issues. Simultaneously, those who are highly educated are increasingly becoming indifferent to political participation; they have lost faith in the power of their votes and the integrity of the political system. For an epistocratic system to work in Nigeria, there must be significant improvements in literacy levels so that citizens are educated about the issues and can use their knowledge to make informed decisions about Nigeria’s political future. 

It is important to mention that Nigeria’s political elites have exploited illiteracy to reinforce ethnic, religious, and political divisions between groups that impede democratic ideals. Since the resultant effect of epistocracy is to instill knowledge, raise consciousness and self-awareness within a polity anchored on the failed system of democracy, decisions that promote the education of uninformed voters are the rationale for an epistocratic system of governance. The Constitution must ensure that only citizens who can formulate policies and make informed decisions in the public’s best interest can run for public office. When the Constitution dictates the standard of epistocratic governance, informed citizens will be better equipped to champion political leadership or determine the qualifications of their leaders. Epistocratic governance will be the alternative to Nigeria’s current dysfunctional democratic system while retaining the aspects of liberal democracy that maintain checks and balances.  

We are not, however, oblivious that implementing such an epistocratic system of governance in Nigeria potentially contributes to more inequality given its highly undemocratic and exclusive nature. Our argument takes into consideration the contextual realities of poverty and illiteracy and the realization that poor and illiterate constituents have less power to evaluate the credibility of public servants or hold them accountable. The benefits of electing epistocratic leaders are that many citizens would desire to be educated in preparation for leadership. The more educated the population the more likely it is that political leaders will be held accountable. However, the kind of education that is needed to significantly transform the governance landscape in Nigeria is civic education. 

We propose three policies to promote epistocratic governance in Nigeria. First, aspiring leaders must demonstrate the intellectual pedigree to translate knowledge into effective, transparent, and accountable governance that leads to national prosperity. As Rotimi Fawole notes, the bar should be higher for those aspiring to executive or legislative office “to improve the ideas that are put forward and the intellectual rigor applied to the discussions that underpin our statehood.”

Second, the government must increase access to education through government-sponsored initiatives that integrate civic education into school curriculums. Currently, little opportunity exists for young Nigerians, particularly those in underfunded public education systems, to learn about their civic roles at the local, state, national, and international levels, including how to emerge as participating citizens through the academic curriculum. 

Third, the government should engage the support of local NGOs to promote civic education across Nigeria in culturally appropriate ways. The NGOs should be empowered to define the legal concept of citizenship and summarize specific civil rights enshrined in the Constitution into a Charter of Rights and Responsibilities modeled after the Canadian Charter. The Charter should include value positions essential to an effective democracy, such as the rights of citizens, social justice, accountable governance, and rule of law. It can then be commissioned as a resource for civics education in Nigeria.  

This article recognizes that Nigeria is grappling with governance challenges orchestrated by two decades of a failed democratic project. Governing these challenges requires knowledgeable leaders and an equally informed electorate. Like any new experiment, there are concerns about the viability of epistocracy as a political system, particularly in a Nigerian context fraught with ethnoreligious and political challenges. But Nigeria will only have effective governance when the right people are saddled with the responsibility to govern. However, change cannot be spontaneous. The implementation of an epistocratic system of governance within the Nigerian context must be incremental, bearing in mind that Nigeria’s democracy is still evolving.  

Obasesam Okoi is Assistant Professor of Justice and Peace Studies at the University of St. Thomas , Minnesota, where he teaches Intro to Justice and Peace Studies, Public Policy Analysis and Advocacy, and Social Policy in a Changing World. His research interests and expertise include governance and peacebuilding, insurgency and counterinsurgency, assessment of post-conflict peacebuilding programs and policies, and peace engineering. He has published in prominent peer-reviewed journals such as World Development, Conflict Resolution Quarterly, African Security, and Peace Review. 

MaryAnne Iwara is a Senior Jennings Randolph Fellow in the program on Countering Violent Extremism at the United States Institute of Peace (USIP), USA, and a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR), Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Nigeria. Very recently, she was a Policy Leader Fellow at the School of Transnational Governance, European University Institute, Florence, Italy. She is currently a PhD student at the University of Leipzig, Germany.

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National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu. [PHOTO CREDIT: Official X handle of Mr Ribadu | https://x.com/NuhuRibadu/status/1706387205881581715?s=20]

How to end insecurity in northern Nigeria – Nuhu Ribadu

Nuhu ribadu provides an elaborate analysis of the menace of insecurity in northern nigeria and highlights the strategy of the president bola tinubu administration for addressing national security challenges generally..

A comprehensive and cohesive response is required to effectively address the menace of insecurity in northern Nigeria, the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, has stated.

Mr Ribadu stated this in a lecture he presented on Thursday at the convocation ceremony of Usmanu DanFodiyo University , Sokoto.

In the lecture, the NSA provided an elaborate analysis of the menace and highlighted the strategy of the President Bola Tinubu administration for addressing national security challenges generally.

Mr Ribadu described insecurity in northern Nigeria as a “complex web” that is influenced by a blend of socio-economic, ethnic, and religious factors.

He said banditry has deep historical roots in the region, and argued that the British conquest of the Northern Protectorate in 1903 and the subsequent amalgamation with the Southern Protectorate in 1914 were partly motivated by the desire to curb armed banditry and enhance regional security.

“Although economic motives often dominate discussions about this amalgamation, the need to improve security, especially in the largely ungoverned Muslim North, was a significant factor.

“Lord Lugard, the first Colonial Officer of the Protectorate, experienced numerous confrontations with armed bandits who used ambush tactics with devastating efficiency, underscoring the security challenges of the time.

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“Lugard’s encounters in areas like Nupeland, Kano, and Borguland, where he was wounded by bandits, highlighted the region’s precarious security situation.”

Mr Ribadu said estimates suggest there are now over 300 bandit warlords, “each commanding at least 50 fighters operational across different regions of Northern Nigeria.”

However, he said the menace has since undergone a significant transformation, exacerbated by widespread trafficking of small arms across the region and other parts of Nigeria.

“Previously confined to local skirmishes and cattle rustling, modern-day banditry in the region has escalated into a lucrative and deadly operation. This involves kidnapping for ransom and large-scale violence that destabilises entire communities. This evolution reflects broader socio-economic despair and a governance vacuum, realities that have allowed bandits to grow their tactics and access sophisticated weaponry.”

Addressing banditry today requires “not only a security response but also an understanding and addressing of its deep-rooted causes,” Mr Ribadu stressed.

Drivers of insecurity

He identified some of the factors driving insecurity in the region as land use disputes, changing livelihoods and climate change, reciprocal radicalisation, security sector challenges (inadequate security force capacity and professionalism, marked by under-resourcing and excessive force), access to arms, corruption and injustice, and regional overspill (Nigeria’s proximity to fragile states and the existence of numerous unofficial border crossings facilitates the movement of insurgent groups and bandits).

Mr Ribadu lamented that the multifaceted insecurity issues confronting northern Nigeria are “intricately linked to the region’s low Human Development Index (HDI) scores, which encapsulate vital dimensions like education, health, and economic opportunities.

“This connection underscores a cyclic relationship where underdevelopment fuels violence, and vice versa, emphasising the intricate nature of the challenges faced.”

Ultimate solution

To effectively address these issues, the NSA said a comprehensive and cohesive response is required.

He said the ultimate solution has to be multifaceted, “one that marries military, political, and socio-economic strategies with robust cross-border cooperation and deep community engagement.”

How Tinubu Administration is confronting2 challenges

Mr Ribadu noted that the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Tinubu provided a framework for comprehensively addressing the various aspects of insecurity.

“This agenda includes provisions for bolstering security forces, implementing community-based security initiatives, promoting socio-economic development, and fostering inter-communal dialogue to address grievances and foster reconciliation.

“Through the Renewed Hope Agenda, the government aims to tackle the underlying causes of insecurity by addressing issues such as poverty, unemployment, social marginalisation, and ethnic tensions. By implementing targeted interventions and reforms, the government seeks to create an environment conducive to peace and stability in Northern Nigeria.”

He said the president was also deliberate in appointing northerners to top security positions, “aiming to involve those with proximity to the issues in the crafting of solutions.”

Aside from the NSA who is from Adamawa State, the Minister of Defence (Badaru Abubakar), Minister of State for Defence (Bello Matawalle) and the Chief of Defence Staff (Christopher Musa) are from the northern part of Nigeria.

READ ALSO:  Addressing multi-dimensional insecurity challenges in Northern Nigeria, By Nuhu Ribadu

“By championing an integrated strategy that equally prioritises prevention and the building of resilience, we hope to attain a pragmatic roadmap towards achieving stability and prosperity in Northern Nigeria.

“This comprehensive approach, aimed at mending the socio-political fabric of the region, sets a new precedent for addressing deep-seated security issues through collective determination, strategic action, and a commitment to inclusive governance,” the NSA said.

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This article examines corrupt practices among members of the Nigeria Police Force in the context of rising internal insecurity. Of particular concern was to determine the extent and dimensions of corruption within the police, the factors responsible for such practices and how they impact on the safety of lives and property of members of the public. The research combined both primary and secondary data which were collected through opinion survey (questionnaire) and content analysis of secondary materials (journals, articles, newspapers and internet materials) respectively. The study revealed that police corruption is a major contributing factor to internal insecurity in Nigeria. A commonly mentioned effect of police corruption on the society is the loss of lives through extrajudicial killings; arrest and illegal detention of citizens orchestrated by policemen and citizens’ unwillingness to report suspected cases of crimes to police making such crimes difficult to curtail. The causes...

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Ibrahim A. A., Ph.D.

Corruption is endemic social problem in Nigerian society; it is particularly objectionable in Nigeria Police Force. This study x-ray prevalence and consequences of corruption in Nigeria Police Force. It predominantly utilized secondary data. This study has identified that, in Nigeria, the police force has become an epitome of all multi corrupt and fraudulent schemes which constitute a stumbling block to the effective administration of justice and efficient maintenance of law and order in Nigeria and have soiled the image of the force. Thus, the study recommends fundamental restructuring, reorganization, total war against police graft to re-invent a new image for the police and professionalization through further training and re-education in the force which would hopefully launch the Nigerian Police Force on the positive side of history.

Dr. Ishaka Dele , Zainab Kankara

ABSTRACT Based on historical antecedent, the Nigeria Police constitutes a crop of public servants who enforces civil and criminal laws. However, they are notorious for abressive corrupt acts such as bribe collection. If the enforcers of the law are breakers of the law, who is to be trusted in the society? This paper examined how corruption constitutes obstacles to effective policing and undermines professionalism of the Nigeria Police Force. The methodology adopted in the study was secondary source of data collection and structured interviews. The findings of the study indicated that The Nigeria Police Force has been compromised by corruption, and this has maligned its image as an effective organ for maintaining peace and order in Nigeria. The paper recommended that professionalism should be the philosophy that guides the Police Force. Circuit televisions and tapes should be provided to highway police men and majority of the police men should be given high incentives.

Oluwagbenga M Akinlabi

Most findings from developed western societies – particularly USA and UK – have consistently found that young people's judgement about police legitimacy is built predominantly on procedural justice. Empirical investigations to test this assertion among youth from developing and less cohesive societies remain scarce. This article explores the possibility of closing this gap in literature. It assesses the strength of procedural justice effect in comparison with other police behaviour and inherent characteristics of young people in Nigeria. Using data collected from six secondary schools in Nigeria, the results substantiate the procedural justice hypothesis in the West; confirming that procedural justice is a more important predictor of police legitimacy than police effectiveness. The study also confirm that police legitimacy is further associated with other variables included in the analysis. The implications of these current findings are discussed.

Usman mohammed

This study empirically examines the everyday problem of corrupt policing and other related abuses in Nigeria, and how these deviant behaviours engender public cynicism towards the law. In any democratic society, police officers are expected to be accountable for their actions and inactions. But the perennial problem in Nigeria is that the police are not accountable to anyone. The history of Nigeria policing is littered with accounts of deviance, malevolent attitudes towards the public and failures of the police organization in detecting or disciplining errant officers. Using a sample of 462 participants from a cross-sectional survey, this study examines whether actual or vicarious experiences of police deviance are likely to predict public cynicism towards the law. This current study corroborates previous assertions that the relationship between the police and the public in Nigeria is poor and that police deviance engenders cynicism towards the law. Implications for policy making and law-abiding behaviour are discussed

CleenFoundation Nigeria

Prince A. Adedoyin

Calabar Journal of Politics and Administration

Augustine Aboh

This article interrogates the salient factors that hinder the effectiveness of the most desirous community policing architecture in Nigeria. Community policing is a policing philosophy that fosters proactive problem solving of all kinds of crime through cooperation of the state law enforcement agents with the members of the community. It entails preventing, analysing and combating signs and act of criminality in the community. However, in Nigeria, Community policing is faced with some existential challenges that has made its adoption and operation less effective. This article examines amongst others; police corruption, poor condition of service of the police and the lack of public cooperation, flabby incorporation of ethnic militias popularly known as vigilante, community lack of trust on police as factors militating against the success of community policing in Nigeria. This paper argues that corruption, the improper incorporation of the informal police (Vigilante) and the working conditions and poor remuneration of the Nigeria police, is the reason why community policing is less effective in Nigeria. The article concludes that when these intractable challenges are properly addressed the internal security architecture of Nigeria will be viable enough to combat all forms of crime and foster viable security, sustainable peace and development in society.

Muhammad Tamim

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